sign in sign up
<<
Home , Makassar, Makassar people

Transethnic Identity and Urban Cognition in : Regionalism and the Empowering Potential of Local Knowledge1

Christoph Antweiler

(University of Trier)

Abstrak

Tulisan ini membahas situasi etnis yang khas di Selatan. Tradisi pertukaran antaretnis yang sudah lama berlaku, dan konflik terbuka yang relatif jarang terjadi, menjadi fokus kajian tulisan ini. Di lain pihak, secara politis, kota dan daerah sekitarnya baru saja terintegrasi ke dalam negara . Karena itu, secara historis Sulawesi Selatan masih terkenal dengan jelas atas kecenderungannya untuk memisahkan diri dari, atau tidak sepenuhnya terintegrasi ke dalam negara Indonesia. Jika konsep dan gagasan otonomi daerah akan sungguh-sungguh diterapkan, Sulawesi Selatan merupakan tempat yang sangat tepat untuk uji coba. Bagian lain dari tulisan ini mengulas metode-metode untuk meningkatkan partisipasi lokal dalam pembangunan. Beberapa metode elicitation yang sederhana, namun dapat diandalkan, digambarkan dengan menggunakan contoh pengetahuan perkotaan dalam konteks pengambilan keputusan mengenai tempat tinggal di Makassar sebagai sebuah kota propinsi yang multietnis. Sebuah metode yang hampir tidak dipergunakan di Indonesia dan dalam program pembangunan, yakni repertory grid technique yang berasal dari Kelly’s psy- chology of personal constructs, digambarkan dengan rinci. Metode tersebut terdiri dari perbandingan triadik yang dikombinasikan dengan prosedur peringkat ( ranking procedure) yang menunjukkan suatu pola kognitif dari konstruk mental (a cognitive pattern of mental constructs). Dideskripsikan pula penyesuaian secara teknis dan budaya dari metode dan masalah-masalah praktis yang berkaitan dengan wawancara. Metode tersebut mengungkapkan perbedaan-perbedaan antara ungkapan dan persepsi penduduk lokal dengan bahasa dan konsep-konsep resmi yang digunakan oleh perencana perkotaan berorientasi nasional. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa metode-metode kognitif yang formal, tetapi sederhana, berpotensi besar untuk digunakan dalam pendekatan-pendekatan pembangunan; terutama, bila pengetahuan lokal perkotaan digunakan di dalam ilmu yang berorientasi pada masyarakat untuk kepentingan pembangunan yang efektif dan manusiawi, serta perencanaan perkotaan di Indonesia. Pendekatan semacam itu dapat memperkuat upaya untuk meningkatkan otonomi daerah.

1 This article is a revised version of the paper presented at the panel of ‘Endorsing Regional Autonomy: Reempowering Local Institutions’, at the 1st International Symposium of Journal ANTROPOLOGI INDONE- SIA ‘The Beginning of the 21st Century: Endorsing Regional Autonomy, Understanding Local Cultures, Strengthening National Integration’, Hassanuddin University, Makassar, 1-4 August 2000.

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 13 Makassar and otonomi daerah Anonymus 1957; Walinono 1974; Abu Hamid Makassar: a peripheral metropolis in outer 1984 and earlier editions of ‘Ujung Pandang Indonesia dalam Angka’. The region of is one of the Being a port city located in the southwest- centers of in Indonesia and has a com- ern part of Celebes Makassar is the provincial paratively low settlement density. The capital of the province of South Celebes province’s agriculture is based mainly on rice, (Propinsi Sulawesi Selatan). Makassar is a added by cocoa, fishing and shrimp farming. 2 center of trade, business and education with There is a slowly growing industry and a de- more than 1.3 million people today. Ethnically veloping international as well as domestic tour- the city is dominated by the Bugis and Makasar, ism. The formal urban economy is based on both having a strong profile within Indonesia the harbor, political administration and facili- as adventurous, status-oriented and proud ties for higher education. Informal economy is people. Despite that Makassar is a truly very important for work and as service for the multiethnic city since centuries, with intra- and households (Forbes 1979; Jones and Supratilah interethnic rivalry but a comparative low rate 1985; Turner 2000). As a center of in- and out- of violent communal conflicts (Antweiler 2001). migration (Mukhlis and Robinson 1986) and Makassar had 1.268.000 inhabitants in 2000 due to its regional functions the city can be according to official data and the density was characterized as a ‘peripheral metropolis’. 2 4.259 persons/km in 1984 (Kotamadya Ujung The principal ethnic groups represented Pandang dalam Angka 1996). I would estimate in the city, Makasar, Bugis (Mattulada 1979, that there are at least 1.4 million inhabitants 1988; 1980); Mandar (Rach- today. Exact numbers are not easy to obtain man 1987) and Toraja (Heeren 1952; Abustam due to thousands of trishaw drivers and small 1975; Yamashita 1986), all have their roots in vendors living for months every year or per- the province. Others came as migrants, often manently in the city without being registered. from other islands, as Minang from The population increased more than in compa- (Darwis 1980) or people from Flores (Kapong rable Javanese cities in the last decades: 5.5% 1986). Many of the other inhabitants come from (1971-1980); 1.5% (1980-1984); 2.92% (1980- Eastern Indonesia. A lot of former residents, 1990). The area of municipality (kotamadya) especially members of the footloose Bugis, mi- 2 Makassar is 172 km ; Figure 1 shows only the grated permanently to other parts of Sula-wesi central part of the city. Due to official sources and other islands. Most often they are deeply 60% of the surface are residential areas, 15% immersed in local economies and even inte- industrial and 25% open space (M. Engst, pers. grated into local cultures. Despite having only comm., 2000). The average household size is scant inclination to resettle in South Sulawesi, 3 5.41 people. For data on earlier periods see recent communal riots in Eastern Indonesia pressed some of these people to return to the city. 2 There is only scant anthropological and sociological The city and especially the surrounding literature on this city. For an early sociological sketch see Walinono et al. (1974), for an overview see region was only lately integrated into the In- Antweiler (2000. ch.4 and n.d.a); for a bibliography on Makassar see Antweiler (n.d.b). Walinono (1974), Abu Hamid (1984) and earlier edi- 3 For data on earlier periods see Anonymus (1957), tions of ‘Ujung Pandang dalam Angka’.

14 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 Figure 1: Central Parts of Makassar with gridiron street pattern

