DOCSLIB.ORG

Who's Who in Russia's Parliamentary Elections

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

22 WebMemo Published by The Heritage Foundation No. 1706 November 20, 2007 Who’s Who in Russia’s Parliamentary Elections Yevgeny Volk On December 2, an estimated 100 million Rus- a clear message that the integrity of Russia’s dem- sian voters are expected to elect 450 deputies to the ocratic process will largely determine the direc- State Duma, the Russian Federal Assembly’s lower tion of its development and the future U.S.– house. Unlike every parliamentary election since Russian relations. 1993, all the deputies will be chosen from the party Peculiarities of Existing Electoral Law and lists compiled by the leaders of 11 parties formally Campaigning. To Russians, parliamentary elections registered to run in the election. The 450 seats will are not as critical as the presidential election. This is be distributed on a proportional basis among parties 1 a result of many factors, including the Russian Con- that receive at least 7 percent of the vote. stitution, a feeble civil society, a weak system of In Russia, parliament is seriously circumscribed checks and balances, dramatic strengthening of the by presidential rule. The Duma is almost completely executive branch under President Vladimir Putin, subservient to the incumbent regime, rubber and the Kremlin’s control over large parties. stamping laws initiated by the Kremlin. At the same In contrast to the four preceding State Duma time, parliamentary elections are important to the elections, the upcoming parliamentary vote will see Kremlin, because they retain some semblance of an the electorate’s choices significantly restricted. enduring democratic institution in Russia and indi- Amendments to the election law have eliminated cate that the country belongs to a civilized demo- individual candidates for majority (single mandate) cratic community. Yet, Russia’s electoral process is districts. The electoral threshold for political parties entrenched in corruption, and the government has was increased from 5 percent to 7 percent, effec- curtailed observation by international watchdogs. tively denying representation to supporters of the Now that President Putin has agreed to lead the center-right Union of Right Forces and liberal-left pro-government United Russia ticket, the upcom- Yabloko. In addition, the mandated minimum voter ing elections look like a referendum on the credibil- turnout required for a valid election was abolished.2 ity of the President and his Cabinet. Since victory is Political parties face tough registration requirements a forgone conclusion, the regime will undoubtedly designed by the Justice Ministry and the Central use the election results as a justification to keep Putin in power. Although Putin is required by the Constitution to step down in early 2008, a resound- This paper, in its entirety, can be found at: ing victory by United Russia will give him a man- www.heritage.org/Research/RussiaandEurasia/wm1706.cfm date to promote his protégé to the presidency. Produced by the Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for Foreign Policy Studies While it should avoid choosing sides in the Published by The Heritage Foundation election, the United States must send the Kremlin 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE Washington, DC 20002–4999 (202) 546-4400 • heritage.org Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. No. 1706 November 20, 2007 WebMemo Elections Commission. A Putin-approved law from serious trump cards. Inflation has climbed 10 per- July 2000 raised the minimum nationwide mem- cent this year and eats up the better part of bership for registered political parties from 10,000 increased incomes. Reforms related to pensions, to 50,000; the threshold was just 100 in the mid- self-government, and municipal issues fell flat; 1990s.3 These regulations implicitly favor the par- privatization was aborted. Administrative reforms ties that toe the Kremlin line, as the authorities ended in failure.5 The government has stepped up tended to turn a blind eye to their manipulations by its crackdown on business. strong parties. At the same time, the parties critical The social apathy of the better part of Russia’s of the regime, like the Republican Party, headed by voters is another peculiarity of the present cam- independent State Duma deputies Vladimir Ryzh- paign. Most voters do not believe the elections will kov and Vladimir Lysenko, were denied registration affect their lives. Polls show that nearly half the pop- and are now defending their rights in the European 123 ulation is sure that most Duma deputies discharge Court of Human Rights. their duties poorly or very poorly.6 The State Still, 11 parties have been registered for the Duma’s approval rating is one of the lowest for Rus- elections: the Agrarian Party of Russia, Civil sian government and public policy institutions. Force, the Democratic Party of Russia, the Com- Poor ratings for live election debates on govern- munist Party (KPRF), the Union of Right