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Transethnic Identity and Urban Cognition in Makassar: Regionalism and the Empowering Potential of Local Knowledge1

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Transethnic Identity and Urban Cognition in Makassar: Regionalism and the Empowering Potential of Local Knowledge1 Transethnic Identity and Urban Cognition in Makassar: Regionalism and the Empowering Potential of Local Knowledge1 Christoph Antweiler (University of Trier) Abstrak Tulisan ini membahas situasi etnis yang khas di Sulawesi Selatan. Tradisi pertukaran antaretnis yang sudah lama berlaku, dan konflik terbuka yang relatif jarang terjadi, menjadi fokus kajian tulisan ini. Di lain pihak, secara politis, kota dan daerah sekitarnya baru saja terintegrasi ke dalam negara Indonesia. Karena itu, secara historis Sulawesi Selatan masih terkenal dengan jelas atas kecenderungannya untuk memisahkan diri dari, atau tidak sepenuhnya terintegrasi ke dalam negara Indonesia. Jika konsep dan gagasan otonomi daerah akan sungguh-sungguh diterapkan, Sulawesi Selatan merupakan tempat yang sangat tepat untuk uji coba. Bagian lain dari tulisan ini mengulas metode-metode untuk meningkatkan partisipasi lokal dalam pembangunan. Beberapa metode elicitation yang sederhana, namun dapat diandalkan, digambarkan dengan menggunakan contoh pengetahuan perkotaan dalam konteks pengambilan keputusan mengenai tempat tinggal di Makassar sebagai sebuah kota propinsi yang multietnis. Sebuah metode yang hampir tidak dipergunakan di Indonesia dan dalam program pembangunan, yakni repertory grid technique yang berasal dari Kelly’s psy- chology of personal constructs, digambarkan dengan rinci. Metode tersebut terdiri dari perbandingan triadik yang dikombinasikan dengan prosedur peringkat ( ranking procedure) yang menunjukkan suatu pola kognitif dari konstruk mental (a cognitive pattern of mental constructs). Dideskripsikan pula penyesuaian secara teknis dan budaya dari metode dan masalah-masalah praktis yang berkaitan dengan wawancara. Metode tersebut mengungkapkan perbedaan-perbedaan antara ungkapan dan persepsi penduduk lokal dengan bahasa dan konsep-konsep resmi yang digunakan oleh perencana perkotaan berorientasi nasional. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa metode-metode kognitif yang formal, tetapi sederhana, berpotensi besar untuk digunakan dalam pendekatan-pendekatan pembangunan; terutama, bila pengetahuan lokal perkotaan digunakan di dalam ilmu yang berorientasi pada masyarakat untuk kepentingan pembangunan yang efektif dan manusiawi, serta perencanaan perkotaan di Indonesia. Pendekatan semacam itu dapat memperkuat upaya untuk meningkatkan otonomi daerah. 1 This article is a revised version of the paper presented at the panel of ‘Endorsing Regional Autonomy: Reempowering Local Institutions’, at the 1st International Symposium of Journal ANTROPOLOGI INDONE- SIA ‘The Beginning of the 21st Century: Endorsing Regional Autonomy, Understanding Local Cultures, Strengthening National Integration’, Hassanuddin University, Makassar, 1-4 August 2000. ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 13 Makassar and otonomi daerah Anonymus 1957; Walinono 1974; Abu Hamid Makassar: a peripheral metropolis in outer 1984 and earlier editions of ‘Ujung Pandang Indonesia dalam Angka’. The region of South Sulawesi is one of the Being a port city located in the southwest- centers of Islam in Indonesia and has a com- ern part of Celebes Makassar is the provincial paratively low settlement density. The capital of the province of South Celebes province’s agriculture is based mainly on rice, (Propinsi Sulawesi Selatan). Makassar is a added by cocoa, fishing and shrimp farming. 2 center of trade, business and education with There is a slowly growing industry and a de- more than 1.3 million people today. Ethnically veloping international as well as domestic tour- the city is dominated by the Bugis and Makasar, ism. The formal urban economy is based on both having a strong profile within Indonesia the harbor, political administration and facili- as adventurous, status-oriented and proud ties for higher education. Informal economy is people. Despite that Makassar is a truly very important for work and as service for the multiethnic city since centuries, with intra- and households (Forbes 1979; Jones and Supratilah interethnic rivalry but a comparative low rate 1985; Turner 2000). As a center of in- and out- of violent communal conflicts (Antweiler 2001). migration (Mukhlis and Robinson 1986) and Makassar had 1.268.000 inhabitants in 2000 due to its regional functions the city can be according to official data and the density was characterized as a ‘peripheral metropolis’. 