Arabic Lists of the Byzantine Themes Author(S): E

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Arabic Lists of the Byzantine Themes Author(S): E Arabic Lists of the Byzantine Themes Author(s): E. W. Brooks Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 21 (1901), pp. 67-77 Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/623866 . Accessed: 17/01/2014 10:37 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Hellenic Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Fri, 17 Jan 2014 10:37:28 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ARABIC LISTS OF THE BYZANTINE THEMES.' OF the themes of the Byzantine Empire there exists in Greek only one systematic account, the confused and discursive work of Constantine Porphyrogennetos, from which little trustworthy information as to the history of the themes before the accession of the Macedonian dynasty can be gathered.2 The same author has also preserved a table of precedence drawn up by Philotheos the protospatharios in the year 899,3 which includes the generals of the various themes existing at that time; and he has himself given us a record of the salaries paid, to the generals in the time of Leo VI.U This lack of information may, however, be in part supplied from the Arab geographers, who provide us with five catalogues of the themes, the earliest of which, that of Ibn Khurdadhbah,5 is fifty years earlier than the list of Philotheos and about one hundred years earlier than Constantine's work. With this catalogue that of Al Idrisi (1154)6 is practically identical. The other three are that of Ibn Al Fakih' Al Hamadhani (circ. 902), preserved in the Geographical Dictionary of Yakut' (1224), that of Kudama 8 (circ. 930), and that contained in the Khitab Al Tanbih wal Ishraf (Book of celebration and observation) of Al Mas'udi (956). Of these descriptions those of Ibn Khurdadhbah and Kudanma have been translated into French by Prof. De Goeje, and that of Al Mas'udi by M. Carra de Vaux; of that of Ibn Al Fakih I give a. translation below. The first four, though each contains matter not found in the others, closely resemble one another and are clearly ' The following article was already written Geog. Arab. vi. p. 77 if.). The date was prob- before I saw the admirable work of Prof. Gelzer, ably 845-8 (id. p. xix. if.). 1 Die Genesis d. Byz. Themenverfassung in the Transl. Jaubert ii. p. 299 if. The full Abhandl. d. IKn. Sdchs. Gesellsch. d. TVissen- Arabic text remains unpublished. Al Idrisi schcften, xli. No. V. which in part covers the gives onliythe Asiatic themes. 7 same ground. But, though it has enabled me Ed. Wiistenfeld, ii. p. 863 if. The descrip. to make a few corrections and additions, it by tion of Macedonia is also in iv. pp. 602, 603, no means makes my article superfluous, since where it is cited as from ' Ibn Al Fakih in the the author makes no use of Ibn Al Fakih and account of the districts of the Romans.' An very little of Al Mas'udi. epitome of Ibn Al Fakih's work has been edited 2 There are also some notices relating to the by De Goeje (op. cit. pars v.), but it does not themes in the De Adum. Imp. (Const. Porph. contain the account of the themes. iii. pp. 220-231). 8 Edited and translated by De Goeje (op. cit. 3 De Caer. 2, 52 (ed. Bonn. i. pp. 713-715, vi. p. 197, ff.). 9 727, 728). Edited by De Goeje (op. cit. viii. p. _76, 4 Op. cit. 2. 50. ff.) ; translated by Carra de Vaux (Paris 1896). 6 Edited and translated by De Goeje (Bibl. F 2 This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Fri, 17 Jan 2014 10:37:28 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions % r S7"H7"HRAC CpompeiOU ;nope THR"rCH ot. .i %Q1.. QP . MGAOmasejia... 0 ~??I-?III6aS~Yaaseia t % ~ P M NI * K a * , 1 Se at . •% J ', Nia? m'% An4C'tio A oNikopolisz 4- ryd- """i aTH. AWE e TiekMIA oft I TH.Con ANATOLIKOIvAn ebaste ie Get- h.ra. onN0 aftik ~ AI.dAIONa qaQr$jmos*-l4 ;I 4%b j Gej. akd ,OY *Ar2rrnorio C H Aos Azanrz REIr"•jn td ~ZlerrA0$ "•.i•• P~ ,o -aAkroi'non ..••" Iqr~~i•, 01. 