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 15 donesian nation politically. It remained a his- Celebes. Its inhabitants today are only 9% of toric and ‘hot’ region well-known for isola- the province but about 65 % of the province´s tionistic or secessionist tendencies. This makes urban population (1971: 57%). Makassar it a contested candidate for regional autonomy. houses the centers of the army and navy com- If concepts and ideals of otonomi daerah are mand. Furthermore Makassar is the bureau- meant earnestly, they could have their litmus cratic and economic and education center for test here (see Figure 1). the neighboring province of Southeast Celebes (on bureaucracy see Conkling 1975). For East- Situating Makassar: history, structural location and regional functions ern Indonesia, apart from being the node of traffic, Makassar is most important in provid- Makassar historically was a city of regional ing possibilities for higher education. There are and even international economic importance many students from e.g. of and the (Mangemba 1972; Reid 1983; Reid and Reid Moluccas, studying at the higher schools and 1988, Villiers 1990; Poelinggomang 1993). But many small universities. The university (Uni- within the colonial hierarchy its position was versitas Hasanuddin, UNHAS), founded 1956, peripheral. The harbor, which was very impor- was the first university outside to offer tant and is still important, opens to the west graduate studies (since 1986) and now has and is situated to the eastern coast of more than 10.000 students. In terms of regional . There are age-old links between development in Indonesia, Makassar, together Makassar and . Since the 1980s with , , and Ambon, is the province of Kalimantan Timor (Kaltim) is considered as a center of a ‘special develop- the main aim of people migrating out from ment region’. Sulawesi in search for work. Together with the Today the role as a primate city for the ports of Tanjung Priok (in Jakarta) and Tanjung island is uncontested and the harbor is still Perak (in Surabaya) Makassar today is a main important for Eastern Indonesia. The city’s node of the inter-insular passenger network larger role within Indonesia is open to debate. (operated by ), which was reorganized The future will depend on policies of develop- in the eighties. Makassar harbor is the door to ment (pembangunan; ‘awakening’, ‘building the Eastern part of the archipelago and Aus- up’) not yet determined after the demise of tralia. Since the 1970s the province of Irian Jaya, . Potential functions of the city in the for example, receives almost all consumer future might include the leading position in goods, canned food and beer via Makassar or Eastern Indonesia (versus the currently still Surabaya. But this position is contested. Di- dominating Surabaya) and as a tourist center rect lines from Jakarta to Ambon, Irian Jaya, of whole Celebes (competing with the city of , and were established Manado in North Celebes). Regional rivalries thus diminishing the port’s importance. The as well as ethnic and religious issues are in- competitive relation of Makassar to its rival volved within these competitions (see Figure Surabaya as well as the subdominant position 2). to ‘the center’, that is, Jakarta, are a cultural theme of this city, especially in the discourse Ethnicity and established migrancy among local politicians. Situated in a region of a growing sense of Makassar has established itself as the re- regional consciousness and cultural processes gional primate city for the province of South transcending ethnic boundaries (Antweiler

16 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 Figure 2: Levels of identity and regional politics in Makassar (a): regional inclision and exclusion

2001), Makassar is a city ethnically dominated prominent in the city´s life and urban politics. by Makasar4 and Bugis. Everyday life is char- Apart from these Toraja and Chinese are im- acterized by an intense interaction between portant ethnic groups. Toraja came from their members of many ethnic groups originating in home area Tanah Toraja since the 1930s and the province and migrants from elsewhere, es- are generally regarded as part-time urban dwell- pecially Eastern Indonesia. Even among the ers (Heeren 1952). The Chinese, today mostly generally multiethnic cities of Indonesia speaking Makasar language, dwell mostly in Makassar stands out in cultural diversity the dense and congested old urban center (Antweiler 2000, Ch. 4 2001). Makassar is domi- (Saaduddin 1972; Kaharuddin 1988; Gani 1990; nated by the four main ethnic groups of South Lombard-Salmon 1969a, 1969b). Only since Celebes: Bugis, Makasar, Mandar, Toraja. But some years they are beginning to settle on big Makassar is not simply a ‘city of minorities’ streets in the outskirts (e.g. in Rappocini). Since like e.g. Medan in Sumatra. long the city has come to be known as a ‘mi- The city is situated in an area of the former crocosm of the eastern seas’. Life in Makassar Makasar kingdom Gowa and near the border to is like a step from the village into the world for traditional Bugis area. Thus Bugis and Makasar, many from the eastern part of the together more than 90% of the inhabitants are archipelago. People from many places in East- ern Indonesia, especially from Flores (Kapong 1986) and Timor, often live for longer periods 4 If I refer to the ethnic group I use ‘Makasar’ (with in Makassar, as students or traders. In recent one s, one of several names used in the literature), in years additionally there are refugees fleeing order not to confuse that with the name of the city communal struggles in the Moluccas (). (‘Makassar’, with two s).

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 17 Intercultural life, low segregation and like Medan, where the majority comes from ethnic dominance another island. Current norms and values guid- Contrary to some other Indonesian cities, ing life in Makassar are a result of a combina- Makassar is not to be regarded as a plural city tion of parts of the adat shared by members of today and also in earlier times. Members of the four South Sulawesian groups, rules of in- many different ethnic groups interact since teraction established through centuries and an hundreds of years in Makassar, not only at the orientation on values of modern nationalized workplace. Since colonial times close intereth- Indonesian urban culture. The dominance of nic economic relations and interethnic mar- Bugis and Makasar presents a specific social riages were established among members of the environment compared to other Indonesian cit- elite of the respective cultural groups despite ies. Most urbanites in Indonesia can be re- residential segregation (Sutherland 1986; garded as being bicultural. They follow their Abidin 1982; Mattulada 1991). Nowadays mem- regional culture (kebudayaan daerah) and a bers of all ethnic groups (except a part of the so called ‘Indonesian culture’ (kebudayaan Chinese community) not only work together, Indonesia). In Makassar, people of the non- but reside together and intermingle in every- dominant have to know Bugis-Makasar pat- day life. Today such exchange is found in all terns as a third culture. Only sporadically there social strata. Social differentiation and rank is are communal conflicts. Usually having small a central cultural theme in South Celebes causes, like conflicts between young people (Röttger-Rössler 1998). In the city status is dis- of different blocks, often they are quickly played mainly by consumption and at social framed in ethnic terms. The dominance of gatherings, such as meetings of rotationg credit Makasar and Bugis is not the only framework associations (arisan) or wedding receptions for interethnic relations in this city (see Figure (resepsi, cf. Blechmann-Antweiler 2001:ch.8 for 3). a description). But this status display is mainly An emerging trans-ethnic regionalism based on socioeconomic instead on ethnic fac- Sulawesi Selatan is well known as a region tors. Residential ethnic segregation is low (Fig- where identity looms large (Mattulada 1982). ure 3). There are quarters where one ethnic Since about 15 years there is a growing sense group has the majority, but only a few have of a regional belonging and province-related more than 50% of one group. The highest domi- collective identity in the city and parts of the nance of one ethnic group in the urban quar- province. Everyday discourse as well as offi- ters was about 80% in the 1980s. Despite some cial propaganda speak of ‘South Celebes remaining ethnic names of urban quarters, people’ (orang Sulawesi Selatan or orang many areas are almost unsegregated in ethnic Sulsel for short). A unified culture of the prov- terms today. ince, the ‘Culture of South Celebes’ The dominance of South Celebes regional (kebudayaan Sulawesi Selatan) is often men- ethnic groups in the city has implications for tioned in bureaucratic circles but also in every- the specific interethnic relations in Makassar. day talk. Contrary to Sutton (1995:674) my ex- Here the traditional norms and values (adat) of perience is, that this concept of a regional South the Makasar and Bugis are not only relevant Celebes culture is not only an idea of foreign- for these two groups, but for all others as well. ers or of Indonesians from outside the region. This is in contrast to other Indonesian cities,

18 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 Figure 3: A Typical ethnically mixed neighbourhood in Makassar

