DOCSLIB.ORG

British Entry to the European Community 1970-4 and the / / Cognitive Paradigm of Foreign Policy Change

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

British Entry to the European Community 1970-4 and the / / Cognitive Paradigm of Foreign Policy Change. Submitted in Candidature for the degree of Ph. D. by Christopher James Lord, The London School of Economics and Political Science. UMI Number: U048627 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Disscrrlation Publishing UMI U048627 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 "n-ics^s F é><c>S3 ABSTRACT This thesis is about change in foreign policy. It aims to develop the case study of Britain’s entry to the European Community and theoretical perspectives of foreign policy change in a mutually helpful way. It contends that foreign policy change cannot be understood without both a theory of the international system and a theory of how governments make decisions and interact. A case will be made for adopting a cognitive theory of decision-making within a critical perspective of international structures. Where other approaches often force accounts of change into an analytical mould of movement towards a well-defined and predictable equilibrium, the critical/cognitive combination allows hypotheses to be formed about the uncertainties, imperfections and inchoateness of change. The case of British entry to the European Community, 1970-4, will illustrate the value of such hypotheses. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION Part 1: Contexts and Assumptions of British 33 entry to the European Community. CHAPTER 1: Entry to the European Community: an 35 Evolutionary Foreign Policy. CHAPTER 2: British Elite Views on EC entry: 89 Traditionalist, Transformationalist or Schizophrenic ? Part 2 : The Process of Foreign Policy Change 139 CHAPTER 3: Negotiating Foreign Policy CAæ 140 T- CHAPTER 4: Rethinking the Negotiations in 192 Critical/Cognitive terms. CHAPTER 5: Smaller Fish to Fry ? The British 232 Political Game and EC entry. CHAPTER 6: The problems of adapting domestic 287 to transnational politics. Part 3: Britain's First Steps in EC Membership 1972-4 CHAPTER 7: Hopes and Disappointments: The Perils of 320 Inchoate Foreign Policy Change. CONCLUSION. 380 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 387 TABLES 1. Balance of Payments of leading Advanced Industrial Countries in technological products. 52 2. Changes in the balance of British Government expenditures 1953-73. 64 3. Measures of the political security of British Governments. 64 4. Stands taken on joining the European Community in 1970 Election Addresses. 164 5. Themes mentioned by category over 10 days debate in the House of Commons. 240 6. EC entry: public approval ratings. 277 7. Public perceptions of advantages and 277 disadvantages of entry. 8. The Financial Times survey of public attitudes. 278 9. Guardian survey of the attitudes to EC entry of leading companies 282 10. Estimates of the underlying cross-party cleavages in the House of Commons on activist/ minimalist approaches to EC membership. 290 11. Eurobarometer poll of British attitudes to European integration. 297 12. Approval ratings for EC entry by age group. 299 13. Sources of Public Information during the Referendum Campaign of 1975. 317 14. British/French/German alignments on EC 375 questions 1972-4. INTRODUCTION Britain’s entry to the European Community gives the appearance of choice, yet has been analysed in terms of necessity. Although exhaustively debated and the subject of a closely fought domestic contest, it has been claimed that choice was illusory. Thus F.S. Northedge writes: " By 1970, there was nowhere else for Britain to go but into the Europe of the Six. had the Six realised it, they could have made 1 the fee for British entry even higher than they did". This is no paradox to a neorealist for whom the preferences, perceptions and processes within a state may be neither here nor there. As S. Haggard and B.A. Simmons sum up this view, " national policies cannot be inferred from intentions, efforts or goals because structure tends to mould outcomes 2 however the former vary". However, it will be claimed here that there is no contradiction in representing foreign- policy changes, such as those involved in British entry to the EC, as both pre­ structured and open-ended. The combination of a critical theory of structure and a cognitive theory of choice will make this possible. To see why, it is first useful to say some more about the logical characteristics of more 1. F.S. Northedge, Descent from Power : British Foreign Policy 1945-73, Allen and Unwin, London, 1974, P 328. 