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Thesis Title: the Phonology of Present—Day Cantonese Name of Candidate

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Thesis Title: the Phonology of Present—Day Cantonese Name of Candidate Thesis title: The phonology of present—day Cantonese Name of candidate: Cheung, Kwan—hin Degree submitted for: PhD College: University College FRONT p.1 / flL \ ABSTRACT This thesis describes the phonology of present-day Cantonese. In addition to tone, onset and rime, the thesis also covers realization, variation, casual speech and intonation. A separate chapter considers the syllable as a whole. With sympathetic understanding, the thesis reviews previous work on the subject. In doing so, it tries to provide principled answers to the questions how and why Cantonese phonologies differ. In its own treatment of the subject, it benefits from indigenous Chinese phonology, classical phonemics, Firthian prosodic phonology, SPE phonology, and autosegmental phonology, as well as European structuralism, while dismissing the time-honoured principle of unilinear phoneme-size segmentation as inappropriate for Cantonese. The mora is introduced into the organization of Cantonese sounds. The descriptive device of autosegmental phonology enables us to consider morae as "autosegments", thereby capturing a number of regularities which are otherwise difficult to characterize elegantly. Another innovation in the thesis is the idea of "coercion", a process whereby uncanonical phonetic forms, which arise as the output of casual speech processes, are replaced by canonical forms. The mora, coercion, and autosegmental representations together account for a good deal of lower-level regularities, especially in casual, connected speech. They also contribute to understanding the discrepancies among different phonologies of Cantonese. By enabling a dynamic and holistic view of the organization of Cantonese sounds, they cast light on the static and fragmentary nature of many prevailing views on the subject. FRONT p.2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract of thesis Table of contents Acknowledgments CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Aim and scope 1.2 Presentation of thesis 1.2.1 Strategy of presentation 1.2.2 Organization of thesis 1.3 Previous work on the subject 1.3.1 Why works differ? 1.3.2 Survey of literature 1.4 Framework of description CHAPTER 2: TEE REFERENCE DESCRIPTION 2.1 Presenting a standard description 2.2 Departures from Standard Description 2.2.1 Omissions in Standard Description 2.2.2 Over-differentiations in Standard Description 2.2.2.1 n- vs 1- 2.2.2.2 rj- vs 0- 2.3 Summary CHAPTER 3: TONE 3.1 The inventory of tones 3.1.1 Occlusive tones 3.1.2 Suggested merger of T3 and T5 3.1.3 Suggested split of Ti 3.2 Tone modification and related questions 3.2.1 The high-rising modified tone and T2 3.2.2 The high-even modified tone and Ti 3.3 The characterization of tones FRONT p.3 CHAPTER 4: RIME 4.1 The characterization of codas 4.2 The treatment of vowels 4.2.1 Adjustments to Reference Description 4.2.1.1 The treatment of non-low short vowels 4.2.1.2 The treatment of y: 4.2.1.3 Resultant arrangement of vowels 4.2.2 A critical account of other treatments of vowels 4.2.3 The characterization of vowels 4.3 Characterizing the wellformed rime CHAPTER 5: ONSET 5.1 Clustering 5.1.1 Setting the background 5.1.2 The "zero initial" 5.1.3 gw- and kw- 5.1.4 Consonant-lateral clusters 5.1.5 Summary 5.2 The characterization of onsets 5.2.1 Place of articulation 5.2.2 Manner of articulation 5.3 Comparison with coda CHAPTER 6: THE MORA 6.1 Vowel-coda length complementarity 6.2 A moraic interpretation of vowel and coda length 6.3 The mora and syllable isochrony 6.4 A moraic characterization of rime types 6.5 Mora versus feature 6.6 The place of the mora in the syllable FRONT p.4 CHAPTER 7: THE SYLLABLE 7.1 Syllabic nasals 7.2 Syllable-constituent combination restrictions 7.2.1 [*occlusionj 7.2.1.1 With tone 7.2.1.2 With rime 7.2.2 Onset 7.2.2.1 With tone 7.2.2.1.1 Nasals 7.2.2.1.2 Stops 7.2.2.2 With coda 7.2.2.3 With rime 7.3 Characterizing the weilformed syllable 7.3.1 The syllable structure revisited 7.3.2 Summarizing the wellformed syllable CHAPTER 8: REALIZATION 8.1 [±occlusionj 8.2 Tones 8.3 Vowels 8.4 Codas 8.5 Onsets 8.6 The place of articulation of sibilants 8.7 Lip-rounding harmony CHAPTER 9: VARIATION 9.1 A taxonomy of pronunciation variation 9.2 Systemic variations 9.2.1 [* merger of n- and 1-] 9.2.2 [± merger of - and g-j 9.2.3 [* merger of - and -nJ 9.2.4 [* merger of T3 and T5J 9.2.5 [ split of Tl} FRONT p.5 9.3 Combinational variations 9.3.1 Vowel with -i 9.3.2 i/- with tone 9.3.3 gw/kw- with vowel 9.3.4 Sibilant onsets with vowel 9.3.5 r:/io with coda 9.3.6 [r)) [nil 9.4 Lexical-incidential variations 9.4.1 