3 PELAG TH. AIVATOLIK0 K\s1 Me\\,~~ C oAntioch d A V\ S? A L CPAeZsI r' L I *Ziba Ouctsa p7So Z'Z PAT1G * da -Ikonion % ll0' on" )?S~Ou ' tL I)(? a- 'I~e - qbd a?'I%5n&) ';, - . dS":d s 3)Iisge gfeo!4;?L, '~jI~blet- CL -dessa n ctttr 1 1L~ J s 0 oQr(I 0 0 mtltwIt''677loS t m' 600 p Antio eta. oo Chalk-iS irtrnst d ~ ~~~~Chetid~imor MIAP OF THE BYZANTINE THEMES IN THE NINTH CENTURY A.D. This content downloaded from 66.77.17.54 on Fri, 17 Jan 2014 10:37:28 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ARABIC LISTS OF THE BYZANTINE THEMES. 69 derived friom the same source. Al Mas'udi also seems to have used this source, but his description differs so widely from the others that he must be assumed to have used some other authority also. The three earlier authors give an identical list of fourteen themes, which in Kudama and Ibn Al Fakih are arranged as follows: 1 Talaya (Kud. Tayala), 2 Thrace, 3 Macedonia, 4 Paphlagonia, 5 Optimatoi, 6 Opsikion, 7 Thrakesioi, 8 Anato- likoi, 9 Seleukeia, 10 Cappadocia, 11 Charsianon, 12 Buccellarii, 13 Armenia, 14 Chaldia. In Ibn Khurdadhbah the first theme is called Tafla or Talaka, and Seleukeia and Cappadocia are placed at the end. As will be seen, and as is expressly stated by the authors, three of these are in Europe and eleven in Asia. Al Mas'udi also gives fourteen names; but of these five are in Europe and nine in Asia, his list being as follows: 1 Anatolikoi,' 2 Opsikion, 3 Thrakesioi, 4 Kibyrrhaiotai (?),2 5 Cappadocia, 6 Buccellarii, 7 Optimatoi, 8 Armneniakoi,9 Paphlagonia, 10 Tayala, 11 Thrace, 12 Macedonia, 13 Peloponnesos, 14 Thessalonike. Besides these he mentions Seleukeia, Charsianon, and Koloneia as regions in the themes of Kibyrrhaiotai, Armeniakoi, and Paphlagonia respectively.3 He differs from the other authors by adding Pcloponnesos4 and Thessalonike to the European themes and Kibyrrhaiotai and Koloneia to the Asiatic themes and omitting Chaldia His description can, however, scarcely represent the state of affairs in his own time, since he takes no account of the themes of Mesopotamia and Lykandos, which were added by Leo VI.,5 and Seleukeia, which was raised to the rank of a a-7pa-rTyli1 by Romanus I," is called by him a 'region,' by which a XcheLto-opais no doubt meant. Otherwise, when we compare his list with Constantine's (which with the inclusion of Cappadocia and Charsianon, mentioned under Armeniakoi, contains thirty-one names,7) if we set aside the European themes, where we cannot expect accuracy, and the island 1 'Al Anti Mati [Optimatoi],...and that is time of Michael III. is insufficientto prove the army of Al Natalik [Anatolikoi].' The this. The omission of European themes can- Optimates are however mentioned later, and the not however be used to fix the dates of the description here following is clearly that of the Arabiclists, since all omit Hellas,which existed Anatolikoi. in 695 (Theoph. A M 6187). This passageis 2 ' Nantiliya (v. 1.' Nantuliliya.'), and that neglectedby Gelzer,who ascribesthe institution is Dakabuli [Dekapolis].' De Goeje supposes of this theme also to the time of Michael this to stand for Pamphylia ; but it seems III. rather to represent Anatolikoi, though the de- 5 Coiist. Porphl. iii. pp. 31, 32. Lykandos scription can hardly apply to any other theme however was not made a ao'parqyls till the than Kibyrrhaiotai. regency of Zoe (912-919); id. p. 228. : The last clearly by error, since lie says him- ( Const.Porph. iii. p. 36. self that the Armeniac theme reached to the 7 The list iii De Caer. 2. 50. differs from that sea. As to Seleukeia see Gelzer, p. 93, note, and in De Them.by omittingOptimatoi and Cyprus below, p.71, note 10. and adding Leontokomis and Dalmatia. As 4 The theme of Poloponnesos existed in 811 this list gives the salaries of the generals, the (Anon. de Leon. Arm. in Bonn. Corpus, xxx. p. oiissioi of Optimatoiis no donbt due to its 336), and a seal of a rrpanrtyo'sis ascribed by being under a 56o0rleTCOS. The three lists in Schlumberger (Sigillographie de V' Empire By- De Caer. 2. 52 include the BouE'o-TIcos ,riv zantin, p. 179) to the eighth century. The pas- OVrTILaWvIv,but omit Mesopotamia,Sebasteia, sage adduced by Gelzer from Const. De Adm. Lykandos, Seleukeia, Leontokomis, and Lonm- Imp. (ed. Bonn, iii. p. 221, 1. 3-10) to show bardy, probably because they were under officers that Peloponnesos was made a theme in the of lower rank.
