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A Hatalom Nyelve – a Nyelv Hatalma

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A Hatalom Nyelve – a Nyelv Hatalma A HATALOM NYELVE – A NYELV HATALMA Nyelvi jog és nyelvpolitika Európa történetében DOKTORI ÉRTEKEZÉS KÉSZÍTETTE: dr. Nagy Noémi TÉMAVEZETŐK: Prof. dr. Andrássy György egyetemi tanár Dr. habil. Herger Csabáné egyetemi docens Pécsi Tudományegyetem Állam- és Jogtudományi Karának Doktori Iskolája Pécs, 2015 A kézirat lezárásának időpontja: 2015. szeptember 23. © dr. Nagy Noémi „A nyelv az egyének és a társadalmak életében fontosabb szerepet játszik, mint bármi más.” Ferdinand de Saussure* ÖSSZEFOGLALÁS Mivel a nyelvhasználatra vonatkozó szabályozásnak a mai napig nincsenek egyetemesen elfogadott rendező elvei, a kisebbségi nyelveket és a kisebbségek nyelvi jogait érintő egyre hangsúlyosabb nemzetközi szerepvállalás ellenére az egyes államok nyelvi jogi szabályozása és nyelvpolitikája ma is jelentős különbségeket mutat. A kérdés két okból is rendkívül időszerű. Egyrészt a globalizációhoz kapcsolódó társadalmi folyamatok eredményeként a kisebb vagy kevésbé használt nyelvek funkcionális hanyatlása és kihalása korunkban nagyobb méreteket ölt, mint bármikor a történelem folyamán, másrészt az etnikai konfliktusok egyik fő forrása éppen a nyelv. Jelen értekezés ennélfogva az igazságos és helyes nyelvi jogalkotás zsinórmértékeinek kidolgozásához való támpontok nyújtásán keresztül a világ nyelvi sokféleségének megőrzéséhez, valamint a különféle népek békés egymás mellett éléséhez kíván hozzájárulni. A nyelvi kérdés multidiszciplinaritását a lehetőség szerint figyelembe vevő, de elsősorban jogtörténeti szempontú értekezés az Egyesült Királyság, Franciaország, Spanyolország, Ausztria és Magyarország nyelvi jogi – azaz az egyes nyelvek státuszára, a nyelvhasználatra, a nyelvhasználók jogaira vonatkozó – szabályozása, valamint nyelvpolitikája – a nyelvi jogalkotás alapjául szolgáló politikai célkitűzések – leíró, értékelő és összehasonlító elemzésére terjed ki, az első ilyen tárgyú jogszabályok születésétől napjainkig. Az államok nyelvi sokféleséghez való hozzáállásának alapvetően három formája van, amelyek az alábbi fogalmak köré szerveződnek: hatalom/érdek, jog, érték. A 19. század közepe előtt a nyelvet kizárólag a(z állam)hatalom eszközeként értelmezték. A nyelvhasználat oly módon történő szabályozására, amely már explicit módon és szándékoltan (kisebbségi vagy minden embert megillető) nyelvi jogok biztosítására irányult, a Habsburg Birodalomban és a Magyar Királyságban a 19. s zázad közepén, az Egyesült Királyságban a 19. század végén, Spanyolországban a 20. század elején, Franciaországban a 20. század közepén találunk példát először. A nyelvi sokféleség érték-szempontú megközelítése a 20. század végén jelent meg. Napjainkban mindhárom megközelítés párhuzamosan él egymás mellett, akár egy állam nyelvpolitikáján belül is. A nyelvi jogi szabályozásokban szisztematikusan felbukkanó hasonlóságok és jogfejlődési tendenciák alapján a vizsgált országokat két történeti, körülbelül a 20. századig érvényes, a nyelvi jogok védelmének horizontális és vertikális szintjére épülő normatív modellbe lehet sorolni. Az Egyesült Királyság, Franciaország és Spanyolország szabályozása alapján felállított asszimilációs nyelvi jogi modellben a nyelvi homogenizáció – azaz az államnyelv kizárólagos használatát előíró, valamint a kisebb- ségi nyelvek használatát tiltó, olykor büntető rendelkezések sorozata – a birodalmi törekvések eszközeként legalább az abszolutizmus korától megfigyelhető volt, majd a 18-19. századi nemzetállami ideológiához jól illeszkedő, az „egy nemzet – egy nyelv” koncepciójára építő restriktív szabályozásban csúcsosodott ki. Ezzel szemben a Habsburg Birodalom és a Magyar Királyság szabályozására irányadó pluralista nyelvi jogi modellben a nyelvi homogenizáció igénye csak a 19. században jelentkezett, és akkor is mind eszközeiben, mind hatásában messze elmaradt az asszimilációs modellbe tartozó államok gyakorlatától. A pluralista modellben az állam a nyelvi sokféleséget nem tekinti eleve kiküszöbölendő problémának vagy az effektív hatalomgyakorlás akadályának, ehelyett nyelvi jogok biztosításával próbálja meg kezelni azt. A nyelvi kérdés megnyugtató módon történő szabályozása a vizsgált nyugati államok moderni- zációs deficitjének tekinthető. Az egynyelvűség tradíciójától a nyelvi sokféleség elfogadásának irányába történő elmozdulás ezen országokban a 20. s zázadtól kezdve fokozatosan, több lépcsőben, egymástól eltérő ütemben valósult meg. Az értekezésben vizsgált öt ország jelenlegi nyelvi jogi szabályozása, valamint az egyes kisebbségi nyelvek helyzete jelentős különbségeket mutat. Az Egyesült Királyság, Spanyolország, Ausztria és Magyarország hatályos nyelvi jogi szabályozása a kisebbségi nyelvhasználat aktív állami ösztönzésén alapul, míg Franciaország csak nemrég kezdett