Forces ment-run television channels further reveal the lack (SPS), the Party of Social Justice, the Liberal Dem- of public interest in the Duma and its deputies.7 ocratic Party of Russia (LDPR), A Just Russia, United Russia as Clear Frontrunner. Accord- Patriots of Russia, United Russia, and Yabloko. ing to most forecasts, United Russia is likely to win Only two to four of them are likely to win seats in a hands-down victory in the upcoming election. the Duma: United Russia, the Communist Party, The fact that its federal ticket includes President Just Russia, and LDPR. Putin has dramatically boosted its ratings. Ultimately, the key campaign issues are popular United Russia is a major league bureaucratic support for Putin and the living standard of the party that was designed for Russia’s officialdom in population. Putin and his United Russia are parad- the image and likeness of the former Communist ing the following achievements before the public: Party of the Soviet Union. Membership in the party high economic growth rates (an average of 6.5 per- is mandatory for rising to key government positions. cent for 2000–2007, with 6.7 percent in 2006); a Significantly, “in 62 of the 83 regions, it named the wage surge (13.4 percent in 2006); a pension hike governors to head its party lists.”8 It is common (21 percent in 2007); a spike in appropriations for knowledge, though, that none of these governors social services, primarily for education, healthcare, has any intention of stepping down and working in housing, and the depressive agricultural sector; and 4 the Duma. Upon getting elected, they will simply a rise in defense allocation. give up their Duma seats to candidates ranked next At the same time, the opposition—both on the to them on the party lists. Their role is that of an right and the left flanks—is also in possession of engine to promote United Russia’s candidates. 1. Moscow Times, “11 Parties Registered,” October 29, 2007. 2. Izvestia, “Floating 7-Percent Threshold,” September 5, 2007. 3. “On Political Parties,” Federal Law of the Russian Federation No. 95-FZ (July 11, 2001), Art. 3, at www.democracy.ru/ english/library/laws/parties_fz95_eng/index.html, and Freedom House, Freedom in the World 1996-1997 (Washington, D.C.: Freedom House, 1997), p. 423. 4. President Vladimir Putin. “Our Plans Are Not Just Big, They Are Grand,” Izvestia, October 19, 2007. 5. Vladimir Milov, “Years of Reforms: Resume,” Vedomosti, November 14, 2007. 6. Dmitri Kamyshev, Viktor Khamrayev, “Idlers, Idiots, Swindlers,” Kommersant, July 7, 2007. 7. Arina Borodina, “Viewers Unconnected to Elections,” Kommersant, November 13, 2007. 8. Moscow Times, “The Faces of United Russia,” October 23, 2007. page 2 No. 1706 November 20, 2007 WebMemo The Party of Millionaires. Under the electoral In regions with largely non-Russian ethnic pop- code, every State Duma aspirant must declare his or ulations and strong clan traditions—such as the her income and holdings. United Russia candidates’ North Caucasus and Western Urals—the fact that incomes, at least by Russian standards, are signifi- local leaders run for parliament on United Russia’s cantly higher than those of most other parties. Pres- regional ticket serves as a voting model for the rest ident Putin’s 2006 annual income of $80,000 ranks of the local populace. In such provinces, the num- among United Russia’s lowest. Then again, Samara ber of votes cast for “the party of power” is normally Provincial Governor Vladimir Artyakov earned $57 significantly higher than the country’s average. million last year; Duma deputy Vladislav Reznik United Russia’s candidate list contains quite a made $47 million; another deputy, Vladimir few popular Russian personalities. Apart from Gruzdev, made $38 million. Putin is presented as Putin, it includes Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov; being much poorer than most provincial governors, Emergency Situations Minister Sergei Shoigu; Tatar- whose annual incomes are significantly higher than 9 stan President Mintimer Shaimiyev; and prominent $1 million. These incomes are substantial by Rus- athletes, scholars, and entertainers. Loyalty to Putin sian standards; Russia’s average monthly salary of is their common feature. The other trend is connec- $600 is comparable with the U.S. poverty line. tion to business: “…an analysis of United Russia’s United Russia’s structural and status criteria are party list shows that at least 72 of the 600 candi- not the only parameters likening it to the extinct dates, or 12 percent, have direct links to large or Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Communist medium-size businesses. Many of the candidates traditions are clearly visible in its campaign drive. occupy high posts on the lists, indicating that they United Russia’s campaign platform, named “Putin have good chances to win Duma seats.”11 Plan is the People’s Plan,” echoes Communist slo- United Russia is raising its election campaign gans that go back 30 to 40 years.
Recommended publications
  • Technocrat Or Silovik Special Raport on Russian Governors