Recommended publications
  • Hadrian and the Greek East
    HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Change in Eleventh-Century Armenia: the Evidence from Tarōn Tim Greenwood (University of St Andrews)
    Social Change in Eleventh-Century Armenia: the evidence from Tarōn Tim Greenwood (University of St Andrews) The social history of tenth and eleventh-century Armenia has attracted little in the way of sustained research or scholarly analysis. Quite why this should be so is impossible to answer with any degree of confidence, for as shall be demonstrated below, it is not for want of contemporary sources. It may perhaps be linked to the formative phase of modern Armenian historical scholarship, in the second half of the nineteenth century, and its dominant mode of romantic nationalism. The accounts of political capitulation by Armenian kings and princes and consequent annexation of their territories by a resurgent Byzantium sat very uncomfortably with the prevailing political aspirations of the time which were validated through an imagined Armenian past centred on an independent Armenian polity and a united Armenian Church under the leadership of the Catholicos. Finding members of the Armenian elite voluntarily giving up their ancestral domains in exchange for status and territories in Byzantium did not advance the campaign for Armenian self-determination. It is also possible that the descriptions of widespread devastation suffered across many districts and regions of central and western Armenia at the hands of Seljuk forces in the eleventh century became simply too raw, too close to the lived experience and collective trauma of Armenians in these same districts at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, to warrant
    [Show full text]
  • Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early
    Dokuz Eylül University – DEU The Research Center for the Archaeology of Western Anatolia – EKVAM Colloquia Anatolica et Aegaea Congressus internationales Smyrnenses X Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine periods An international video conference on the southeastern part of central Anatolia in classical antiquity May 14-15, 2020 / Izmir, Turkey Edited by Ergün Laflı Izmir 2020 Last update: 04/05/2020. 1 Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine periods. Papers presented at the international video conference on the southeastern part of central Anatolia in classical antiquity, May 14-15, 2020 / Izmir, Turkey, Colloquia Anatolica et Aegaea – Acta congressus communis omnium gentium Smyrnae. Copyright © 2020 Ergün Laflı (editor) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission from the editor. ISBN: 978-605-031-211-9. Page setting: Ergün Laflı (Izmir). Text corrections and revisions: Hugo Thoen (Deinze / Ghent). Papers, presented at the international video conference, entitled “Cappadocia and Cappadocians in the Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine periods. An international video conference on the southeastern part of central Anatolia in classical antiquity” in May 14–15, 2020 in Izmir, Turkey. 36 papers with 61 pages and numerous colourful figures. All papers and key words are in English. 21 x 29,7 cm; paperback; 40 gr. quality paper. Frontispiece. A Roman stele with two portraits in the Museum of Kırşehir; accession nos. A.5.1.95a-b (photograph by E.
