From Revolution to Reform: Georgia's Struggle with Democratic Institution
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Georgia's 2008 Presidential Election
Election Observation Report: Georgia’s 2008 Presidential Elections Election Observation Report: Georgia’s saarCevno sadamkvirveblo misiis saboloo angariSi angariSi saboloo misiis sadamkvirveblo saarCevno THE IN T ERN at ION A L REPUBLIC A N INS T I T U T E 2008 wlis 5 ianvari 5 wlis 2008 saqarTvelos saprezidento arCevnebi saprezidento saqarTvelos ADV A NCING DEMOCR A CY WORLD W IDE demokratiis ganviTarebisTvis mTel msoflioSi mTel ganviTarebisTvis demokratiis GEORGI A PRESIDEN T I A L ELEC T ION JA NU A RY 5, 2008 International Republican Institute saerTaSoriso respublikuri instituti respublikuri saerTaSoriso ELEC T ION OBSERV at ION MISSION FIN A L REPOR T Georgia Presidential Election January 5, 2008 Election Observation Mission Final Report The International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street, NW, Suite 700 Washington, DC 20005 www.iri.org TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction 3 II. Pre-Election Period 5 A. Political Situation November 2007 – January 2008 B. Presidential Candidates in the January 5, 2008 Presidential Election C. Campaign Period III. Election Period 11 A. Pre-Election Meetings B. Election Day IV. Findings and Recommendations 15 V. Appendix 19 A. IRI Preliminary Statement on the Georgian Presidential Election B. Election Observation Delegation Members C. IRI in Georgia 2008 Georgia Presidential Election 3 I. Introduction The January 2008 election cycle marked the second presidential election conducted in Georgia since the Rose Revolution. This snap election was called by President Mikheil Saakashvili who made a decision to resign after a violent crackdown on opposition street protests in November 2007. Pursuant to the Georgian Constitution, he relinquished power to Speaker of Parliament Nino Burjanadze who became Acting President. -
Georgia: What Now?
GEORGIA: WHAT NOW? 3 December 2003 Europe Report N°151 Tbilisi/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................. 2 A. HISTORY ...............................................................................................................................2 B. GEOPOLITICS ........................................................................................................................3 1. External Players .........................................................................................................4 2. Why Georgia Matters.................................................................................................5 III. WHAT LED TO THE REVOLUTION........................................................................ 6 A. ELECTIONS – FREE AND FAIR? ..............................................................................................8 B. ELECTION DAY AND AFTER ..................................................................................................9 IV. ENSURING STATE CONTINUITY .......................................................................... 12 A. STABILITY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD ...............................................................................12 B. THE PRO-SHEVARDNADZE -
Policy Paper N 10 a Joint Project Conducted By: 2007
Policy Paper N 10 An Assessment of Georgia’s National Integrity System: The GNISA Project A joint project conducted by: Tiri (the Governance – Access - Learning Network), London, UK The Institute of Ethics Governance and Law, Australia Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development Georgia 2007 Funded by the Open Society Institute and the Open Society – Georgia Foundation © The Authors 2007 have asserted their rights under the Copyright Act 1968 to be identified as the authors of this work. An Assessment of Georgia’s National Integrity System: The GNISA Project A project carried out by the Institute for Ethics Governance and Law (IEGL), Tiri (the Governance - Access - Learning Network) and the Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development, as partners in this venture, and funded by the Open Society Institute. Final GNISA Report: July 2007 Lead Authors Dr Arthur Shacklock, Griffith University, Institute for Ethics Governance and Law Mr Malkhaz Saldadze, Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development Ms Carmel Connors, Griffith University, Institute for Ethics Governance and Law Ms Melea Lewis, Griffith University, Institute for Ethics Governance and Law Professor Charles Sampford, Griffith University, Institute for Ethics Governance and Law Management Team Griffith University, Institute for Ethics Governance and Law Professor Charles Sampford Dr Arthur Shacklock Tiri (the Governance - Access - Learning Network): Mr Jeremy Pope Mr Martin Tisne Published by: Institute for Ethics Governance and Law, Griffith University -
Here a Causal Relationship? Contemporary Economics, 9(1), 45–60
