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British Entry to the European Community 1970-4 and the / / Cognitive Paradigm of Foreign Policy Change

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British Entry to the European Community 1970-4 and the / / Cognitive Paradigm of Foreign Policy Change British Entry to the European Community 1970-4 and the / / Cognitive Paradigm of Foreign Policy Change. Submitted in Candidature for the degree of Ph. D. by Christopher James Lord, The London School of Economics and Political Science. UMI Number: U048627 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Disscrrlation Publishing UMI U048627 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 "n-ics^s F é><c>S3 ABSTRACT This thesis is about change in foreign policy. It aims to develop the case study of Britain’s entry to the European Community and theoretical perspectives of foreign policy change in a mutually helpful way. It contends that foreign policy change cannot be understood without both a theory of the international system and a theory of how governments make decisions and interact. A case will be made for adopting a cognitive theory of decision-making within a critical perspective of international structures. Where other approaches often force accounts of change into an analytical mould of movement towards a well-defined and predictable equilibrium, the critical/cognitive combination allows hypotheses to be formed about the uncertainties, imperfections and inchoateness of change. The case of British entry to the European Community, 1970-4, will illustrate the value of such hypotheses. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION Part 1: Contexts and Assumptions of British 33 entry to the European Community. CHAPTER 1: Entry to the European Community: an 35 Evolutionary Foreign Policy. CHAPTER 2: British Elite Views on EC entry: 89 Traditionalist, Transformationalist or Schizophrenic ? Part 2 : The Process of Foreign Policy Change 139 CHAPTER 3: Negotiating Foreign Policy CAæ 140 T- CHAPTER 4: Rethinking the Negotiations in 192 Critical/Cognitive terms. CHAPTER 5: Smaller Fish to Fry ? The British 232 Political Game and EC entry. CHAPTER 6: The problems of adapting domestic 287 to transnational politics. Part 3: Britain's First Steps in EC Membership 1972-4 CHAPTER 7: Hopes and Disappointments: The Perils of 320 Inchoate Foreign Policy Change. CONCLUSION. 380 BIBLIOGRAPHY. 387 TABLES 1. Balance of Payments of leading Advanced Industrial Countries in technological products. 52 2. Changes in the balance of British Government expenditures 1953-73. 64 3. Measures of the political security of British Governments. 64 4. Stands taken on joining the European Community in 1970 Election Addresses. 164 5. Themes mentioned by category over 10 days debate in the House of Commons. 240 6. EC entry: public approval ratings. 277 7. Public perceptions of advantages and 277 disadvantages of entry. 8. The Financial Times survey of public attitudes. 278 9. Guardian survey of the attitudes to EC entry of leading companies 282 10. Estimates of the underlying cross-party cleavages in the House of Commons on activist/ minimalist approaches to EC membership. 290 11. Eurobarometer poll of British attitudes to European integration. 297 12. Approval ratings for EC entry by age group. 299 13. Sources of Public Information during the Referendum Campaign of 1975. 317 14. British/French/German alignments on EC 375 questions 1972-4. INTRODUCTION Britain’s entry to the European Community gives the appearance of choice, yet has been analysed in terms of necessity. Although exhaustively debated and the subject of a closely fought domestic contest, it has been claimed that choice was illusory. Thus F.S. Northedge writes: " By 1970, there was nowhere else for Britain to go but into the Europe of the Six. had the Six realised it, they could have made 1 the fee for British entry even higher than they did". This is no paradox to a neorealist for whom the preferences, perceptions and processes within a state may be neither here nor there. As S. Haggard and B.A. Simmons sum up this view, " national policies cannot be inferred from intentions, efforts or goals because structure tends to mould outcomes 2 however the former vary". However, it will be claimed here that there is no contradiction in representing foreign- policy changes, such as those involved in British entry to the EC, as both pre­ structured and open-ended. The combination of a critical theory of structure and a cognitive theory of choice will make this possible. To see why, it is first useful to say some more about the logical characteristics of more 1. F.S. Northedge, Descent from Power : British Foreign Policy 1945-73, Allen and Unwin, London, 1974, P 328. 2. S. Haggard and B.A. Simmons," Theories of International Regimes",International Organisation,Vol 41,No 3,Summer 1987. mechanistic, or "Durkheimian", accounts of the international system, such as Kenneth Waltz's neorealist ideas, most 1 famously developed in his Theory of International Politics. To Waltz, states are like chess pieces: their behaviour is not defined by their internal composition, but by the logic of the external relationships in which they stand to each other. Not only do the latter dominate foreign- policy change, but they constitute a system that is neither of the construction nor the choosing of governments. Once states are established to provide security in a field of insecurity, they are constrained to follow a balance of power logic, to imitate the most successful means of cultivating state power and to limit their co-operation to policies that do not compromise their ultimate ability fo provide for themselves. The system is static in that all durable foreign policy change will occur within its logic; it is homeostatic in that such change will always tend towards a neatly defined equilibrium: in a process analogous to the company in economic theory, the state that is only marginally less efficient than others in respoding'V to external imperatives, will suffer negative feedback until its policies are corrected. A monistic system based on the distribution of state power operates behind the backs of governments to direct their foreign policy changes towards 1. Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics, Addison Wesley, Cambridge, Mass, 1979. See also Kenneth Waltz," Reflections on Theory of International Politics", in Robert 0. Keohane (ed). Neorealism and its Critics, Columbia University Press, New York, 1986, P 331. equilibria that are enforced by feedback, where they are not intended or desired by decision-makers themselves. As neorealists import Durkheimian theories of system from general social philosophy, it is logical for critics to go back to the same source for alternative theories about the structuring of social life. Two accounts of the alternative offered by critical theory will be employed 1 here: Michel Foucault's Archaeology of Knowledge and Anthony Giddens's Central Problems in Social Theory and Constitution of Society. According to critical theorists, the structuring factors in social life should include all those properties needed to reproduce entities or practices of social value across time and space. Various implications follow which show how the Durkheimians fail to distinguish what makes a system one of human actors, rather than natural objects. By contrast, to the monism of Durkheimian systems, the structuring of social life is irreducibly pluralistic. Any social actor, such as a government, will often want to reproduce several entities and practices across time and space: the power and security of the state in the field of international politics, the competitiveness of the economy in a given international division of labour and the Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge^ Tavistock Press, London, 1972. 2. Anthony Giddens, Central Problems in Social Theory, Macmillan, London, 1979, The Constitution of Society, Polity, Cambridge, 1984. government’s own domestic survival will all require alignment with quite different imperatives ; the reproduction of each social practice involves governments in varying, and even conflicting, "logics of external interaction" with other entities. For example, governments face a logic of self-help in ensuring both the international economic success of their societies and the physical security of their states, but the two may cut in opposite directions. For fear that others may steal a competitive advantage, governments may feel compelled to allow their economies to go beyond a point of integration to the international division of labour, and to appropriate fewer resources to an independent defence, than would be prudent for states primarily concerned for their separateness and security in an inter-state system. Even to reproduce one of the social practices with which a government is concerned requires attention to several structural realities. Taking up an advantageous postion in a distribution of resources will never be enough, as even command relationships require a minimum of viable inter- subjective structuring: the sharing of meanings, routines 1 and norms with other actors. Social structuring is, therefore, said to require configurations of both rules and resources. But in politics and other social activity, neither rules nor resources have 1. Giddens,
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