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 19 It is in the heads of many people in the region. trated in the southern parts of the province More and more people speak of ‘South Celebes and in Makassar are now trying to get their dances’ and ‘South Celebes houses’. This re- share in tourism, but infrastructure and services gional concept gives an orientation transcend- are still poor (see Figure 4). ing ethnic boundaries (Antweiler 2001). Going beyond Islam it is capable to integrate the Local knowledge and regional mainly Christian Toraja into the imagined or participation in development proposed regional culture. The core of this Local knowledge conception is heavily biased towards the four big groups of the province (Bugis, Makasar, How can local people participate in mea- Mandar and Toraja). These four groups are sures and decisions regarding development? usually differentiated from another in the first Required is firstly a political commitment to the instance. But these four have such close his- ideal that people should decide themselves torical ties and similarities in their cultural about development aims and measures pertain- makeup, that the remaining ethnic groups are ing to their locales (cf. Arce and Long 1999). lumped together (Figure 4) and sometimes even What is needed secondly, is locally and region- almost forgotten. ally relevant knowledge, that is real-life, real- Trends towards regionalism are reinforced time and real-space knowledge. These two are in the huge cultural park (Minatur Sulsel) show- general requirements for participatory devel- ing wooden stilt houses of the traditional elites. opment, be it in poor countries or in problem The general outline is in line with Indonesian areas of prosperous countries, e.g. downrun cultural and tourist policies. In its folklorization areas in Germany. and reduction of cultural diversity the park mir- This paper is mainly concerned with the rors the ‘archipelago concept’ (one island/prov- second requirement of participation in devel- ince-one culture) used in Jakarta’s cultural park opment, knowledge. It aims to further ap- Taman Miniatur Indonesia Indah (and similar proaches which try to use scientific knowledge cultural parks in East and Southeast , e.g. and layman’s more contextual resp. local knowl- in China and Laos). But beyond that it shows a edge in combination (Antweiler 1998). Not only self conscious regional profile and a concen- people´s knowledge but also their experiences tration on certain groups and sub-regions and sentiments (Abram and Waldren 1997) (Adams 1997; Robinson 1997). The park is one should be integrated explicitly. What we need of the arenas where struggles of provincial is what has been aptly called—in the context autonomy as well as ethnic dominance are of sustainable development in modern indus- acted out. Politicians, local anthropologists, trial societies—a ‘citizen science’ (Irwin 1995). historians and elite members of the respected Local knowledge consists of knowledge, groups are engaged. A linked contested arena skills and capabilities, most of which have some is the growing tourism in the province still domi- empirical grounding. Local knowledge has a nated by Tanah Toraja. The Toraja are portrayed potential for use in development measures (see as ‘the people of South Celebes’ in tourism Pasquale et al. 1998 for an overview), but its brochures and schoolbooks. Even in ordinary concrete implementation for development is huts and houses of Makasar, Bugis and Mandar quite ambiguous (Posey and Dutfield 1996; people, Torajan items are displayed in the Antweiler 1998). One problem concerns the guestroom. The Bugis and Makasar concen- unresolved epistemological status of local

20 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 Figure 4: Levels of identity and regional politics in Makassar (b): regional inclusion and exclusion knowledge (Agrawal 1995; Antweiler 1998). necessarily present themselves as comprehen- That is clearly indicated by the diverse terms sive systems and activities based on local which reflect several epistemological assump- knowledge, are not necessarily sustainable or tions and diverse political backgrounds (see socially just. Cognitive anthropology has re- Antweiler 1998 for a list). Most often it is called vealed that local knowledge is more than just indigenous knowledge, but especially that term technical and environmental knowledge, and connotes notions of states, age, aboriginality consists of several forms of knowledge and etc., which are quite problematic. Secondly the knowing. Different assumptions, methods and problem of the ownership of local knowledge divergent motives characterize anthropologi- is unresolved (e.g. Greaves 1994; Posey and cal approaches to local knowledge. Especially Dutfield 1996; Brush and Stabinsky 1996). A relevant to development measures is know- third problem is that the term ‘local knowledge’ ledge of processes. Thus the he use of local is sometimes simply used as a label, a fate, that knowledge for development should not either the term shares with the term ‘participation’, at be restricted to the extraction of information or least in Germany. simply seen as a countermodel to western sci- The practical application of local know- ence. Local knowledge is culturally situated and ledge is less of a technological but a theoreti- best understood as ‘social products’. cal and political problem, what is shown here Eliciting local knowledge systematically generally and by referring to urban knowledge. Local knowledge is often instrumentalized and Data collection on cultural knowledge is idealized by development experts as well as by torn between two opposing poles. One the one their critics, be it as ‘science’ or as ‘wisdom’. hand there are, coming from cognitive anthro- Within the context of development measures, pology, methods of structured interviewing. local knowledge has strengths as well as weak- They are often very formal and time-consum- nesses, both of which result from its local and ing. On the other hand we have the set of very situated character. Local knowledge, despite simple tools used in several rapid and/or par- often being called ‘knowledge systems’, do not ticipatory appraisal and learning methods (e.g.

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 21 RRA, PRA, PLA). Both approaches have se- pological fieldwork, in development projects vere drawbacks. The former are very system- or in other applied research (but see e.g. atic but concentrated on specific cultural do- Richards 1980:187-190 and Barker 1980:300 as mains (e.g. the classification of animals or soils). early examples) . Furthermore, intracultural cognitive variability Reported experiences with such methods remains largely unexplored and these methods in the context of anthropological fieldwork in are expensive in terms of time. The latter meth- non-western settings are varied. Some infor- ods are rapid, but generally leave out the cul- mants found them funny and thus interesting, tural context. The paper adopts the position, others regarded them as so childishly, that they that we need direct, systematic, formal and com- preferred to proceed instantly to a coffee or an parative yet culturally sensitive methods for ouzo. As an illustration of the divergence be- larger samples, if we want to establish a truly tween bold textbook claims and disappointing citizen science. The paper tries to complement fieldwork experiences compare Weller and RRA, PRA and PLA methods with simplified Romney‘s and Bernard’s textbook with methods coming from cognitive anthropology Barnes’s drastic statement about fieldwork re- and clinical psychology. ality: Within cognitive anthropology there are ...the interviewing and data collection tasks many works on the procedures for the process- contained in this volume are as appropriate ing of data but far less on data gathering tech- for use in such exotic settings as the highlands of as they are in the corporate niques and especially on the specific practical offices on Wall Street (Weller and Romney problems. But anthropological experience re- 1988:9). veals that especially the systematic elicitation I consider the techniques reviewed in this chap- of data may be very problematic in a cultural ter to be among the most fun and most pro- context different from the researchers. The gen- ductive in the repertoire of anthropological method. They can be used in both applied and eral assumption of methods handbooks (e.g. basic research, they are attractive to informants, Weller and Romney 1988; Werner and and they produce a wealth of information that Schoepfle 1987) is simply that systematic in- can be compared across informants and across terviewing resp. systematic data collection or cultures (Bernard 1988:240). systematic elicitation techniques may be uni- ...(the informants) quickly got stuck, resort- versally applied. Cognitive anthropologists ing the cards as each new name was added, before stopping and declaring the task to be claim to seek the emic perspective, but critiques impossible (Barnes 91:290). maintain that the methods of cognitive anthro- pology are overly formal, too complicated and Principally I see three ways to react to these not applicable in the context of people in real- problems if we are interested in establishing a life non-western settings. These methods are citizens science. First, we could use established largely based on US-American experiences with methods from the toolboxes e.g. of RRA, PRA, people who are accustomed with formal tests. PLA or other participatory approaches. Follow- To a great extent the methods were developed ing this way we should not only follow the with paid American college students or they glossy brochures but also be aware of the limi- were used with informants, whose cultural back- tations of the methods and the fuzziness of the ground was already well known. No wonder use of the term ‘participation’. A second ‘solu- that these elaborated methods were seldom tion’, most often followed by anthropologists, used in non-western settings, be it in anthro- is simply to drop systematic elicitation and to

22 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 Figure 5: Research methods to learn about local knowledge change to less formal, less systematic ways of able if we want to know at the outset the themes collecting data on local knowledge. One col- and problems relevant for the people studied. lects normal discourse, e.g. gossip, but thus Secondly, they can elicit the informant’s know- sacrifices reliability or comparability for ledge as well as their evaluations and senti- contextualization. ments. Thirdly, modern methods allow for in- A generally forgotten third possibility is tra-cultural variation, e.g. as a consequence of to adapt locally and further simplify the sim- age, gender, network position or social rank. pler of the methods used in cognitive anthro- Furthermore, they can grasp the diachronic dif- pology (Figure 5). I think, that the sharp cri- fusion of cognition (see Figure 5). tique on cognitive anthropological methods mentioned above applies especially to the older Urban residential knowledge and generation of methods (e.g. Metzger and Will- sentiment in Makassar iams 1966) and concerns far less the simple tech- Recent trends in Makassar and modernist niques of data collection of modern cognitive urban planning anthropology. These techniques developed in Indonesia is a country experiencing high the context of a generally more contextualized rates of urbanization and intra-national migra- cognitive anthropology. Firstly, some modern tion (Nas 1995; Hugo 1997; Tirtosudarmo 1997). methods (cf. Weller and Romney 1988:ch.2), e.g. Living in a developmentalist state with a de- listings, are quite simple and especially suit- velopment-oriented state ideology (Pancasila),