2. S. Haggard and B.A. Simmons," Theories of International Regimes",International Organisation,Vol 41,No 3,Summer 1987. mechanistic, or "Durkheimian", accounts of the international system, such as Kenneth Waltz's neorealist ideas, most 1 famously developed in his Theory of International Politics. To Waltz, states are like chess pieces: their behaviour is not defined by their internal composition, but by the logic of the external relationships in which they stand to each other. Not only do the latter dominate foreign- policy change, but they constitute a system that is neither of the construction nor the choosing of governments. Once states are established to provide security in a field of insecurity, they are constrained to follow a balance of power logic, to imitate the most successful means of cultivating state power and to limit their co-operation to policies that do not compromise their ultimate ability fo provide for themselves. The system is static in that all durable foreign policy change will occur within its logic; it is homeostatic in that such change will always tend towards a neatly defined equilibrium: in a process analogous to the company in economic theory, the state that is only marginally less efficient than others in respoding'V to external imperatives, will suffer negative feedback until its policies are corrected. A monistic system based on the distribution of state power operates behind the backs of governments to direct their foreign policy changes towards 1. Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics, Addison Wesley, Cambridge, Mass, 1979. See also Kenneth Waltz," Reflections on Theory of International Politics", in Robert 0. Keohane (ed). Neorealism and its Critics, Columbia University Press, New York, 1986, P 331. equilibria that are enforced by feedback, where they are not intended or desired by decision-makers themselves. As neorealists import Durkheimian theories of system from general social philosophy, it is logical for critics to go back to the same source for alternative theories about the structuring of social life. Two accounts of the alternative offered by critical theory will be employed 1 here: Michel Foucault's Archaeology of Knowledge and Anthony Giddens's Central Problems in Social Theory and Constitution of Society. According to critical theorists, the structuring factors in social life should include all those properties needed to reproduce entities or practices of social value across time and space. Various implications follow which show how the Durkheimians fail to distinguish what makes a system one of human actors, rather than natural objects. By contrast, to the monism of Durkheimian systems, the structuring of social life is irreducibly pluralistic. Any social actor, such as a government, will often want to reproduce several entities and practices across time and space: the power and security of the state in the field of international politics, the competitiveness of the economy in a given international division of labour and the Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge^ Tavistock Press, London, 1972. 2. Anthony Giddens, Central Problems in Social Theory, Macmillan, London, 1979, The Constitution of Society, Polity, Cambridge, 1984. government’s own domestic survival will all require alignment with quite different imperatives ; the reproduction of each social practice involves governments in varying, and even conflicting, "logics of external interaction" with other entities. For example, governments face a logic of self-help in ensuring both the international economic success of their societies and the physical security of their states, but the two may cut in opposite directions. For fear that others may steal a competitive advantage, governments may feel compelled to allow their economies to go beyond a point of integration to the international division of labour, and to appropriate fewer resources to an independent defence, than would be prudent for states primarily concerned for their separateness and security in an inter-state system. Even to reproduce one of the social practices with which a government is concerned requires attention to several structural realities. Taking up an advantageous postion in a distribution of resources will never be enough, as even command relationships require a minimum of viable inter- subjective structuring: the sharing of meanings, routines 1 and norms with other actors. Social structuring is, therefore, said to require configurations of both rules and resources. But in politics and other social activity, neither rules nor resources have 1. Giddens,
Recommended publications
  • Brexit Jargon Buster