Bibliography on Corruption and Anticorruption Professor Matthew C. Stephenson Harvard Law School http://www.law.harvard.edu/faculty/mstephenson/ March 2021 Aaken, A., & Voigt, S. (2011). Do individual disclosure rules for parliamentarians improve government effectiveness? Economics of Governance, 12(4), 301–324. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10101-011-0100-8 Aaronson, S. A. (2011a). Does the WTO Help Member States Clean Up? Available at SSRN 1922190. http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1922190 Aaronson, S. A. (2011b). Limited partnership: Business, government, civil society, and the public in the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). Public Administration and Development, 31(1), 50–63. https://doi.org/10.1002/pad.588 Aaronson, S. A., & Abouharb, M. R. (2014). Corruption, Conflicts of Interest and the WTO. In J.-B. Auby, E. Breen, & T. Perroud (Eds.), Corruption and conflicts of interest: A comparative law approach (pp. 183–197). Edward Elgar PubLtd. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hul.ebookbatch.GEN_batch:ELGAR01620140507 Abbas Drebee, H., & Azam Abdul-Razak, N. (2020). The Impact of Corruption on Agriculture Sector in Iraq: Econometrics Approach. IOP Conference Series. Earth and Environmental Science, 553(1), 12019-. https://doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/553/1/012019 Abbink, K., Dasgupta, U., Gangadharan, L., & Jain, T. (2014). Letting the briber go free: An experiment on mitigating harassment bribes. JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ECONOMICS, 111(Journal Article), 17–28. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2013.12.012 Abbink, Klaus. (2004). Staff rotation as an anti-corruption policy: An experimental study. European Journal of Political Economy, 20(4), 887–906. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2003.10.008 Abbink, Klaus. -
ON the EFFECTIVE USE of PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 © 2021 Andrew Peek All Rights Reserved
ON THE EFFECTIVE USE OF PROXY WARFARE by Andrew Lewis Peek A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland May 2021 2021 Andrew Peek All rights reserved Abstract This dissertation asks a simple question: how are states most effectively conducting proxy warfare in the modern international system? It answers this question by conducting a comparative study of the sponsorship of proxy forces. It uses process tracing to examine five cases of proxy warfare and predicts that the differentiation in support for each proxy impacts their utility. In particular, it proposes that increasing the principal-agent distance between sponsors and proxies might correlate with strategic effectiveness. That is, the less directly a proxy is supported and controlled by a sponsor, the more effective the proxy becomes. Strategic effectiveness here is conceptualized as consisting of two key parts: a proxy’s operational capability and a sponsor’s plausible deniability. These should be in inverse relation to each other: the greater and more overt a sponsor’s support is to a proxy, the more capable – better armed, better trained – its proxies should be on the battlefield. However, this close support to such proxies should also make the sponsor’s influence less deniable, and thus incur strategic costs against both it and the proxy. These costs primarily consist of external balancing by rival states, the same way such states would balance against conventional aggression. Conversely, the more deniable such support is – the more indirect and less overt – the less balancing occurs. -
Annexation of Georgia in Russian Empire
1 George Anchabadze HISTORY OF GEORGIA SHORT SKETCH Caucasian House TBILISI 2005 2 George Anchabadze. History of Georgia. Short sketch Above-mentioned work is a research-popular sketch. There are key moments of the history of country since ancient times until the present moment. While working on the sketch the author based on the historical sources of Georgia and the research works of Georgian scientists (including himself). The work is focused on a wide circle of the readers. გიორგი ანჩაბაძე. საქართველოს ისტორია. მოკლე ნარკვევი წინამდებარე ნაშრომი წარმოადგენს საქართველოს ისტორიის სამეცნიერ-პოპულარულ ნარკვევს. მასში მოკლედაა გადმოცემული ქვეყნის ისტორიის ძირითადი მომენტები უძველესი ხანიდან ჩვენს დრომდე. ნარკვევზე მუშაობისას ავტორი ეყრდნობოდა საქართველოს ისტორიის წყაროებსა და ქართველ მეცნიერთა (მათ შორის საკუთარ) გამოკვლევებს. ნაშრომი განკუთვნილია მკითხველთა ფართო წრისათვის. ISBN99928-71-59-8 © George Anchabadze, 2005 © გიორგი ანჩაბაძე, 2005 3 Early Ancient Georgia (till the end of the IV cen. B.C.) Existence of ancient human being on Georgian territory is confirmed from the early stages of anthropogenesis. Nearby Dmanisi valley (80 km south-west of Tbilisi) the remnants of homo erectus are found, age of them is about 1,8 million years old. At present it is the oldest trace in Euro-Asia. Later on the Stone Age a man took the whole territory of Georgia. Former settlements of Ashel period (400–100 thousand years ago) are discovered as on the coast of the Black Sea as in the regions within highland Georgia. Approximately 6–7 thousands years ago people on the territory of Georgia began to use as the instruments not only the stone but the metals as well. -
Kaliningrad: a Special Area in Central-Eastern Europe