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 23 ‘development’ (pembangunan, Ind.) has a very Kurnia 1991; cf. Sianipar 1979 on dukun). There positive connotation for many Indonesians are illegally used spaces and land tracts with despite their often negative experiences. Indo- unsolved tenure status. Even after a period of nesian development discourse since several tremendous growth till the 1970s Makassar is years is influenced by participatory termino- characterized by a somewhat provincial charm. logy (see e.g. Quarles van Ufford 1993; Weber But the the late 1990s again brought severe 1994), but the implementation of concepts of changes, a general modernization and even participation is often heavily top-down. One some postmodern architectural signs. might speculate whether ‘participation’ is Traffic increased considerably within the sometimes deliberately used to mask its con- last years. Now there are more than 1200 taxis, trary. Urban planning in Indonesia is still heavily where in 1991 there were only 200. Traffic jams centralized and bureaucratized. Rhetorically, are a normal experience; there are now some participation is a central pillar of Indonesian traffic lights and most big roads are now one- urban planning and urban services, but again way. There were several if unsuccessful at- reality is often almost completely otherwise tempts to restrict the bicycle rickshaws from (McTaggart 1976; Karamoy and Dias 1982; cf. certain parts of the city. There are now many also Sudarmo 1997). Reviews of urban studies supermarkets where ten years ago there were and of studies on urban development in Indo- only two. The shopping center at Pasar Baru nesia (Mboi and Smith 1994; Nas 1995) show was demolished and a new four-storey center that still there are only a few studies on partici- was built. In 1999 even a shopping mall similar pation. to those in Jakarta opened its doors and a Urban planning in Makassar followed an McDonalds was to open. There are several new American masterplan (Institut Teknologi luxury hotels partially financed with money 1973). Generally it was guided by from Jakarta and . They are seldom western conceptions since mayor H.M. Daeng used by tourists but mainly by higher govern- Patompos term of office in the 1970s. He en- ment officials during visits in the city and one thusiastically promoted modernistic urban con- some may be used for land speculation pur- ceptions (Patompo 1976). Kampungs were im- poses. The central post office was modernized proved (Kampung Improvement Program 1975), recently and throughout the city there are com- streets were widened and one street (Jl. Somba puterized telephone booths (warung telpon, Opu) was proudly declared a ‘shopping area’. Wartel). Not only in the central business dis- Central parts of the city were rebuilt and a Chi- trict, but throughout the city there is an in- nese cemetery was relocated to make room for creasing number of Chinese-style multi-storey administrative buildings and a new central mar- shophouses (rumah toko, Ruko) combining ket. The eastward expansion of the city was dwelling and business functions. Many houses planned and the city´s area was increased by facing the seaside had to make way for the har- legislation in 1971. Highways were built in the bor, which was modernized and extended. A outskirts (see Ujung Pandang Area Highway new toll road to this harbor was recently fin- Development study 1988). The realization of ished. On the road to the Hasannuddin Air- these modernistic plans however, is still far from port near the town of Maros north of the city complete. Parts of the modern city lack infra- new office buildings and industrial estates structure and show run-down houses. There abound. The airport is now an international air- were severe health problems (Tuaruns and port with direct links to Singapore several times

24 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 a week. Large areas of transition zone is not only scientifically interesting but also (Makkulau 1978) and the city’s outskirts now relevant for the informants themselves. The are scattered with planned residential settle- specific theme selected was intra-urban resi- ments including shops and supermarkets. They dential mobility. are for the upward mobile, mostly Chinese and The fieldwork was conducted in a settle- Bugis. They include elements of western ur- ment at the outskirts of the city, called banism (guards, cul-de-sac streets and Span- Rappocini. With my wife and our then seven ish-Style bungalows), but local adaptations as months-old son I lived one year 1991/1992 in well (Indonesian-style guest- and bathrooms). Rappocini, an ethnically quite mixed area. The As in other parts of Indonesia, the names of first half year we lived in one room of a small these settlements convey modernistic and ro- house of an Indonesian family with their four mantic ideas linked with local place names (e.g. children. The couple was also ethnically mixed Panakkukang Emas, ‘Golden Panakkukang’). (Bugis/Mandar). They normally spoke Bahasa A huge area in the southern part of the town Indonesia, as usual in urban households in and facing the sea (Tanjung Bunga) was Indonesia. The head was a low-level govern- planned for business and recreation in an ul- ment clerk (pegawai negeri) and his wife tra-modernistic outline. Still it is nearly a rural worked mainly in the house. The second half area but the area is being build up slowly. The of the year we lived in a nearby neighborhood main urban administrative functions were in the same settlement with a better-off child- moved from the former colonial area near the less couple, again ethnically mixed (Makasar/ Fort Amsterdam (Benteng) to various arteries Minangkabau). Apart from the usual anthro- in the outskirts of the city. Modern Makassar pological fieldwork methods I used special is represented by big office and bank build- methods for understanding the residential cir- ings and mostly two-storied shophouses com- cumstances, such as a detailed household sur- bining dwelling space with economic functions. vey and mapping concentrated on residence But large parts of the central town are severely and turnover, a residence history analysis, in- run down despite some attempts of renovation terviews of all recently moved households and in order to develop parts of the old town into a last not least our own residential move. Most ‘Chinatown’. One main Chinese temple demol- specific were methods for the study of natural ished during ethnic riots in 1997 laid in ashes decision-making in intraurban moves in 2000. (Antweiler 2000: Ch.3-5). Within the general re- search theme specific questions concerning the Urban knowledge and fieldwork knowledge and sentiments of the urban envi- Given that context I tried to understand ronment (residential cognition; cf. Tognoli local urban knowledge in a part of Makassar in 1987; Saegert and Winkel 1990 for overviews) relation to action and especially concerning arose, such as: everyday decisions. The general aim was to · What do the people know of the area situate the knowledge studied within the (‘knowledge’)? knowledge and knowing of other realms and in · How do they know it (‘knowing’), e.g. how the context of other aspects of everyday life. are the streets and lanes represented cog- Furthermore it was to be related to the social nitively? history of the settlement and the region. I in- · What are their evaluations and the mea- tentionally choose a domain of cognition which nings of the built environment?