    Brexit Jargon Buster

    Brexit Jargon Buster Brexit Jargon Buster • 1 2 • Brexit Jargon Buster AAgencies European Union agencies regulate a number of regimes for goods and services; the European Chemicals Agency in Helsinki regulates chemicals and biocides; the European Medicines Agency, formerly in London is now relocated in Amsterdam responsible for the scientific evaluation, supervision and safety monitoring of medicines in the EU; the European Aviation Safety Agency. AIFMD The Alternative Investment Fund Managers Directive. This EU Directive regulates the managers (AIFMs) of alternative investment funds (AIFs). AIFMD includes passporting rights (see separate definition) for EU AIFMs to market funds across the EU. The Directive also contains provisions allowing non-EU AIFMs to become part of the passporting regime by way of a ‘third country passport’ (see separate definition) which may, in the future, provide a means for UK AIFMs to retain passporting rights post-Brexit. Competition law Competition laws of the EU are set out in the TFEU. They are a very important aspect of the single market. The European Commission is tasked with developing policy and enforcing the law ensuring that the European Union remains free from business practices that could ultimately be harmful to competition and consumers. In doing so, the Commission works with national competition authorities which are obliged also to apply EU competition law as well as domestic law. Particular emphasis is placed on ensuring businesses do not enter into anti-competitive agreements or abuse dominant positions in markets; the consequences of doing so can be severe. Brexit Jargon Buster • 3 The European Commission also assesses very large mergers and state aid.
  • The New Political Economy of Trade: Understanding the Treatment of Non-Tariff Measures in European Union Trade Policy

    The New Political Economy of Trade: Understanding the Treatment of Non-Tariff Measures in European Union Trade Policy

    The London School of Economics and Political Science The New Political Economy of Trade: Understanding the Treatment of Non-Tariff Measures in European Union Trade Policy Elitsa Garnizova A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, November 2018 Page 1 of 324 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/ PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me, and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 115,854 words; 99,109 excluding Table of Contents, Bibliography and Appendices. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that Chapter 1 was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling, and grammar by Bregtje Kamphuis, and Chapters 2 and 3 were edited by Dr Marina Cino-Pagliarello. Page 2 of 324 Abstract Non-tariff measures have become a central topic to the debate of how international trade rules and domestic regulatory choices are to co-exist.
  • Beyond Brexit Liberal Politics for the Age of Identity

    Beyond Brexit Liberal Politics for the Age of Identity

    Beyond Brexit Liberal politics for the age of identity A collection of essays presenting a roadmap to a better Britain Sir Vince Cable MP BEYOND BREXIT Liberal Politics for the Age of Identity BEYOND BREXIT Liberal Politics for the Age of Identity A collection of essays presenting a roadmap to a better Britain By Sir Vince Cable MP Leader of the Liberal Democrats March 2019 First published in Great Britain in 2019 by the Liberal Democrats, 8–10 Great George Street, London, SW1P 3AE, on behalf of Vince Cable MP Copyright © Vince Cable 2019. Vince Cable has asserted his rights under the Copyright, Designs & Patents Act, 1988, to be identifed as the author of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the publisher’s prior permission in writing. Tis book is published subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out, or otherwise circulated without the publishers’ prior consent in writing in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. ISBN 978-1-910763-67-4 A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Research and editing by Alex Davies and Mike Tufrey. Typeset in Adobe Caslon Pro and Myriad Pro by Duncan Brack. Cover design by Mike Cooper. Printed and bound in Great Britain by Park Communications Ltd, Alpine Way, London E6 6LA Contents Introduction: Beyond Brexit ............................................................1 1 Where We Are ................................................................................3 2 A Functioning Economy and an Entrepreneurial State ..................11 3 Te Digital Economy and the Tech Titans ....................................23 4 Capital and Labour ......................................................................
  • Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript

    Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript

    Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript Date: Thursday, 24 May 2007 - 12:00AM PRIME MINISTERS IN THE POST-WAR WORLD: ALEC DOUGLAS-HOME D.R. Thorpe After Andrew Bonar Law's funeral in Westminster Abbey in November 1923, Herbert Asquith observed, 'It is fitting that we should have buried the Unknown Prime Minister by the side of the Unknown Soldier'. Asquith owed Bonar Law no posthumous favours, and intended no ironic compliment, but the remark was a serious under-estimate. In post-war politics Alec Douglas-Home is often seen as the Bonar Law of his times, bracketed with his fellow Scot as an interim figure in the history of Downing Street between longer serving Premiers; in Bonar Law's case, Lloyd George and Stanley Baldwin, in Home's, Harold Macmillan and Harold Wilson. Both Law and Home were certainly 'unexpected' Prime Ministers, but both were also 'under-estimated' and they made lasting beneficial changes to the political system, both on a national and a party level. The unexpectedness of their accessions to the top of the greasy pole, and the brevity of their Premierships (they were the two shortest of the 20th century, Bonar Law's one day short of seven months, Alec Douglas-Home's two days short of a year), are not an accurate indication of their respective significance, even if the precise details of their careers were not always accurately recalled, even by their admirers. The Westminster village is often another world to the general public. Stanley Baldwin was once accosted on a train from Chequers to London, at the height of his fame, by a former school friend.
  • Sir Alan Campbell Interviewed by Jane Barder 19/1/96 Typed by Jeremy Wiltshire 10/6/96