    [Show full text]
  • “A Translation and Historical Commentary of Book One and Book Two of the Historia of Geōrgios Pachymerēs” 2004
    “A Translation and Historical Commentary of Book One and Book Two of the Historia of Geōrgios Pachymerēs” Nathan John Cassidy, BA(Hons) (Canterbury) This thesis is presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Western Australia. School of Humanities Classics and Ancient History 2004 ii iii Abstract A summary of what a historical commentary should aim to do is provided by Gomme and Walbank in the introductions to their famous and magisterial commentaries on Thoukydidēs and Polybios. From Gomme: A historical commentary on an historian must necessarily derive from two sources, a proper understanding of his own words, and what we can learn from other authorities . To see what gaps there are in his narrative [and to] examine the means of filling these gaps. (A. Gomme A Historical Commentary on Thucydides vol. 1 (London, 1959) 1) And from Walbank: I have tried to give full references to other relevant ancient authorities, and where the text raises problems, to define these, even if they could not always be solved. Primarily my concern has been with whatever might help elucidate what Polybius thought and said, and only secondarily with the language in which he said it, and the question whether others subsequently said something identical or similar. (F. Walbank A Historical Commentary on Polybius vol. 1 (London, 1957) vii) Both scholars go on to stress the need for the commentator to stick with the points raised by the text and to avoid the temptation to turn the commentary into a rival narrative. These are the principles which I have endeavoured to follow in my Historical Commentary on Books One and Two of Pachymerēs’ Historia.
    [Show full text]
  • ROUTES and COMMUNICATIONS in LATE ROMAN and BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (Ca
    ROUTES AND COMMUNICATIONS IN LATE ROMAN AND BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (ca. 4TH-9TH CENTURIES A.D.) A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY TÜLİN KAYA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEPARTMENT OF SETTLEMENT ARCHAEOLOGY JULY 2020 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Yaşar KONDAKÇI Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Prof. Dr. D. Burcu ERCİYAS Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Lale ÖZGENEL Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Suna GÜVEN (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Lale ÖZGENEL (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ufuk SERİN (METU, ARCH) Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayşe F. EROL (Hacı Bayram Veli Uni., Arkeoloji) Assist. Prof. Dr. Emine SÖKMEN (Hitit Uni., Arkeoloji) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Tülin Kaya Signature : iii ABSTRACT ROUTES AND COMMUNICATIONS IN LATE ROMAN AND BYZANTINE ANATOLIA (ca. 4TH-9TH CENTURIES A.D.) Kaya, Tülin Ph.D., Department of Settlement Archaeology Supervisor : Assoc. Prof. Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Archaeology and Urban Settlement in Late Roman and Byzantine Anatolia Edited by John Haldon , Hugh Elton , James Newhard Index More Information
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-47115-2 — Archaeology and Urban Settlement in Late Roman and Byzantine Anatolia Edited by John Haldon , Hugh Elton , James Newhard Index More Information 369 Index Avkat, Beyözü, and Euchaïta have not been indexed f = i gure, t = table A b a n t , 3 7 , 3 8 , 4 0 Amorium, 269 Abbasids, 156 anagnōstēs (reader), 286 , 290 , 291 , 296 , 311 Acıçay River, 30 Anastasiopolis, 149 Adata, 235 Anastasius (emperor), 17 , 22 , 23 , 63 , 185 , 188 , A d a t e p e , 3 8 189 , 192 , 196 , 202 , 207 , 208 , 209 , 214 , 221 , Aegean Sea, 27 , 28 222 , 222n55 , 222n55 , 224 , 271 , 291 , 293 Aght’amar, 213 , 214n15 Anatolides- Taurides (tectonic unit), 25 , 26 Agricola from Gazacene, 20 Anatolikon (theme), 101 agricultural produce/ output, 30 , 32 , 34 , 36 , 38 , Anazarba, 235 40 , 49 , 96 , 97 , 98 , 100 , 104 , 105 , 106 , 107 , Anazarbos. See Anazarba 107t5.1 , 109 , 110 , 113 , 114 , 123 , 125 , 127 , Anderson, J.G.C., 73 , 81 , 89 , 90 , 102 , 105 , 106 , 128 , 128n79 , 129 , 131 , 132 , 147 , 148 , 149 , 185 , 186 , 187 , 193 , 195 , 203 , 204 , 205 , 206 , 150 , 151n93 , 152 , 152n96 , 153 , 155n119 , 208 159 , 161n143 , 162 , 175 , 211 , 226 , 227 , Andrapa. See N e a p o l i s 249 , 276 Androna, 156 A h l a t . See Chliat animal husbandry/ herding, 9 , 36 , 38 , 39 , 40 , Ahmetsaray, 193 41 , 88 , 98 , 100 , 104 , 110 , 113 , 114 , 115 , 118 , Aizanoi, 301 123 , 132 , 148 , 149 , 150 , 155 , 159 , 165 Akören, 83n73 , 193 Ankara/Ankyra, 9 , 10 , 12 , 14 , 23 , 26 , 44 , 82 , Akroinon, 245 89 , 149 , 186 ,