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 25 · What are the evaluations of neighborhoods is possible to elicit cognition as well as emo- or specific locations if considered as tion. Basically the method consists of two potential residential locations? steps beyond the selection of an appropriate Environmental psychologists and geogra- theme or domain and questions of sampling, phers interested in perception often use cog- which are very important for any citizen ori- nitive mapping (mental mapping) to understand ented science but neglected here for the mo- such issues. Months of living among these ment: 1) an elicitation of constructs in a dyad people showed that the people are not very or triad comparison and 2) a scaling of other accustomed to use maps. I would have got re- items according to the particular constructs sults but they would have been very artificial. elicited. Furthermore people in Makassar are exposed Step 1 is the ‘construct question’: Two or to maps in the public realm, which are produced three items called ‘elements’ are presented to by planning offices, which are often severely be compared by the interviewed person. These wrong. So I had to seek alternative methods in elements might be words or short sentences order to understand local space related cogni- on cards, photographs or concrete objects, tion and spatial knowledge. such as grains or animal specimen. Without giving any other input the interviewer asks sim- Repertory grid method ply to discriminate on the basis of similarity The Repertory Grid Method is a method (dyad comparison, triad comparison). This re- to elicit cognitive data in language form to re- veals certain stated characteristics, e.g. ‘These veal so called ‘constructs’. Scheer (1993:25-36) two are similar, because they both are clean’ or gives an outline of the procedure in general. ‘this one is different, because dange-rous’. The method was developed by George Kelly Thus an ‘initial pole’ of a construct is gained. (1955) and is used classically in clinical psy- Asking for the contrary of the stated trait—if chology (cf. Scheer and Catina´s reader 1993). that is not obvious—reveals pairs of contrasts It was used also in the field of environmental (e.g. ‘clean/dirty’, ‘dangerous/secure’). These psychology and by urban geographers inter- pairs of contrast are called ‘polarities’ resp. ested in neighborhood evaluation and residen- ‘personal constructs’. It is possible to elicit tial choice (e.g. Aitken 1990; Anderson 1990; several constructs per dyad or triad. Preston and Taylor 1981; Tanner and Foppa Step 2 uses the constructs elicited as poles 1995). in a scale for ordering other (!) items presented The basic assumption is clear and simple: to the interview partner. Thus every interviewed humans tend to order their world cognitively person evaluates the new items by ranking or by using dual polarities. Referring to everyday rating within a scale, that is not coming from decisions the assumption is, that individuals the ethnographer, but from her- or himself! Only ‘construe’ several aspects within the diversity the basic items of comparison are from the in- of their experiences on the basis of similarities terviewer. This differentiates this method from and dissimilarities (Catina and Schmitt 1993 for Charles Osgood´s semantic differential resp. an overview). Every person uses many polari- polarity profile. A matrix can be formed arrang- ties and they differ between persons intra- and ing the constructs (from step 1) horizontally interculturally. This differentiates the theory and the rating values (from step 2) vertically. from any overarching dualisms as assumed by The resulting multidimensional semantic space most structuralists. Working with language it consisting of elements and constructs is called

26 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 the person’s repertory grid. As the result there Such a method has qualitative as well as emerges the cognitive and emotive repertoire quantitative aspects and several advantages of a person regarding a specific theme or do- compared to survey-like methods on the one main. The form is a matrix of several presented side and to a totally open interview on the other items and their respective evaluations by the hand: partner. • elicitation of systematic emic data of a Here I present the method in the form sample (same stimuli for everyone) adapted to the specific fieldwork setting in - neither purely qualitative, nor purely Makassar in recipe form. Later I will explain the quantitative reasoning for the necessary adaptation to the • but emic cognitive results for any local setting, an important question all too of- individual (instead of generalized emics) ten neglected in cognitive anthropology - intracultural variation documented method books and RRA, PRA, PLA cookbooks • only stimuli given by the researcher as well. (instead of prearranged polarity profile) Step One: Elicitation of constructs via tri- - more openness for the local ads comparison: perspectives 1. Present three elements (houses, lanes, • photos are used as stimuli (instead of neighbourhoods) A, B, C as photos. word) 2. Ask: ‘Which of these two of the three - more control of stimuli items are similar? Which one is specific?’ • parsimonious presentation of items Note e.g. A vs. BC. (instead of elaborated method) 3. Ask: ‘Why this one/these ones?’ (if not - applicable in real life situations spontaneously stated). • easy to note Note that statement as one pole in a 10- - transparency of notation for interview point-scale. partners (ethical issue) 4. Ask: ‘What would be the contrary of • open for further dialogues on emically that?’ related topics Note statement as other polarity. - systematic method allowing deeper 5. Ask: ‘Which one would you prefer of continuation. these two qualities?’ (if not obvious). Regional relevant themes and suitable Note preference with an + symbol. media: adaptation of the method 6. Present several triads and obtain with the same procedure several constructs. If any true participation is our aim textbook Note as above. methods often have to be modified consider- ably. The real challenge is to simplify and adapt Step Two: Evaluation of urban areas with the methods without getting lost in a totally the constructs elicited via ranking: localized method which prevents any compari- 1. Ranking of 8 plastic slips with the names son and generalization. I explain the reasoning of residential areas or streets within the for the specific modification of existing text- first polarity profile from step one. book methods in the field and my experiences. 2. Ranking of the same 8 slips in the other The description might be an answer to the ques- constructs elicited in step one. tion why I used the method only after having been five months in the field. A random sample

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 27 of house owners (30 %; n=21) of one urban lar area. For the same reason only photos were neighborhood was interviewed. The interview selected that did not show well known places, location was determined by my partners. Often streets, buildings or advertisements. I had made we exchanged in the small guest rooms (ruang the photos during the first five months of field- tamu) of small huts or houses, on the small work firstly to cover the diversity of living situ- terrace, or, if lacking space, in front of the build- ations and secondly because people move from ing at the fringe of the small lanes (lorong). the area studied to other parts of the city and Interviews were conducted during two weeks vice versa. in 1991 and needed between ½ an hour and 1 Pragmatic as well as ethical considerations ½ hours. urged me only to show outdoor situations. Fis- Why were triads instead of dyadic items tulae, indoor photos too obviously show so- used as stimuli? My trials confirmed the gen- cial status and thus would not be very produc- eral experience that triads motivate more to think tive. Secondly, it would only possible for me to and evaluate. Dyads are often too obviously make indoor photos in the area where I knew similar or different. For any triad I selected pho- the people. Indoor photos of households per- tographs which showed relative similar situa- sonally known to the interviewed people would tions to make the comparison interesting. But I have been a problem in a society where mate- tried to maximize the variance of living situa- rial living conditions are a common theme of tions shown between the several triads pre- everyday gossip. Further practical decisions sented. One triad, e.g. showed three poor huts were important in the use of the photographs. while in another triad the interviewed saw three I used the locally usual format 10 x 15 cm. I well organized middle class neighborhoods. numbered the photos for easy reference and I used photographs (Figure 6) for the elici- discussion if the interview developed into a tation of the constructs, as I had experienced group discussion. This helped also for an easy the fanciness for photographs during the first notation and one transparent for the interview months of my stay. The people like to speak partners, not a trivial consideration for meth- about photographs; they have albums of fam- ods for a participatory citizen science. ily photos and photographs are on display in Step 2, the comparative evaluation of spe- almost every household. Using photos it is cific urban areas within the constructs elicited, relative easy to present the stimuli really in the also needed some preparation based on my same form to every person interviewed. Fur- fieldwork experiences (Figure 6). For the stimuli thermore, photographs are a suitable medium I presented eight named urban areas. I selected for the topic of urban environmental knowl- six areas plus the present living area plus the edge as they reveal detailed traits which can birthplace of the interview partner. The reason- be compared. ing behind the inclusion of the latter two was The color photographs showed typical to move the ranking within the biographical residential situations from several areas of experience of the people. During my fieldwork Makassar. The selection of the photographs about residential decision-making it had be- was important because of several reasons. I come apparent that one key factor for select- did not use photos of the area where the inter- ing areas for moves are the country-city migra- viewed people lived, as in step I wanted to elicit tion experiences before the intra-urban residen- general value orientations based on observ- tial moves (cf. Somantri 1995 for Jakarta). Dur- able traits and not the evaluation of a particu- ing this step the areas for consideration were

28 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 Figure 6: Set of interview material for repertory grids presented now not as photos, but in the form der in an ethnically and economically mixed of names of urban areas. Thus the awareness neighborhood. As already said I used this pro- of the interviewees was guided toward general cedure intentionally only after having been in evaluations, images and prejudices instead to field for five months. I had visited all inter- on specific traits. The area or neighborhood viewed people several times before this spe- names were written clearly readable on plastic cific interview. I had informal discussions and slips. They are easy to handle if there is only conducted a household census and residen- dim light within the houses. They don’t get tial-history interview with all of them. So they dirty if the interview had to be conducted in knew me and my overall research theme (intra- front of the houses at the margin of a small lane urban residential mobility). with few space and probably some rain in the Introducing this specific interview I monsoon season (see Figure 6). stressed that it would not aim at ‘correct’ an- swers, but that I was interested in their per- Systematic yet regionally adapted interview- ing sonal perception and evaluation. That was very important as my trials with this formal proce- People reacted differently to this method. dure had revealed that some people are re- Most were very interested or amused, but to minded to intelligence tests. In a city with many some it was also somewhat foreign. No won- schools, universities and offices many people