    Sir Alan Campbell Interviewed by Jane Barder 19/1/96 Typed by Jeremy Wiltshire 10/6/96

    Contents of interview Entry to Foreign Office, 1946. p 2 Service under Lord Killearn, Singapore; marriage, 1947-48. pp 2-4 Private Secretary to PUS William Strang, 1950-53. pp 5-6 Head of Chancery, Rome, 1952-55: Trieste problem; pp 6-8 Communist threat. Head of Chancery, Peking, 1955-57: role of Head of Chancery; pp 8-12 relations with Chinese; recognition problem; anti-British demonstrations at time of Suez; schooling of children. Imperial Defence College, 1958. pp 12-13 News Department, 1958-60; comments on Selwyn Lloyd, pp 13-17 Hoyer-Millar, Macmillan and aftermath of Suez. Counsellor and Head of Chancery, New York (UN), 1961-65; pp 17-23 death of Hammarskjold; anti-Imperialist feeling; Lord Caradon (political appointees to diplomatic posts). Comments on Alec Douglas-Home. p 23 Western European Department at FO, 1965-67. pp 23-24 Counsellor and Head of Chancery, Paris, 1967-69; appointment pp 24-25 to post; EEC. Ambassador to Addis Ababa, 1969-72; Haile Selassie; Idi Amin; pp 25-28 growth of sedition in Ethiopia. Deputy Under-Secretary, FO, 1974-76; effective “Political pp 28-32 Director”; foreign policy talks with other EEC members; commercial competition with EEC states; co-ordination of EEC foreign policy. Concluding comments on: international civil servants; women pp 32-35 in diplomatic service; merger of CRO and FO; spending cuts in late 1970’s; David Owen as Foreign Secretary. 1 Sir Alan Campbell Interviewed by Jane Barder 19/1/96 Typed by Jeremy Wiltshire 10/6/96 An interview between Sir Alan Campbell and Jane Barder, at his flat in London.
  • The Reluctant European

    The Reluctant European

    SPECIAL REPORT BRITAIN AND EUROPE October 17th 2015 The reluctant European 20151017_SRBRITEU.indd 1 05/10/2015 16:26 SPECIAL REPORT BRITAIN AND EUROPE The reluctant European Though Britain has always been rather half-hearted about the European Union, its membership has been beneficial for all concerned, argues John Peet. It should stay in the club THE QUESTION THAT will be put to British voters, probably in the au- CONTENTS tumn of 2016, sounds straightforward: “Should the United Kingdom re- main a member of the European Union, or leave the European Union?” 4 How referendums can go (The final clause was added last month at the insistence of the Electoral wrong Commission, which decided the question might look biased without it.) Herding cats When David Cameron, Britain’s Conservative prime minister, first pro- 5 Euroscepticism and its roots posed a referendum in early 2013, he was hoping that the answer would The open sea ACKNOWLEDGMENTS also be straightforward. Once he had successfully renegotiated some of Britain’s membership terms, the electorate would duly endorse him by 6 Britain’s clout in Brussels Besides those mentioned in the text, Not what it was the author would like to thank the voting to stay in. following for their help: Andy But referendums are by theirnature chancy affairs, as a string ofpre- 7 Costs and benefits Bagnall, Matthew Baldwin, Steven vious European examples have shown (see box later in this article). Mr Common market economics Blockmans, Stephen Booth, Hugo Cameron is well aware that the September 2014 referendum on Scottish Brady, Helen Campbell, Martin 9 The euro zone Donnelly, Monique Ebell, Matthew independence, an issue about which he said he felt far more strongly Elliott, Jonathan Faull, Maurice than he does about the EU, became a closer-run thing than expected.
  • The Old War Office Building