Rules and the lexicon in pronunciation variation 9.4.2 Semi-regular lexi.cal-incidential variations 9.4.3 Merger-suggestive lexical-incidential variations 9.4.4 Isolated lexical-incidential variations 9.5 Correlating pronunciation variables with non-linguistic variables 9.5.1 Geographical variables 9.5.2 Chronological variables 9.5.3 Social variables 9.5.4 Stylistic variables CHAPTER 10: BEYOND THE SYLLABLE 10.1 Casual speech 10.1.1 Cross-syllable assimilation 10.1.1.1 Contiguous assimilation 10.1.1.2 Non-contiguous assimilation 10.1.2 Non-initial onset lenition 10.1.3 Contraction 10.1.3.1 Mora deletion 10.1.3.2 Coda deletion 10.1.3.3 Cl- formation 10.1.3.4 Bisyllabic fusion 10.2 Intonation 10.2.1 Intonation in the narrow sense 10.2.2 Modification of the final tone REFKRE!CES FRONT p.6 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to thank D.C. Bennett, J Harris and A Mtenje for commenting on certain points contained in earlier versions of the thesis; P Davis, Jiãng YiIxlng, R McKee, I Roca and H S-H Yeung for providing me with very useful material which is otherwise not available to me; J Y-M Chan, J Crompton and Q' Lili for helping me in technical matters in final-stage thesis production; and the Department of Phonetics and Linguistics, UCL, for allowing me to use the word-processing facilities of the Department. No words can express my gratitude to J.C. Wells, my supervisor, for the amount of hard work in improving various drafts of the thesis, for his encouragement and for his unfailing and literally astonishing efficiency. FRONT p.7 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1.1 AIm and scope This thesis describes the phonology- of present-day Cantonese. By description I mean that the study follows the not very long but by now firmly established tradition of descriptive linguistics. Chomakyan linguists distinguish between observational, descriptive and explanatory adequacy. I find the distinction between observational and descriptive adequacy a convincing and useful one; needless to say I shall not be content with my account being merely observationaily adequate. The distinction between descriptive and explanatory adequacy, however, Is not crystal clear to me. The distinction sounds straight- forward; thus Chomsky (1965:25) writes: To the extent that a linguistic theory succeeds in selecting a descriptively adequate grammar on the basis of primary linguistic data, we can say that it meets the condition of explanatory adequacy. But such selection presupposes an established general theory of grammar, with built-In evaluation measures and a flawless grasp of language universala. Such presupposition is In my opinion premature. SUch (1972:141) poInts out an obvious difficulty Involved: In constructing an acquisition model, the first few plausible (approximations of) descriptively adequate grammars (dags] have a profound influence. For it is the abstract features of these grammars which are taken as quasi-universals. Yet the selection of these first dags over indefinitely many alternatives is completely unmotivated by any linguistic evidence. Which d is first constructed is largely a matter of historical accident. But the accident casts its shadow over all future work. The acquisition model serves to direct future research into the channel forged by these first grammars, even though there are Indefinitely many other possible channels available. On the other hand, it can be argued that a good deal of sensible evaluation of grammar can be and has been conducted in accordance INTRO p.8 with the requirements of descriptive adequacy. Thus, rather than pretend to explain, I am content to describe in what I think to be the most adequate way. "Phonology" is construed to be, at one end, sufficiently different from morphology in principle, and at the other, wide enough to include a fair amount of phonetic detail. The demarcation between phonology and morphology is a matter of some controversy. The indeterminacy lies in which side to place morphophonological alternation. This thesis takes the narrower view of phonology in this respect. Morphology is referred to only if It sheds light on phonology proper; whether this is labelled "morphophonology" is a separate question. Since there is very little morphophonological alternation in Cantonese, and even this small amount is subject to lexicalization, there is no significant consequence of adopting either view of phonology. At the more concrete end, the phonetic commitment of the thesis means that problems of variation will not be dodged. And quite in- dependently from this reason, I hold that pronunciation variation is an integral part of the phonology of any language. An important reason for this is that we are considering a speech community, not an idiolect.
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