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 29 have experiences with such tests. Such con- results about a small or larger sample of people. siderations are very important, if you don’t want They can be obtained firstly by simple graphic to collect nice but artificial data. After some rendering which allows visual sharing between conversation and some obligatory kretek ciga- interviewer and interviewees. That is a good rettes I showed the people first three outdoor basis for direct further discussion and reveals photographs, one of myself, one of my brother proposals for as yet unrecognized evaluation and one of my mother. I used my family be- criteria. Furthermore, a simple sorting by hand cause the people are very keen to see photos (cf. Raethel 1993:47-49) can reveal first insights of western people in general and of families already in the field. Deeper insights can be ar- especially. I asked the triad question and I an- rived by using established software (e.g. swered it myself in the obvious way, grouping ANTHROPAC, Borgatti 1990) and through by sex: me and my brother vs. my mother. Then more complicated specific quantitative and I said: ‘O.K, but we could also have grouped in graphic data processing (cf. Raethel 1993:53- the same way but because of another reason. 67), for which there is special software avail- My mother is wearing a suit not allowed able (see Willutzki and Raethel 1993). (kurang cocok, Ind.) for women outdoors, Results from using several methods in ad- whereas my brother and me are properly dition to the repertory grid method showed that dressed.’ (Sorry Mam!) The reasoning behind people in Makassar have intricate concepts all that was to sensibilize the interviewed per- and action strategies regarding migration, resi- son for a new method by using an everyday dential mobility and housing (Antweiler theme. Taking an everyday normative issue 2000:329-413). Figure 7 gives a simplified over- (gender roles) the partners should be prepared view of the concepts and how they are related for a descriptive, but also evaluative compari- to another. Interviewees differentiated between son in the interview. eight ways of earning one´s livelihood, some I deliberately used a very simple notation of them linked to migration strategies. They form (see again Figure 6). It should allow big distinguished among several house types and, lettering due to my personal not very readable apart from that, they saw six ways of building a script and dim light. The notation was facili- house, which are associated mainly with in- tated by the numbering of the photographs come patterns. Furthermore, they had (step 1) and the plastic slips (step 2) (see Fig- typologies of migration and migrants, which ures, 7 and 8). were linked mainly to normal male migrant bi- ographies. Interestingly, many of these con- Conclusion: regional autonomy, the cepts are quite different from the official con- citizen’s voice and the official idioms cepts used in maps and planning documents. of planning The idiom is quite different from the language This paper was concerned with identity, used in urban upgrading programs (e.g. regionalism, autonomy and data gathering Kampung Improvement Programme; KIP) and methods, not with the analysis of the data. Thus the program aiming at decentralization of plan- here I give only some hints regarding methods ning, programming and implementation (Inte- for analysis and results. Results can be gained grated Urban Infrastructure Development in several forms, ranging from simple qualita- Programme (IUIDP). tive data about cases to detailed quantitative I will give some examples of concepts linked to residential decision-making. Whereas

30 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 Figure 7: Migration and intraurban mobility in Makassar: a composite model of local knowledge

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 31 Figure 8: Concepts about residential areas: emic vs. official (selected concepts, empty fields: no complement observed) the people distinguish several forms of dwell- ecomomic situation. It is a concept not reflected ing and see several strategies to build a house, in the official development standards of mini- there are only two to three in the official maps, mum wage, calorie intake etc. Examplary local labeled as ‘permanent’ (permanen), ’semi- categories of situasi hidup are ‘people seek- permanent’ (semi permanen) and ‘temporary’ ing work’ (cari kerja; I use the colloquial forms, (sementara). Whereas there are at least seven so here without pen-), ‘people seeking knowl- emically differentiated ways of living in a dwell- edge’ (cari ilmu), that is people coming the ing (Figure 7), officially there are only three: countryside who are looking for education in ‘posessed’ (milik), ‘hired’ (sewa) and ‘staying the city, and ‘people seeking experiences’ (cari with’ (‘free lodging’, numpang; e.g. In pengalaman). This latter concept is especially Identifikasi Kawasan Kumuh Perkotaan 1991:6). interesting regarding decision-making. In Whereas official documents speak of illegal Makassar it is the locally accepted rationale, if settlements (illegal) or dwellings without per- people try something radically new. Addition- mission (tanpa izin), the people speak of ally, people use specific notions of trial-and- ‘guarding (other people´s) land’ (jaga tanah). error behaviour. People say e.g. ‘try, try often, Regarding residential mobility, the consider- try it again’ (coba, coba coba, coba lagi), ation of a household´s or individual´s ‘living ‘search, search again’ (cari, cari lagi) or ‘just situation’ (situasi hidup) was emically of cen- wait and see’ (tunggu saja). In a typical mes- tral importance. This involves more than mere tizo Indonesian idiom some people called these

32 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 strategies sistem eksperimental. and concepts employed in official urban plan- Residence history interviews and work ning brochures (Figure 8). with decision tables revealed that residential The conclusion is that formal but simple knowledge in Makassar is situated in local and cognitive methods have a potential for urban regional collective memories, emotionally studies in Indonesia. Local urban knowledge loaded concepts and normative biographies. It can be used to achieve a more humanized and became evident that it is an amalgam of empiri- effective urban planning. Regarding methods, cally based factual knowledge and forms of the universality of cognitive approaches can action-related knowing. Decision tables re- be maintained provided that either informants vealed that the knowledge is systematic and are accustomed to formal questioning or text- complex, but not a closed and comprehensive book versions adapted to the local cultural set- system shared among all people. One of the ting. The latter requires a certain ethnographic results was that there are commonalities but grounding in the local culture which is nor- also striking differences between the idiom and mally not available in development projects perceptions of local residents and the language which use quicker participative approaches.

References

Abidin, F.Z. 1982 Peradjinan Penggulayan Persatuan Rakyat Sulawesi Selatan untuk mengusur V.O.C. dari Makassar pada abad ke 18:trio La Ma´dukkeling, Karaeng Bonto Langkasa danArung Kaju. Ujung Pandang: Makalah disampaikan pada Seminar Sejarah Perjuangan Rakyat SULSEL menenteng Perjahan Asing; 8.-11 Desember 1982; paper; Pp.36. Abu Hamid 1984 Kotamadya Ujung Pandang, Sulawesi Selatan. Ujung Pandang: Departemen Pendidikan den Kebudayaan, Direktorat Jenderal Kebudayaan, Proyek Inventarisasi dan Dokumentasi Kebudyaan Daerah. Abustam, M.I. 1975 Tukang Sepatu Toraja di Ujung Pandang. Suatu Studi Mengenai Proses Perpindahan dan Penyesuaian Cara Hidup di Kota. Laporan Penelitian. Ujung Pandang: Pusat Penelitian Ilmu- Ilmu Sosial. Abram, S. and J.Waldren (eds) 1998 Anthropological Perspectives on Development. Knowledge and Sentiment in Conflict. London, New York: Routledge (European Association of Social Anthropologists). Adams, K.M. 1997 ‘Touting Touristic ‘Primadonas’: Tourism, Ethncity, and National Integration in Sulawesi, Indonesia’, in M. Picard and R.E. Wood (eds) Tourism, Ethnicity, and the State in Asian and Pacific Societies. Honolulu: University of Hawai´i Press. Pp.155-180. Agrawal, A. 1995 ‘Dismantling the Divide Between Indigenous and Scientific Knowledge’, Development and Change 26:413-439.