    The Old War Office Building

    MINISTRY OF DEFENCE The Old War Office Building A history The Old War Office Building …a building full of history Foreword by the Rt. Hon Geoff Hoon MP, Secretary of State for Defence The Old War Office Building has been a Whitehall landmark for nearly a century. No-one can fail to be impressed by its imposing Edwardian Baroque exterior and splendidly restored rooms and stairways. With the long-overdue modernisation of the MOD Main Building, Defence Ministers and other members of the Defence Council – the Department’s senior committee – have moved temporarily to the Old War Office. To mark the occasion I have asked for this short booklet, describing the history of the Old War Office Building, to be published. The booklet also includes a brief history of the site on which the building now stands, and of other historic MOD headquarters buildings in Central London. People know about the work that our Armed Forces do around the world as a force for good. Less well known is the work that we do to preserve our heritage and to look after the historic buildings that we occupy. I hope that this publication will help to raise awareness of that. The Old War Office Building has had a fascinating past, as you will see. People working within its walls played a key role in two World Wars and in the Cold War that followed. The building is full of history. Lawrence of Arabia once worked here. I am now occupying the office which Churchill, Lloyd-George and Profumo once had.
  • The Speaker of the House of Commons: the Office and Its Holders Since 1945

    The Speaker of the House of Commons: the Office and Its Holders Since 1945

    The Speaker of the House of Commons: The Office and Its Holders since 1945 Matthew William Laban Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2014 1 STATEMENT OF ORIGINALITY I, Matthew William Laban, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of this thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Date: Details of collaboration and publications: Laban, Matthew, Mr Speaker: The Office and the Individuals since 1945, (London, 2013). 2 ABSTRACT The post-war period has witnessed the Speakership of the House of Commons evolving from an important internal parliamentary office into one of the most recognised public roles in British political life. This historic office has not, however, been examined in any detail since Philip Laundy’s seminal work entitled The Office of Speaker published in 1964.
  • The Making of Good Financial Regulation

    The Making of Good Financial Regulation

    Making Good Financial Regulation Towards a Policy Response to Regulatory Capture Edited by Stefano Pagliari All rights reserved Copyright © International Centre for Financial Regulation, 2012 International Centre for Financial Regulation is hereby identified as author of this work in accordance with Section 77 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 The book cover picture is copyright to International Centre for Financial Regulation This book is published by Grosvenor House Publishing Ltd 28-30 High Street, Guildford, Surrey, GU1 3EL. www.grosvenorhousepublishing.co.uk This book is sold subject to the conditions that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out or otherwise circulated without the author's or publisher's prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser. A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN 978-1-78148-548-4 About the International Centre for Financial Regulation The International Centre for Financial Regulation is the only independent, non-partisan organisation to be exclusively focused on best practice in all aspects of financial regulation internationally. The ICFR believes in the promotion of efficient, orderly and fair markets which offer appropriate protection for investors and retail consumers alike. Financial centres of the future should be based upon sound principles of regulation, with supervisors, regulators and participants who act in the interest of all stakeholders. The world’s financial markets have never been under greater scrutiny. Individual governments are understandably focused on their own domestic priorities, but effective and sustainable regulation needs to be global.
  • The New Right Think Tanks and Policy Change in the Uk