nyitni a nyelvi sokféleség elismerése felé. Bár erre vonatkozóan további vizsgálódások szükségesek, az értekezés hozzájárulhat a nemzetállamok, a nacionalizmus és a nemzeti identitás megjelenésének idejé re vonatkozó szakirodalmi vitához. Kutatási eredményeim azt az álláspontot támogatják, miszerint noha a nemzetállami filozófia, ideológia és mozgalom a 18-19. század terméke, maga a nacionalizmus jelensége a kora újkorig, némely esetben a középkorig visszavezethető. Az Egyesült Királyságban, Spanyolországban és Franciaországban a nemzeti identitás csírái már a 15-16. században megjelentek, és a nyelv ebben alapvető helyet foglalt el. A nyelvi kérdés tehát nemcsak az egyéni és közösségi identitás egyik meghatározójaként érdemel kiemelt figyelmet, hanem az államok politikatörténetének központi elemeként is. SUMMARY Despite the increasing international engagement regarding minority languages and the linguistic rights of minorities, legislation and language policies of the indiv idual states vary considerably even today. It is so because there are still no universally accepted principles concerning the legislation on the use of languages. The issue is very timely for two equally important reasons. Firstly, as a result of the social processes associated with globalization, the functional decline and extinction of smaller or lesser used languages is now faster than at any time in history. Secondly, language happens to be a major source of ethnic conflict s. Therefore, my thesis intends to contribute to the development of standards of just and rightful linguistic legislation in order to facilitate the preservation of the world’s linguistic diversity as well as the peaceful coexistence of different ethnic groups. The thesis primarily has a legal historical perspective, however, it tries to take into account the multidisciplinary nature of the language issue as far as possible. It includes a descriptive, evaluative and comparative analysis of the respective language laws (i.e. legal instruments on the status of certain languages, language use and rights of language users) and language policies (i.e. policy objectives underlying linguistic legislation) of the United Kingdom, France, Spain, Austria and Hungary from the first appearance of such laws until today. The attitudes of states towards linguistic diversity have three basic forms which are organized along the following concepts: power/ interest, right, value. Before the mid-19th century, language used to be understood only as a tool of (state) power. The first examples of regulations on language use with a view to explicitly and intentionally provide for (universal or minority) language rights can be found in the middle of the 19th century in the Habsburg Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary, at the end of the 19th century in the UK, in the early 20th century in Spain, and in the middle of the 20th century in France, respectively. The value-oriented approach of linguistic diversity only appeared at the end of the 20th century. Today, the three approaches coexist even in the language policy of a single state. Based on the systematic similarities and emerging trends in the development of language laws, the countries examined can be divided into two historical normative models which are valid until around the 20th century, and are built on the horizontal as well as the vertical level of the protection of language rights. In the assimilatory model of language rights set up on the basis of language legislation in the UK, France and Spain, linguistic homogenisation – i.e. a series of provisions imposing the exclusive use of the state language, and forbidding, sometimes even punishing, the use of minority languages – as a means of imperial ambitions might be observed at least since the era of absolutism, then culminated in the restrictive regulations based on the 18-19th century ideology of nation states (“one nation – one language”). By contrast, in the pluralistic model of linguistic legislation governing the Habsburg Empire and the Kingdom of Hungary, aspirations for linguistic homogenisation appeared only in the 19th century, and even then they lagged far behind the practices of countries belonging to the assimilatory model in terms of both tools and effects. In the pluralistic model, the state considers linguistic diversity neither as a problem to be eliminated, nor as an obstacle to the effective exercise of power; instead, it tries to manage it by ensuring language rights. In the western states examined, the satisfactory management of the language issue is considered as a deficit of modernisation. In these countries, the historical tradition of monolingualis m has been gradually shifting towards the acceptance of linguistic diversity since the 20th century, in several stages, at a different pace in each case. The current
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