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 33 Aitken, S.C. 1990 ‘Local Evaluations of Neighbourhood Change’, Annuals of the American Association of Geographers 80(2):247-267. Anderson, T.J. 1990 ‘Personal Construct Theory, Residential Decision-Making and the Behavioural Environment’, in F.W. Boal and D.N. Livingstone (eds) The Behavioural Environment. Essays in Reflection, Application and Re-Evaluation. London, New York: Routledge. Pp.133-162. Anonymus 1957 Memperkenalkan Kota Makassar “Jumpandang”. Makassar: Penerbit Tribakti. Antweiler, C. 1998 ‘Local Knowledge and Local Knowing. An Anthropological Analysis of Contested ´Cultural Products´ in the Context of Development’, Anthropos 93(4-6):469-494. 2000 Urbane Rationalität. Eine stadtethnologische Studie zu Ujung Pandang (Makassar), Indonesien. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag (Kölner Ethnologische Mitteilungen, 12). 2001 ‘Interkulturalität und Kosmopolitismus in Indonesien? Ethnische Grenzen und ethnienübergreifende Identität in Makassar’, Anthropos 96 (in print). n.d.a ‘Makassar (Ujung Pandang)’, in M.Ember and C.R. Ember (eds) Encyclopedia of Urban Cultures. Grolier (in print). n.d.b ‘Makassar Dynamics. Urban Cognition and Mobility in a Regional Metropolis in the Indonesian Periphery’, in P.Nas (ed.) The Indonesian Town Reconsidered. Leiden (in print). Arce, A. and N.Long (eds) 2000 Anthropology, Development and Modernities. Exploring Discourses, Counter-Tendencies and Violence. London and New York: Routledge. Barker, D. 1980 ‘Appropriate Technology: An Example Using a Traditional African Board Game to Measure Farmer´s Attitudes and Environmental Images’, in Brokhensha, David D., D.M. Warren and O.Werner (eds) Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Development. Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, Inc. (The International Library of Development and Indigenous Knowledge). Pp.297-302. Barnes, R.H. 1990 ‘Review of Röttger-Rössler 1989’, in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 115:289-291. Bernard, H.R. 1988 Research Methods in Cultural Anthropology. Newbury Park u.a.: Sage Publications. Blechmann-Antweiler, M. 2001 Ohne uns geht es nicht. Ein Jahr bei Frauen in Indonesien. Münster etc.: Lit Verlag. Borgatti, S.P. 1990 ‘Using ANTHROPAC to Investigate a Cultural Domain’, CAM, Cultural Anthropology Methods Newsletter 2(3):10. Brush, S.B. and D. Strabinsky (eds) 1996 Valuing Local Knowledge: Indigenous People and Intellectual Property Rights. Washington D.C.: Island Press.

34 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 Catina, A. and G.M. Schmitt 1993 ‘Die Theorie der Persönlichen Konstrukte’, in Scheer and Catina (eds):11-23. Conkling, R. 1975 Bureaucracy in Makassar, Indonesia. The Political Anthropology of a Complex Organization. Chicago, Illinois. (The University of Chicago, Dept. of Anthropology, Ph.D.-Diss.). Darwis, A. 1980 Orang Minang di Ujung Pandang. Perobahan Nilai dalam Perkawinan. . Kerjasama Universitas Andalas dan IKIP Padang. Paper Seminar Internasional Mengenai Kesusasteraan, Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan Minangkabau, 4-6 September 1980. Pp.19. Forbes, D.K. 1979 The Pedlars of Ujung Pandang. Melbourne: Monash University Centre of Southeast Asian Studies (Working Papers 17). Gani, J. 1990 Cina Makassar. Suatu kajian tentang Masyarakat Cina di Indonesia (1906-1959). Ujung Pandang: Universitas Hasanuddin, Fakultas Sastra. Greaves, T. (ed.) 1994 Intellectual Property Rights for Indigenous Peoples: A Source Book. Oklahoma City: Society for Applied Anthropology. Heeren, H.J. 1952 ‘De Trek der Toraja´s naar Makassar’, in G.H. Van der Kolff (ed.) Sticusa Jaarboek 3:52-63. Amsterdam: Stichting voor Culturele Samenwerking, Van Campen. Hugo, G. 1997 ‘Population Change and Development in Indonesia’, in R.F.Watters and T.G. McGee (eds) and G.Sullivan (ass. ed.) Asia-Pacific. New Geographies of the Pacific Rim. London: Hurst and Company. Pp.223-249. Institut Teknologi Bandung 1973 Masterplan Kotamadya Ujung Pandang. Kompilasi Data: Bandung. Irwin, A. 1995 Citizen Science. A Study of People, Expertise and Sustainable Development. London etc. Routledge (Environment and Society). Kelly, G.A. 1955 The Psychology of Personal Constructs (2 Vols). New York: W.W. Norton. Jones, G.W. and B. Supratilah 1985 ‘Underutilization: Tenaga Kerja di dan Ujung Pandang’,Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 12(1):30-57. Kaharuddin 1988 Adaptasi dan Interaksi Orang Cina di Kotamadya Ujung Pandang. Suatu Tinjauan Antropologis terhadap WNI Keturunan Cina. Ujung Pandang: Universitas Hasanuddin, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik.

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 35 Kampung Improvement Program Ujung Pandang 1975 Preliminary Data and Analysis for Project Development. Department of Public Works and Electric Power, Directorate General of Housing, Building, Planning and Urban Development, Directorate of the City and Regional Planning, in Cooperation with U.N.D.P.; no place given (Ujung Pandang). Kapong, E. 1986 ‘Perantau Flores Timur di Kotamadya Ujung Pandang’, in P. Mukhlis and K. Robinson (eds) Migrasi. Ujung Pandang: Lembaga Penerbitan Universitas Hasanuddin. Pp.135-204. Karamoy, A. and G. Dias (eds) 1982 Participatory Urban Services in Indonesia: People Participation and the Impact of Govern- ment Social Services Programmes on the Kampung Communities. A Case Study in Jakarta and Ujung Pandang. Jakarta: Lembaga Penelitian, Pendidikan dan Penerangan Ekonomi dan Sosial (LP3ES). Bappeda dan Kantor Statistik Kotamadya Daerah TK. II Ujung Pandang 1996 Kotamadya Ujung Pandang Dalam Angka. Statistik Tahunan. Ujung Pandang. Lombard-Salmon, C. 1969a ‘La Communauté chinoise de Makassar: Vie collective et organisations’, France-Asie 197(2):159-194. 1969b ‘La Communauté chinoise de Makassar. Vie réligieuse’, T´oung Pao 60(4-5):241-297. McTaggart, W.D. 1976 ‘Kebijaksanaan Pembangunan Kota Di Indonesia. Kasus Ujung Pandang, Sulawesi Selatan’, Masyarakat Indonesia 3(1):71-102. Mangemba, H.D. 1972 Kota Makassar Dalam Lintasan Sejarah. Makassar: Universitas Hasanuddin, Fakultas Sastra, Lembaga Sejarah. Mattulada 1979 ‘Bugis-Makassar: Manusia dan Kebudayannya’, (Terbitan Khusus) Berita Antropologi6(16) Jakarta: Universitas Indonesia. 1982 ‘South Sulawesi, Its Ethnicity and Way of Life’, Southeast Asian Studies 20(1):4-22. 1988 ‘Kebudayaan Bugis-Makassar’, in Koentjaraningrat (ed.) Manusia dan Kebudayaan Indone- sia. Jakarta Penerbit Djambatan. Pp.266-285. 1991 Menyusuri Jejak Kehadiran Makassar Dalam Sejarah (1510-1700). Ujung Pandang: Press (second ed.). Makkulau, A. (ed.) 1978 Zone Zone Transisi. Ujung Pandang: IKIP. Mboi, N. and K.H. Smith 1994 ‘Urban Research in Indonesia: Its Evolution and Its Future’, in R.Stren (ed.) Urban Research in the Developing World. Volume 1: Asia. Toronto: Centre For Urban and Community Studies, University of Toronto. Pp.172-251. Metzger, D.G. and G.E. Williams 1966 ‘Some Procedures and Results in the Study of Native Categories: Tzeltal “Firewood”’, American Anthropologist 68:389-407.