    The New Right Think Tanks and Policy Change in the Uk

    THE NEW RIGHT THINK TANKS AND POLICY CHANGE IN THE UK Andrew James Tesseyman DPhil Thesis University of York Politics Department Submitted, February 1999 Abstract It has often been claimed that, during the 1980s and early 1990s, the new right think tanks — namely the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), Centre for Policy Studies (CPS), and Adam Smith Institute (ASI) — had a major impact on policy-making and policy change. This thesis addresses such claims by examining three reforms in which the new right think tanks have been attributed an influence — bus deregulation, education reform, and prison privatisation. It seeks not only to empirically assess their impact, but also to relate these findings to the policy-making literature, in particular the Rhodes Model which emphasises policy continuity and the Advocacy Coalition Framework which seeks to explain policy change. It is argued that the new right think tanks had an impact on all three policy changes, as members of "advocacy coalitions", although the nature and extent of this impact varied. In some cases, the TEA, CPS, and ASI were able to have a direct impact on policy change, obtaining access to policy-makers through coalition allies. In other cases their impact was indirect, in shaping the broader "climate of ideas". The new right think tanks also contributed to new patterns of policy formulation, although there is limited evidence of any long-term structural impact on policy-making in these areas. It is also argued that the case studies raise a number of issues for the Rhodes Model and the Advocacy Coalition Framework, although these could be addressed by integrating the two to develop an approach to account for both policy continuity and policy change.
  • Filenote Enq 2008/5/2-Pcc

    Filenote Enq 2008/5/2-Pcc

    FILENOTE ENQ 2008/5/2-PCC 13 October 2008 ‘Fetters and Roses’ Dinner This was an informal name for a dinner given at the House of Commons on 9 January 1924 for Members of Parliament who had been imprisoned for political or religious reasons. This note is intended to assist identification of as many individuals as possible in a photograph which was donated to the Library, through the Librarian, by Deputy Speaker Mrs Sylvia Heal MP. The original of the photograph will be retained by Parliamentary Archives, while scanned copies are accessible online. A report in The Times the following day [page 12] lists 49 people who had accepted invitations. Some of these were current MPs, while others had been Members in the past and at least two [Mrs Ayrton Gould and Eleanor Rathbone] were to become Members in the future. I have counted 46 people in the photograph, not including the photographer, whose identity is unknown. Mr James Scott Duckers [who never became an MP, but stood as a Parliamentary candidate, against Churchill, in a by- election only a few weeks after the dinner] is described on the photograph as being ‘in the chair’. The Times report also points out that ‘it was explained in an advance circular that the necessary qualification is held by 19 members of the House of Commons, of whom 16 were expected to be present at the dinner’. This raises the question of who the absentees were. One possibility might be George Lansbury [then MP for Poplar, Bow & Bromley], who had been imprisoned twice, in 1913 [after a speech in the Albert Hall appeared to sanction the suffragettes’ arson campaign] and in 1921 [he was one of the Poplar councillors who had refused to collect the rates].
  • Text Cut Off in the Original 232 6

    Text Cut Off in the Original 232 6

    IMAGING SERVICES NORTH Boston Spa, Wetherby West Yorkshire, LS23 7BQ www.bl.uk TEXT CUT OFF IN THE ORIGINAL 232 6 ORGANISATIONAL CHANGE Between 1983 and 1989 there were a series of important changes to Party organisation. Some of these were deliberately pursued, some were more unexpected. All were critical causes, effects and aspects of the transformation. Changes occurred in PLP whipping, Party finance, membership administration, disciplinary procedures, candidate selection, the policy-making process and, most famously, campaign organisation. This chapter makes a number of assertions about this process of organisational change which are original and are inspired by and enhance the search for complexity. It is argued that the organisational aspect of the transformation of the 1980s resulted from multiple causes and the inter-retroaction of those causes rather than from one over-riding cause. In particular, the existing literature has identified organisational reform as originating with a conscious pursuit by the core leadership of greater control over the Party (Heffernan ~\ . !.. ~ and Marqusee 1992: passim~ Shaw 1994: 108). This chapter asserts that while such conscious .... ~.. ,', .. :~. pursuit was one cause, other factors such as ad hoc responses to events .. ,t~~" ~owth of a presidential approach, the use of powers already in existence and the decline of oppositional forces acted as other causes. This emphasis upon multiple causes of change is clearly in keeping with the search for complexity. 233 This chapter also represents the first detailed outline and analysis of centralisation as it related not just to organisational matters but also to the issue of policy-making. In the same vein the chapter is particularly significant because it relates the centralisation of policy-making to policy reform as it occurred between 1983 and 1987 not just in relation to the Policy Review as is the approach of previous analyses.