2 4.259 persons/km in 1984 (Kotamadya Ujung The principal ethnic groups represented Pandang dalam Angka 1996). I would estimate in the city, Makasar, Bugis (Mattulada 1979, that there are at least 1.4 million inhabitants 1988; Koentjaraningrat 1980); Mandar (Rach- today. Exact numbers are not easy to obtain man 1987) and Toraja (Heeren 1952; Abustam due to thousands of trishaw drivers and small 1975; Yamashita 1986), all have their roots in vendors living for months every year or per- the province. Others came as migrants, often manently in the city without being registered. from other islands, as Minang from Sumatra The population increased more than in compa- (Darwis 1980) or people from Flores (Kapong rable Javanese cities in the last decades: 5.5% 1986). Many of the other inhabitants come from (1971-1980); 1.5% (1980-1984); 2.92% (1980- Eastern Indonesia. A lot of former residents, 1990). The area of municipality (kotamadya) especially members of the footloose Bugis, mi- 2 Makassar is 172 km ; Figure 1 shows only the grated permanently to other parts of Sula-wesi central part of the city. Due to official sources and other islands. Most often they are deeply 60% of the surface are residential areas, 15% immersed in local economies and even inte- industrial and 25% open space (M. Engst, pers. grated into local cultures. Despite having only comm., 2000). The average household size is scant inclination to resettle in South Sulawesi, 3 5.41 people. For data on earlier periods see recent communal riots in Eastern Indonesia pressed some of these people to return to the city. 2 There is only scant anthropological and sociological The city and especially the surrounding literature on this city. For an early sociological sketch see Walinono et al. (1974), for an overview see region was only lately integrated into the In- Antweiler (2000. ch.4 and n.d.a); for a bibliography on Makassar see Antweiler (n.d.b). Walinono (1974), Abu Hamid (1984) and earlier edi- 3 For data on earlier periods see Anonymus (1957), tions of ‘Ujung Pandang dalam Angka’. 14 ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 Figure 1: Central Parts of Makassar with gridiron street pattern ANTROPOLOGI INDONESIA 65, 2001 15 donesian nation politically. It remained a his- Celebes. Its inhabitants today are only 9% of toric and ‘hot’ region well-known for isola- the province but about 65 % of the province´s tionistic or secessionist tendencies. This makes urban population (1971: 57%). Makassar it a contested candidate for regional autonomy. houses the centers of the army and navy com- If concepts and ideals of otonomi daerah are mand. Furthermore Makassar is the bureau- meant earnestly, they could have their litmus cratic and economic and education center for test here (see Figure 1). the neighboring province of Southeast Celebes (on bureaucracy see Conkling 1975). For East- Situating Makassar: history, structural location and regional functions ern Indonesia, apart from being the node of traffic, Makassar is most important in provid- Makassar historically was a city of regional ing possibilities for higher education. There are and even international economic importance many students from e.g. of Timor and the (Mangemba 1972; Reid 1983; Reid and Reid Moluccas, studying at the higher schools and 1988, Villiers 1990; Poelinggomang 1993). But many small universities. The university (Uni- within the colonial hierarchy its position was versitas Hasanuddin, UNHAS), founded 1956, peripheral. The harbor, which was very impor- was the first university outside Java to offer tant and is still important, opens to the west graduate studies (since 1986) and now has and is situated to the eastern coast of more than 10.000 students. In terms of regional Kalimantan. There are age-old links between development in Indonesia, Makassar, together Makassar and East Kalimantan. Since the 1980s with Jakarta, Surabaya, Medan and Ambon, is the province of Kalimantan Timor (Kaltim) is considered as a center of a ‘special develop- the main aim of people migrating out from ment region’. Sulawesi in search for work. Together with the Today the role as a primate city for the ports of Tanjung Priok (in Jakarta) and Tanjung island is uncontested and the harbor is still Perak (in Surabaya) Makassar today is a main important for Eastern Indonesia. The city’s node of the inter-insular passenger network larger role within Indonesia is open to debate. (operated by PELNI), which was reorganized The future will depend on policies of develop- in the eighties. Makassar harbor is the door to ment (pembangunan; ‘awakening’, ‘building the Eastern part of the archipelago and Aus- up’) not yet determined after the demise of tralia. Since the 1970s the province of Irian Jaya, Suharto. Potential functions of the city in the for example, receives almost all consumer future might include the leading position in goods, canned food and beer via Makassar or Eastern Indonesia (versus the currently still Surabaya. But this position is contested. Di- dominating Surabaya) and as a tourist center rect lines from Jakarta to Ambon, Irian Jaya, of whole Celebes (competing with the city of Kendari, Palu and Manado were established Manado in North Celebes). Regional rivalries
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