36 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 Mukhlis P. and K. Robinson (eds) 1986 Migrasi. Ujung Pandang: Lembaga Penerbitan Universitas Hasanuddin. Nas, P.J.M. (ed.) 1995 Issues in Urban Development. Case Studies from Indonesia. Leiden: Research School CNWS. Pasquale, S., P. Schröder and U. Schulze (eds) 1998 Lokales Wissen für nachhaltige Entwicklung: Ein Praxisführer. Saarbrücken: Verlag für Entwicklungspolitik. Patompo, H.M. 1976 Rahasia Menyingkap Tabir Kegelapan. Fragmen Revolusi Pembangunan. Ujung Pandang: SMP Frater. Poelinggomang, E.L. 1993 ‘The Dutch Trade Policy and Its Impact on Makassar´s Trade’, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 27:61-76. Posey, D.A and G. Dutfield 1996 Beyond Intellectual Property. Toward Traditional Resource Rights for Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities. Ottawa etc.: International Development Research Centre.. Preston, V. A. and S.M. Taylor 1981 ‘Personal Construct Theory and Residential Choice’, Annuals of the Association of American Geographers 21:437-461. Quarles van Ufford, P. 1993 ‘Knowledge and Ignorance in the Practices of Development Policy’, in M. Hobart (ed.) An Anthropological Critique of Development: The Growth of Ignorance. London, New York: Routledge. Pp.135-160. Rachman, D.M. 1987 Puang dan Daeng di Mandar: Studi Kasus Mengenai Nilai-nilai Budaya dalam Pendekatan Simbolis. Unpublished Ph.D thesis. Ujung Pandang: Universitas Hasanuddin, Departemen Antropologi. Raethel, A. 1993 ‘Auswertungsmethoden für Repertory Grids’, in Scheer and Raethel (eds):41-67. Reid, A. 1983 ‘The Rise of Makassar’, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs 17:117-160. Reid, H. and A. Reid 1988 South Sulawesi. Berkeley: Periplus (Periplus Adventure Guides). Richards, P. 1980 ‘Community Environmental Knowledge in African Rural Development’, in Brokhensha, David D., D.M. Warren and O.Werner (eds) Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Develop- ment. Was-hington, D.C.: University Press of America, Inc. (The International Library of Development and Indigenous Knowledge). Pp.181-194. Robinson, K. 1997 ‘History, Houses, and Regional Identities’, The Australian Journal of Anthropology 8(1):71- 88.

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 37 Röttger-Rössler, B. 1998 Rang und Ansehen bei den Makassar von Gowa (Süd-Sulawesi/ Indonesien). Berlin: Dietrich Reimer Verlag (Kölner Ethnologische Studien 15). Saaduddin, K. 1972 Masalah Minoritas Cina di Kota Madya Ujung Pandang. Unpublished Sarjana thesis. Ujung Pandang: Universitas Hasanuddin. Saegert, S. and G.H. Winkel 1990 ‘Environmental Psychology’, Annual Review of Psychology 41:441-477. Scheer, J.W. 1993 ‘Planung und Durchführung von Repertory Grid-Untersuchungen’, in J.W. Scheer and A. Catina (eds) Einführung in die Repertory Grid-Technik . Band 1: Grundlagen und Methoden:. Bern u.a.: Verlag Hans Huber. Pp.24-40. Sianipar, T. 1979 ‘Dukun di Ujungpandang’, Widyapura 2(2):54-65. Somantri, G.R. 1995 People Making the City: Patterns of Intra-City Migration in Jakarta. Bielefeld: Universität Bielefeld, Fakultät für Soziologie, Forschungsschwerpunkt Entwicklungssoziologie, (South- east Asia Programme, Working papers 228). Sudarmo, S.P. 1997 ‘Recent Developments in the Indonesian Urban Development Strategy’, in M. Burgess, Carmona, M. and T. Kolstee (eds)The Challenge of Sustainable Cities. Neoliberalism and urban strategies in developing countries. London: Zed Books. Pp.230-244. Sutherland, H. 1986 ‘Ethnicity, Wealth and Power in Colonial Makassar: A Historiographical Reconstruction’, in P. J.M. Nas (ed.) The Indonesian City. Studies in Urban Development and Planning. Dordrecht, Cinnaminson: Foris Publications (Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 117). Pp.37-55. Sutton, R.A. 1995 ‘Performing Arts and Cultural Politics in South Sulawesi’, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 151(4):672-699. Tanner, C. and K. Foppa 1995 ‘Wahrnehmung von Umweltproblemen’, in A. Diekmann and A. Franzen (eds) Kooperatives Umwelthandeln Modelle. Erfahrungen, Massnahmen. Chur and Zürich: Verlag Rüegger A.G. Pp.113-132. Tirtosudarmo, R. 1997 ‘Economic Development, Migration, and Ethnic Conflict in Indonesia: A Preliminary Observation’, Sojourn Social Issues in 12(2):293-328. Tognoli, J. 1987 ‘Residential Enviroments’, in D. Stokols and I. Altman (eds) Handbook of Environmental Psychology, vol. 1. New York: Wiley. Pp.655-690

38 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 Tuaruns, A. and D. Kurnia 1991 Studi Kesakitan dan Kematian Anak Balita di Kotamadya Ujung Pandang Tahun 1988 sampai 1990. Ujung Pandang: Universitas Hasanuddin, Laboratorium Ilmu Kesehatan Masyarakat dan Ilmu Kedokteran Pencegahan Fakultas Kedokteran. Turner, S. 2000 ‘Globalization, the Economic Crisis, and Small Enterprises in Makassar, Indonesia. Focussing on the Local Dimensions’, Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 21(3):336-254. Villiers, J. 1990 ‘Makassar. The Rise and Fall of an East Indonesian Maritime Trading State, 1512-1669’, in J. Kathirithambi-Wells and J.Villiers (eds) The Southeast Asian Port and Polity. Rise and Demise. Singapore: Singapore University Press 1990. Pp.143-159. Walinono, H., M.A. Ahmad, S. Suryana, S.N. Indar and A.G. Baso 1974 Peta Sosiologis Kota Madya Ujung Pandang (Suatu Survey). Ujung Pandang: Universitas Hasanuddin; Lembaga Penetilian Sosial Politik. Weber, H. 1994 ‘The Indonesian Concept of Development and its Impact on the Process of Social Transfor- mation’, in H. Buchholt and U. Mai (eds) Continuity, Change and Aspirations: Social and Cultural Life in Minahasa, Indonesia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS). Pp.194-210. Weller, S.C. and A.K. Romney 1988 Systematic Data Collection. Newbury Park u.a.: Sage Publications (Qualitative Research Methods 10). Werner, O. and M. Schoepfle 1987 Systematic Fieldwork (2 Vols.). Newbury Park: Sage Publications. Willutzki, U. and A.Raethel 1993 ‘Software für Repertory Grids’, in J.W. Scheer and A. Catina (eds) Einführung in die Repertory Grid-Technik . Band 1: Grundlagen und Methoden:. Bern u.a.: Verlag Hans Huber. Pp.68-79. Yamashita, S. 1986 ‘The Toraja Community in Ujung Pandang: A Study on a Local City in Indonesia. Toman- Ajia-Kenkyu’, Southeast Asian Studies 23(4):419-438.

ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 39