Cultural Relations Quarterly Review Winter 2014 Kaliningrad: a special area in Central-Eastern Europe Kitti Mária Tádics Abstract: The main objective of this work is to analyse in detail Kaliningrad territory, focusing on the current political situation, separation tendencies and features of the national identity. The content of the work is divided into separate parts. The ambition of the first part is to define basic facts that make this area specific in the Central and Eastern Europe. The aim of the second part is to identify significant milestones in the history of Kaliningrad that substantially shaped Kaliningrad’s contemporary political picture, particularly Kaliningrad after the Russian regime change. The thesis also emphasizes the inclination of Kaliningrad to the West and the EU instead of Russian Federation and attempts to define causes that led to this particular tendency. The author of the work also would like to concentrate on the considerable alteration of Kaliningrad since the first presidency of Vladimir Putin. The intention of the last part is to resolve Kaliningrad-EU-Moscow relations. The author concluded that most profitable policy for Kaliningrad would be to help balance these two seemingly antagonistic positions and attempt to urge Russia and the EU to adopt measures most convenient for Kaliningrad. Keywords: Kaliningrad, Russia, sovereignty, European Union, regional policy Introduction In this essay I would like to summarize the current political situation, the separation tendencies and the features of the national identity in Kaliningrad oblast. First I would like to lay out some basic statements regarding to the area: 1. Kaliningrad oblast is a small Russian enclave which is inhabited by 1 million people and bordered by Lithuania and Poland at the coast of the Baltic Sea. -
Manpower Problems of the Russian Armed Forces
Conflict Studies Research Centre D62 Manpower Problems of The Russian Armed Forces M J Orr Introduction On 15 January Lt Gen Vasiliy Smirnov, deputy head of the main organization- mobilization directorate of the Russian general staff, announced the preliminary results of the autumn 2001 conscription period. "The plan of the autumn call-up as laid down in the Russian Federation's President's decree No. 148 has been carried out. Between October and December 2001 more than 194,000 Russian citizens, aged from 18 to 27, were sent to the army and fleet … (T)he quality of the conscript contingent is getting worse. Out of every 100 potential conscripts last year the military commissariats were only able to draft 12 young men; the remainder had legal reasons for being excused military service. Today in Russia every third potential conscript proves unfit for service on health grounds … more than 50% of the conscripts sent to the forces have health limitations on their fitness for service."1 Such statements emerge from the organization-mobilization department twice a year, as a sort of ritual bringing the conscription campaign to a close. Each time the decreed quantity of recruits has been found and each time their quality has declined. Within these standardized announcements there is no suggestion that the whole system for recruiting the Russian armed forces is steadily collapsing. Last autumn, however, there were indications that, at long last, the Russian government has accepted that the system must be changed. Programmes to phase out conscription are being considered although it is not clear that the general staff has accepted that a professional army is desirable or practical. -
Foreign Policy Strategy 2006-2009
Foreign Policy Strategy 2006-2009 Ministry of Foreign Affairs www.mfa.gov.ge 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Message from the Minister ................................................................................. 3 Foreword ............................................................................................................ 4 Mission of the Foreign Service............................................................................ 5 Strategic Objectives and Goals ....................................................................... 7 Independent, Secure and Stable country ............................................................ 7 Territorial Integrity .................................................................................... 7 Strengthen National Security .................................................................... 8 Regional Stability ...................................................................................... 8 European and Euro-Atlantic Integration .................................................... 9 Prosperity and Democracy ................................................................................ 11 Economic Development and Security ..................................................... 11 Democracy, Civil Society and Human Rights ..........................................12 Georgia’s Role in the International System ........................................................13 Georgia’s Outreach ................................................................................. 13 Consolidation -
Georgia Focus Group Research