    Technocrat Or Silovik Special Raport on Russian Governors

    SPECIAL REPORT 26/02/2018 TECHNOCRAT OR SILOVIK SPECIAL RAPORT ON RUssIAN GOVERNORS The Warsaw Institute Foundation TECHNOCRAT OR SILOVIK. SPECIAL REPORT ON RUSSIAN GOVERNORS • The large-scale personnel changes in the Russian Federation indicates that such a situation is not only due to the pre-election campaign as loyal and efficient people are needed in order to ensure the proper result of the vote. It constitutes an element of a new role of the regions in the Putin regime, which may be associated with the start of his new presidential term. • The aforementioned personnel reshuffles result from the state’s increasing centralisation, which seems to be additionally fuelled by growing importance of the so-called siloviki. • The entire process has begun right after changes within the leadership of the Presidential Administration (also referred as PA). The key role is played by its head, Anton Vaino, as well as Sergey Kiriyenko who has recently replaced Vyacheslav Volodin as first deputy chief of staff of the Presidential Administration. • The fact of restoring direct gubernatorial election in 2012 has only seemingly strengthened their position. Indeed, it is getting weaker, if only because the president is given full freedom to dismiss governors and appoint acting ones, who confirm their mandate in a fully controlled election. • Importantly, none of the changes, which occurred in 2017, could be justified from economic point of view. Such regions as Mordovia, Khakassia and Kabardino-Balkar struggle with the most difficult financial situation. Even though, governors of these regions managed to retain their positions. Interestingly, it is no longer enough to maintain political calm (with no protests being organized), demonstrate economic successes and to obediently fulfill Putin’s decrees.
  • Organized Crime 1.1 Gaizer’S Criminal Group

    Organized Crime 1.1 Gaizer’S Criminal Group

    INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 4 CHAPTER I. ORGANIZED CRIME 1.1 Gaizer’s Criminal Group ..................................................................................6 1.2 Bandits in St. Petersburg ............................................................................ 10 1.3 The Tsapok Gang .......................................................................................... 14 Chapter II.CThe Corrupt Officials 2.1 «I Fell in Love with a Criminal» ................................................................20 2.2 Female Thief with a Birkin Bag ...............................................................24 2.3 «Moscow Crime Boss».................................................................................29 CONTENTS CHAPTER III. THE BRibE-TAKERS 3.1 Governor Khoroshavin’s medal «THE CRIMINAL RUSSIA PARTY», AN INDEPENDENT EXPERT REPORT «For Merit to the Fatherland» ..................................................................32 PUBLISHED IN MOSCOW, AUGUST 2016 3.2 The Astrakhan Brigade ...............................................................................36 AUTHOR: ILYA YASHIN 3.3 A Character from the 1990s ......................................................................39 MATERiaL COMPILING: VERONIKA SHULGINA HAPTER HE ROOKS TRANSLATION: C 4. T C EVGENia KARA-MURZA 4.1 Governor Nicknamed Hans .......................................................................42 GRAPHICS: PavEL YELIZAROV 4.2 The Party
  • Observation of the Presidential Election in the Russian Federation (4 March 2012)

    Observation of the Presidential Election in the Russian Federation (4 March 2012)

    Parliamentary Assembly Assemblée parlementaire http://assembly.coe.int Doc. 12903 23 April 2012 Observation of the presidential election in the Russian Federation (4 March 2012) Election observation report Ad hoc Committee of the Bureau Rapporteur: Mr Tiny KOX, Netherlands, Group of the Unified European Left Contents Page 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 1 2. Political and legal context ....................................................................................................................... 2 3. Election administration and voter and candidate registration .................................................................3 4. The campaign period and the media environment.................................................................................. 4 5. Complaints and appeals ......................................................................................................................... 5 6. Election day ............................................................................................................................................ 5 7. Conclusions ............................................................................................................................................ 6 Appendix 1 – Composition of the ad hoc committee.................................................................................... 8 Appendix 2 – Programme of the pre-electoral mission (Moscow,
  • RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government

    RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government

    N°66 - November 22 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-4 Politics & Government c KREMLIN The highly-orchestrated launching into orbit cThe highly-orchestrated launching into orbit of of the «national leader» the «national leader» Only a few days away from the legislative elections, the political climate in Russia grew particu- STORCHAK AFFAIR larly heavy with the announcement of the arrest of the assistant to the Finance minister Alexey Ku- c Kudrin in the line of fire of drin (read page 2). Sergey Storchak is accused of attempting to divert several dozen million dol- the Patrushev-Sechin clan lars in connection with the settlement of the Algerian debt to Russia. The clan wars in the close DUMA guard of Vladimir Putin which confront the Igor Sechin/Nikolay Patrushev duo against a compet- cUnited Russia, electoral ing «Petersburg» group based around Viktor Cherkesov, overflows the limits of the «power struc- home for Russia’s big ture» where it was contained up until now to affect the entire Russian political power complex. business WAR OF THE SERVICES The electoral campaign itself is unfolding without too much tension, involving men, parties, fac- cThe KGB old guard appeals for calm tions that support President Putin. They are no longer legislative elections but a sort of plebicite campaign, to which the Russian president lends himself without excessive good humour. The objec- PROFILE cValentina Matvienko, the tive is not even to know if the presidential party United Russia will be victorious, but if the final score “czarina” of Saint Petersburg passes the 60% threshhold.
  • Elections in Russia in 2011-2012: Will the Wind of Change Keep Blowing?

    Elections in Russia in 2011-2012: Will the Wind of Change Keep Blowing?

    In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2012, Baden-Baden 2013, pp. 77-94. Elena Kropatcheva Elections in Russia in 2011-2012: Will the Wind of Change Keep Blowing? Introduction Russians have long had the reputation of being passive about, uninterested in, and disengaged from politics, and Western observers, in particular, have been puzzled by this passivity. Protests that started in December 2011 as a re- sponse to election fraud during the Russian parliamentary elections, labelled in the mass media as the “new Decembrists” movement, “the Russian winter/ spring”, the “mink-coat” or “white revolution” and described using other col- ourful epithets, too, took many observers abroad and in Russia by surprise. These were the biggest protests since the 1990s. These events raised many questions: Who are these people who have started to protest? What are the reasons for these protests and why did they begin at that specific moment? How stable is Vladimir Putin’s system over- all? Will some liberalization of the system as a result of these protests be pos- sible? And many others. Even now, at the time of writing – August 2012 – it is difficult to give clear and definite answers to these questions, and some of them still have to be studied more closely by sociologists.1 This contribution starts with an overview of the parliamentary and presidential elections (election campaigns, their results and aftermath) that took place in Russia on 4 December 2011 and 4 March 2012, respectively. It then focuses on the protest movement and tries to give some answers to the aforementioned questions. Finally, it presents a survey of developments in Russian domestic policy after the elections in order to find indicators as to whether this wind of change will keep blowing.
  • Interview with Yulia Malysheva

    Interview with Yulia Malysheva

    A Revolution of the Mind INTERVIEW WITH YULIA MALYSHEVA ulia Sergeevna Malysheva is one of the leading youth activists in Russia. An elected Y municipal deputy in Moscow, a researcher at the Institute for the Economy in Transi- tion, and leader of the youth organization Oborona (which she cofounded) and of the youth branch of the SPS party, Malysheva also later became the leader of the youth branch of the People’s Democratic Union, the political movement led by former Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov. In this interview, she speaks about the possibility of a color revolution in Russia, cooperation with other domestic and international youth groups, the Kremlin’s worried reaction, the nature of the Nashi pro-Kremlin youth group, the attempts to unite the Russian democrats, the successes of Oborona, the chances the democrats have of returning to power, and what she expects from the West. Demokratizatsiya: Tell us about Oborona. Malysheva: Oborona is a youth organization that appeared with the Orange wave in Ukraine. It was important for us that many others were waiting for us, since youth have always been in the avant-garde. At that time, our adult colleagues kept arguing as to who was more important. In the end, they got 3 percent [in the Duma elections]. It was evi- dent that they were not well presented before the Russian voters. We founded Oborona not only with young people who sympathize with SPS, Yabloko, the [former SPS leader and independent candidate Irina] Khakamada movement and other such formations—but also with those who support the democratic process and oppose the Putin regime.
  • Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff

    Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff

    Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff Journal of Democracy, Volume 29, Number 1, January 2018, pp. 76-85 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0006 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/683637 Access provided by your local institution (13 Mar 2018 16:12 GMT) PRE created by BK on 11/20/17. The Rise of Kleptocracy POWER AND PLUNDER IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA Miriam Lanskoy and Dylan Myles-Primakoff Miriam Lanskoy is senior director for Russia and Eurasia at the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). She is the author, with Ilyas Akhmadov, of The Chechen Struggle: Independence Won and Lost (2010). Dylan Myles-Primakoff is senior program officer for Russia and Eurasia at the NED. Since Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999, the quest to restore the might of the Russian state at home and abroad has been a hallmark of his rule. Yet another such hallmark has been rampant looting by the country’s leaders. Thus Russia has figured prominently in recent schol- arly discussions about kleptocracies—regimes distinguished by a will- ingness to prioritize defending their leaders’ mechanisms of personal enrichment over other goals of statecraft. In a kleptocracy, then, cor- ruption plays an outsized role in determining policy. But how have the state-building and great-power ambitions of the new Russian elite coex- isted with its scramble for self-enrichment? Putin’s Russia offers a vivid illustration of how kleptocratic plunder can become not only an end in itself, but also a tool for both consolidating domestic political control and projecting power abroad.
  • Russia by Robert W

    Russia by Robert W

    Russia by Robert W. Orttung Capital: Moscow Population: 142.0 million GNI/capita: US$15,460 Source: The data above was provided by The World Bank, World Bank Indicators 2010. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 Electoral Process 4.25 4.50 4.75 5.50 6.00 6.25 6.50 6.75 6.75 6.75 Civil Society 4.00 4.00 4.25 4.50 4.75 5.00 5.25 5.50 5.75 5.75 Independent Media 5.25 5.50 5.50 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.25 6.25 6.25 Governance* 5.00 5.25 5.00 5.25 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a National Democratic Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.50 6.50 Local Democratic Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 5.75 Judicial Framework and Independence 4.50 4.75 4.50 4.75 5.25 5.25 5.25 5.25 5.50 5.50 Corruption 6.25 6.00 5.75 5.75 5.75 6.00 6.00 6.00 6.25 6.50 Democracy Score 4.88 5.00 4.96 5.25 5.61 5.75 5.86 5.96 6.11 6.14 * Starting with the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects.
  • S:\FULLCO~1\HEARIN~1\Committee Print 2018\Henry\Jan. 9 Report

    S:\FULLCO~1\HEARIN~1\Committee Print 2018\Henry\Jan. 9 Report

    Embargoed for Media Publication / Coverage until 6:00AM EST Wednesday, January 10. 1 115TH CONGRESS " ! S. PRT. 2d Session COMMITTEE PRINT 115–21 PUTIN’S ASYMMETRIC ASSAULT ON DEMOCRACY IN RUSSIA AND EUROPE: IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY A MINORITY STAFF REPORT PREPARED FOR THE USE OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION JANUARY 10, 2018 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations Available via World Wide Web: http://www.gpoaccess.gov/congress/index.html U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 28–110 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Mar 15 2010 04:06 Jan 09, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5012 Sfmt 5012 S:\FULL COMMITTEE\HEARING FILES\COMMITTEE PRINT 2018\HENRY\JAN. 9 REPORT FOREI-42327 with DISTILLER seneagle Embargoed for Media Publication / Coverage until 6:00AM EST Wednesday, January 10. COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS BOB CORKER, Tennessee, Chairman JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland MARCO RUBIO, Florida ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey RON JOHNSON, Wisconsin JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire JEFF FLAKE, Arizona CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware CORY GARDNER, Colorado TOM UDALL, New Mexico TODD YOUNG, Indiana CHRISTOPHER MURPHY, Connecticut JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming TIM KAINE, Virginia JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia EDWARD J. MARKEY, Massachusetts ROB PORTMAN, Ohio JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon RAND PAUL, Kentucky CORY A. BOOKER, New Jersey TODD WOMACK, Staff Director JESSICA LEWIS, Democratic Staff Director JOHN DUTTON, Chief Clerk (II) VerDate Mar 15 2010 04:06 Jan 09, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 S:\FULL COMMITTEE\HEARING FILES\COMMITTEE PRINT 2018\HENRY\JAN.
  • A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society

