IBERIAN IDENTITIES: ISIDORE in CONTEXT the Elites of the Western
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CHAPTER TWO IBERIAN IDENTITIES: ISIDORE IN CONTEXT The elites of the western provinces of the Roman Empire came to terms with the end of Roman rule in many different ways. Strategies varied from outright resistance to the barbarian takeover to complete acceptance of the new political dispensation, although the vast majority of people fell somewhere between these two extremes. Responses varied across time and space. Intransigence and resistance waned as it became clear that the central Roman government was on the way out and was not likely to return any time soon. Regions which had only been loosely integrated into the empire departed from Roman commonwealth with little fuss, while those provinces which had experienced greater levels of Romanisation and its associated benefits were more resistant to change. Provincial elites realised relatively quickly that the barbarians were peo- ple with whom they could do business. The barbarian peoples who took over the former provinces of the Western Roman Empire had lived in the shadow of the empire for a long time and wished to benefit economically, socially and culturally from continued contact and interaction with local elites. Both sides could survive and hopefully prosper by working together. Apart from the super-rich and those who were politically and socially con- nected, and therefore had the option of relocating either temporarily or permanently to a second Rome, Constantinople, the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire, few people could realistically consider disassociat- ing themselves entirely from the new situation.1 In the overwhelming majority of cases, therefore, the response to the barbarian takeover was one of positive adaptation. Elites and non elites had to make do and mend in political, social and religious terms if they were to survive and prosper.2 Within a few decades of the end of Roman government in the West, the barbarian kingdoms were the only political power in living memory. Roman control lay in the past and any likelihood of its return lay in a remote future. Scholars are gradually beginning to unpick how the secular 1 Brown (1984), 27–30; Mathisen (1984). Copyright © 2012. BRILL. All rights reserved. © 2012. BRILL. All Copyright 2 Jones (2009); Wickham (2005), 153–258; Amory (1997); Mathisen (1993). Wood, J. (2012). Politics of identity in visigothic spain : Religion and power in the histories of isidore of seville. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com Created from cuhk-ebooks on 2019-08-25 05:47:00. 24 chapter two and religious leaders of Spain fit into these broader patterns. The Spanish experience of resistance, reconciliation and accommodation to the end of Roman governance and the eventual takeover by the Visigoths is poten- tially highly significant for comprehending how the post-Roman political world came to take on its distinctive shape. An awareness of this context is essential if we are to understand why Isidore depicted such transforma- tions in the ways that he did. It is important here that we do not forget the ‘feedback loop’ which existed between representation and reality. Isidore’s historical works attempted simultaneously to represent and explain what he thought had gone on in previous centuries and to influence other people’s perceptions of that past.3 As we shall see in later chapters, he did so in order to accrue particular political, social and pastoral benefits in the present. This chapter outlines the historical context from which Isidore emerged. By surveying what recent scholarship has said about the periods about which Isidore was writing we can gain interesting insights into how and why Isidore presented history in the ways that he did. Furthermore, through situating Isidore within his social and historical world we are bet- ter able to discern and then to comprehend the interventions that he made in that world. It is especially important to examine the period from the fourth- to early-seventh-centuries because it was for this era that Isidore expended most effort on moulding and remoulding his accounts of the past. As I noted in the Introduction, there is a significant risk, in the absence of alternative narrative sources, of adopting Isidore’s account of Visigothic history in a somewhat circular fashion. This chapter aims to use a range of source materials to overcome this potential limitation. I attempt to con- struct a more rounded view of the fifth- and sixth-centuries as a corrective to uncritical acceptance of Isidore’s teleology of Visigothic royal supremacy in Spain. The chapter demonstrates that both Spanish and Visigothic history in this period were typified by disunity and a lack of centralised control. Yet Isidore’s histories of the Visigoths and of Spain paint a very different pic- ture. Isidore presented the kings and bishops for whom he was writing with a much more unified past than had actually been the case. He papered over Visigothic revolts and Spanish heresies and replaced them with strong 3 For history-writing as a method for explaining rapid success in the context of the Copyright © 2012. BRILL. All rights reserved. © 2012. BRILL. All Copyright Islamic conquests see Sizgorich (2004). Wood, J. (2012). Politics of identity in visigothic spain : Religion and power in the histories of isidore of seville. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com Created from cuhk-ebooks on 2019-08-25 05:47:00. iberian identities: isidore in context 25 kings and an illustrious orthodox church. But we can only see these histo- riographical interventions clearly if we first understand the context in which Isidore worked. From ‘Goths’ to ‘Visigoths’ The early origins of the group that came to be known as the ‘Visigoths’ remain unclear.4 By the mid-third-century groups which our Roman sources describe as ‘Gothi’ were making their presence felt north of the Danube frontier. Gothic forces raided imperial territory in 238 and 251 and attacked the Balkans and the northern shores of Asia Minor in the 260s and 270s. These inroads were not curtailed until the victories of emperors such as Claudius Gothicus (r. 268–270) in the late-third-century.5 The archaeological record of the areas where these Goths were settled suggests a relatively common material culture – known as the Sîntana de Mureş-Černjachov Culture – across large parts of south-eastern Europe.6 This culture is characterised by a mixture of different ethnic and cultural strands. Large amounts of Roman pottery and coinage has been found at some of the sites which have been ascribed to the Sîntana de Mureş- Černjachov Culture, supporting the proposition that there was a significant amount of contact across the Roman frontier. There is ample textual and epigraphic evidence for Gothic troops serving in the Roman military across the empire.7 Most of the contemporary evidence for the Goths draws heavily on Greek and Roman ethnographic stereotypes about barbarians. An excep- tion to this pattern in the case of the Goths is the Passion of St. Saba the Goth, an account in Greek of the trials and eventual execution of Saba, a Gothic martyr of the late-fourth-century. It is narrated in the form of a let- ter from the church in Gothic territory to the churches of Cappadocia and elsewhere.8 Although the text draws heavily on the traditions of Geek mar- tyrologies and the Greek New Testament, it also reveals much about com- munity life in a Gothic village beyond the Danube. It includes significant 4 Peter Heather is the scholar who has done perhaps the most work on this topic in recent decades, Heather (1996), (1991); see also Croke (1987); Wolfram (1988); Christensen (2002); Kulikowski (2007); Thompson (2008). 5 For the Gothic invasions of the third-century see Wolfram (1988), 43–57. 6 Heather and Matthews (1991), 47–95; Heather (1996), 18–25. 7 Heather (1996), 59, 62; (1991), 108–115. Copyright © 2012. BRILL. All rights reserved. © 2012. BRILL. All Copyright 8 Heather and Matthews (1991), 102. Wood, J. (2012). Politics of identity in visigothic spain : Religion and power in the histories of isidore of seville. Retrieved from http://ebookcentral.proquest.com Created from cuhk-ebooks on 2019-08-25 05:47:00. 26 chapter two details about the efforts of tribal authorities to impose a persecution against the wishes of the village community.9 The text suggests the existence of royal and aristocratic elites that retained a significant degree of separation from the day-to-day life of the community they ruled. Our knowledge of the Gothic leadership is patchy for this period. In the Gothic language leaders were called reiks, which is often translated as the equivalent of Latin ‘rex’ (king or monarch), although a better translation might be ‘leader of men’ or ‘distinguished man’.10 This title was probably informal, representing an acquired rather than a formal rank that was passed down the generations. The Romans referred to the leaders of the fourth-century Gothic confederation as ‘judges’. It is thus highly likely that the Goths had quite a complicated and fragmented leadership structure.11 The Goths adhered to a form of Germanic paganism until groups of them were converted to Christianity in the early-fourth-century, possibly under the influence of captives who had been taken from Roman territory during raids. The effect of these conversions was to align some of the population more closely with the empire. There were at least two persecutions of Christians in Gothic lands in the fourth-century (in 347/8 and the 370s), possibly as part of an effort to resist increasing Roman influence and rein- force loyalty to the traditional religion. Ulfila (d. 381–383), the most influential Gothic Christian of the fourth- century, was appointed as a bishop under the Arian Emperor Constantius II (r.