A PROJECT OF THE INTERNATIONAL REPUBLICAN INSTITUTE GEORGIA FOCUS GROUP RESEARCH QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS OF PUBLIC OPINION TRENDS FOLLOWING THE 2020 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS GEORGIA FOCUS GROUP RESEARCH QUALITATIVE ANALYSIS OF PUBLIC OPINION TRENDS FOLLOWING THE 2020 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS Center for Insights in Survey Research IRI.org @IRIglobal © 2021 All Rights Reserved Georgia Focus Group Research: Qualitative Analysis of Public Opinion Trends Following the 2020 Parliamentary Elections Copyright © 2021 International Republican Institute. All rights reserved. Permission Statement: No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system without the written permission of the International Republican Institute. Requests for permission should include the following information: • The title of the document for which permission to copy material is desired. • A description of the material for which permission to copy is desired. • The purpose for which the copied material will be used and the manner in which it will be used. • Your name, title, company or organization name, telephone number, fax number, e-mail address and mailing address. Please send all requests for permission to: Attn: Department of External Affairs International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street NW, Suite 800 Washington, DC 20005 [email protected] IRI | Georgia - Focus Group Research Following 2020 Elections 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY In April 2021, IPM Market Intelligence Caucasus, on Key Findings behalf of the International Republican Institute’s (IRI) Center for Insights in Survey Research, conducted a — Participants do not see a way out of the political qualitative study of public attitudes toward the 2020 crisis and are frustrated by the inability of the ruling parliamentary elections and recent political events in party and opposition to engage in constructive Georgia. -
Monitoring the Implementation of the Code of Conduct by Political Parties in Georgia
REPORT MONITORING THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE CODE OF CONDUCT BY POLITICAL PARTIES IN GEORGIA PREPARED BY GEORGIAN INSTITUTE OF POLITICS - GIP MAY 2021 ABOUT The Georgian Institute of Politics (GIP) is a Tbilisi-based non-profit, non-partisan, research and analysis organization. GIP works to strengthen the organizational backbone of democratic institutions and promote good governance and development through policy research and advocacy in Georgia. It also encourages public participation in civil society- building and developing democratic processes. The organization aims to become a major center for scholarship and policy innovation for the country of Georgia and the wider Black sea region. To that end, GIP is working to distinguish itself through relevant, incisive research; extensive public outreach; and a bold spirit of innovation in policy discourse and political conversation. This Document has been produced with the financial assistance of the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of the GIP and can under no circumstance be regarded as reflecting the position of the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs. © Georgian Institute of Politics, 2021 13 Aleksandr Pushkin St, 0107 Tbilisi, Georgia Tel: +995 599 99 02 12 Email: [email protected] For more information, please visit www.gip.ge Photo by mostafa meraji on Unsplash TABLE OF CONTENTS 4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 KEY FINDINGS 7 INTRODUCTION 8 METHODOLOGY 11 POLITICAL CONTEXT OF 2020 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS AND PRE-ELECTION ENVIRONMENT -
The Case of Mukhtar Ablyazov the Case of Tatiana Paraskevich The
www.odfoundation.eu The case of Mukhtar Ablyazov The case of Tatiana Paraskevich The case of Alma Shalabayeva The case of Muratbek Ketebayev The case of Alexandr Pavlov www.odfoundation.eu Contents 1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………………………………………… (page 3) 2. The case of Mukhtar Ablyazov……………………………………………………………………………….. (page 7) 3. The case of Tatiana Paraskevich……………………………………………………………………………… (page 14) 4. The case of Alma Shalabayeva……………………………………………………………………………….. (page 17) 5. The case of Muratbek Ketebayev…………………………………………………………………………… (page 21) 6. The case of Alexandr Pavlov…………………………………………………………………………………… (page 23) 7. The cooperation of the intelligence services of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Ukraine and the Russian Federation and the prevalence of torture in these (page 28) countries……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 8. Examples of misuse of the Interpol system by the countries in which human rights are violated………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… (page 32) 9. Conclusions and recommendations……………………………………………………………………….. (page 35) Appendix 1. Documents relating to the cooperation between Kazakh and Italian security agencies through Interpol channels on the case of Alma Shalabayeva………….. (page 39) Appendix 2. The inquiry of the members of the Polish Sejm, Marcin Święcicki and Ligia Krajewska to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland, Radosław (page 43) Sikorski, regarding the deportation of activists of political opposition to Kazakhstan… Appendix 3. The response of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Poland to the inquiry of the members of the Polish Sejm, Marcin Święcicki and Ligia (page 45) Krajewska…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 2 www.odfoundation.eu 1. INTRODUCTION During its 22nd annual meeting, the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly expressed its regret that some OSCE participating states, seeking the arrest of opponents on politically motivated charges, continue to misuse the Interpol system.