    A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects the Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society

    The Russian Opposition: A Survey of Groups, Individuals, Strategies and Prospects The Russia Studies Centre at the Henry Jackson Society By Julia Pettengill Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 1 First published in 2012 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society 8th Floor – Parker Tower, 43-49 Parker Street, London, WC2B 5PS Tel: 020 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2012 All rights reserved The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its directors Designed by Genium, www.geniumcreative.com ISBN 978-1-909035-01-0 2 About The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society: A cross-partisan, British think-tank. Our founders and supporters are united by a common interest in fostering a strong British, European and American commitment towards freedom, liberty, constitutional democracy, human rights, governmental and institutional reform and a robust foreign, security and defence policy and transatlantic alliance. The Henry Jackson Society is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales under company number 07465741 and a charity registered in England and Wales under registered charity number 1140489. For more information about Henry Jackson Society activities, our research programme and public events please see www.henryjacksonsociety.org. 3 CONTENTS Foreword by Chris Bryant MP 5 About the Author 6 About the Russia Studies Centre 6 Acknowledgements 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 INTRODUCTION 11 CHAPTER
  • RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government

    RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government

    N°85 - October 9 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS FINANCIAL CRISIS P. 1-3 Politics & Government c FINANCIAL CRISIS The game of massacre in Moscow c The game of massacre in The financial crisis has turned into a game of massacre in Moscow. October 6, 7 and 8, the Rus- Moscow sian stock market had to suspend operations several times, which did not prevent some shares from ARMY plunging by unimaginable proportions. Gazprom lost close to a quarter of its value in one session, No- c Serdyukov draws the lessons from the war in rilsk Nickel close to 40%, these two firms being probably the worst hit because they are the indus- Georgia trial standard-bearers of the Moscow marketplace and are especially the most “liquid” assets. The ALERT entirity of the listed Russian oil sector (including Transneft and Novatek) is worth today a bit less c Russia-Iceland : the than 130 billion dollars, or the equivalent of the value of the Brazilian company Petrobras according underside of a loan with to simulations by Russian analysts, which gives an idea of the price that Russia is paying in the cur- interest rent financial crisis. Even if the collapse of the Russian markets is totally exaggerated, investors consi- FOCUS der that Russia combines three major risks : a liquidity crisis in the banking sector despite massive c Anti- corruption campaign, support by the public authorities, a heavy indebtedness by the major industrial and energy compa- national cause or lost cause nies and the drop in oil prices and most of the primary commodities, on which the economic activity BEHIND THE SCENE is based.
  • Russian Liberalism in Crisis? Khodorkovsky Revisited

    Russian Liberalism in Crisis? Khodorkovsky Revisited

    STSS Vol 5 / Issue 1 69 Studies of Transition States and Societies Russian Liberalism in Crisis? Khodorkovsky Revisited David White* Abstract The electoral decline of liberal parties has been a key feature of post-Soviet politics in Russia. Using Mikhail Khodorkovsky’s critique of Russian liberalism as a starting point for analysis, it is argued that a lack of cohesion and unity has undermined support for liberal-democratic forces. Ultimately, however, exogenous factors over which the liberal parties have had no control (the marginalisation of opposition, the restriction of media access and the huge imbalance of resources available to political parties in Russia) have played the major determining role in the liberals’ decline. It is argued that Russia’s two main liberal parties during the Putin years were targeted by the regime because they were opposition parties. In Russia’s electoral authoritarian system, political opposition has been systematically excluded and fragmented, the aim being not just to restrict but to close off any potential opportunities. Keywords: Khodorkovsky, liberal, Yabloko, SPS, electoral authoritarianism. Introduction In the aftermath of the elections to the Russian State Duma in December 2003, the then Deputy Chief of Staff of the President’s Executive Office and architect of United Russia’s successful campaign, Vladislav Surkov, claimed that the defeat of the two liberal parties, Yabloko and Soyuz Pravykh Sil - SPS [Union of Right Forces] marked the end of an era. “The historic mission of the liberal parties in Russia,” declared Surkov, was over (Shakina, 2003). Similarly, most post-election analyses suggested that the two parties would, to paraphrase Trotsky, be confined to the dustbin of post-Soviet history.