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantium's Balkan Frontier
    This page intentionally left blank Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier is the first narrative history in English of the northern Balkans in the tenth to twelfth centuries. Where pre- vious histories have been concerned principally with the medieval history of distinct and autonomous Balkan nations, this study regards Byzantine political authority as a unifying factor in the various lands which formed the empire’s frontier in the north and west. It takes as its central concern Byzantine relations with all Slavic and non-Slavic peoples – including the Serbs, Croats, Bulgarians and Hungarians – in and beyond the Balkan Peninsula, and explores in detail imperial responses, first to the migrations of nomadic peoples, and subsequently to the expansion of Latin Christendom. It also examines the changing conception of the frontier in Byzantine thought and literature through the middle Byzantine period. is British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow, Keble College, Oxford BYZANTIUM’S BALKAN FRONTIER A Political Study of the Northern Balkans, – PAUL STEPHENSON British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow Keble College, Oxford The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA 477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia Ruiz de Alarcón 13, 28014 Madrid, Spain Dock House, The Waterfront, Cape Town 8001, South Africa http://www.cambridge.org © Paul Stephenson 2004 First published in printed format 2000 ISBN 0-511-03402-4 eBook (Adobe Reader) ISBN 0-521-77017-3 hardback Contents List ofmaps and figurespagevi Prefacevii A note on citation and transliterationix List ofabbreviationsxi Introduction .Bulgaria and beyond:the Northern Balkans (c.–) .The Byzantine occupation ofBulgaria (–) .Northern nomads (–) .Southern Slavs (–) .The rise ofthe west,I:Normans and Crusaders (–) .
    [Show full text]
  • The Villas of the Eastern Adriatic and Ionian Coastlands
    Chapter 17 The villas of the eastern Adriatic and Ionian coastlands William Bowden (University of Nottingham) Introduction The eastern coasts of the Adriatic and Ionian seas – the regions of Istria, Dalmatia and Epirus – saw early political and military intervention from Rome, ostensibly to combat Illyrian piracy but also to participate in the internecine struggles between Macedonia and its neighbors, sometimes at the request of one or other of the protagonists. Istria fell to Rome in 177 BCE and was ultimately incorporated into regio X (Venetia et Histria) of Italia by Augustus in 7 BCE. After 168 BCE, much of the coast to the south was effectively under Roman control, with merchant shipping able to operate under Roman protection.1 The Illyrian tribes, however, notably the Delmatae, continued to exist in periodic conflict with Rome until they were finally subdued by Octavian (who later took the name of Augustus) from 35-33 BCE. Further to the south, many of the tribes of Epirus sided with the Macedonians against Rome in the Third Macedonian War, consequently suffering significant reprisals at the hands of Aemilius Paullus in the aftermath in 167 BCE. Epirus was formally incorporated within the Roman province of Macedonia after 146 BCE. The founding of Roman colonies in Epirus (at Butrint, Photike, Dyrrhachium, and Byllis), Dalmatia (at Iader, Narona, Salona, Aequum, possibly Senia, and Epidaurum), and Istria (at Tergeste, Parentium, and Pula) is likely to have had a decisive effect on land-holding patterns because land was redistributed
    [Show full text]
  • The Migration of Syrian and Palestinian Populations in the 7Th Century: Movement of Individuals and Groups in the Mediterranean
    Chapter 10 The Migration of Syrian and Palestinian Populations in the 7th Century: Movement of Individuals and Groups in the Mediterranean Panagiotis Theodoropoulos In 602, the Byzantine emperor Maurice was dethroned and executed in a mili- tary coup, leading to the takeover of Phokas. In response to that, the Sasanian Great King Khosrow ii (590–628), who had been helped by Maurice in 591 to regain his throne from the usurper Bahram, launched a war of retribution against Byzantium. In 604 taking advantage of the revolt of the patrikios Nars- es against Phokas, he captured the city of Dara. By 609, the Persians had com- pleted the conquest of Byzantine Mesopotamia with the capitulation of Edes- sa.1 A year earlier, in 608, the Exarch of Carthage Herakleios the Elder rose in revolt against Phokas. His nephew Niketas campaigned against Egypt while his son, also named Herakleios, led a fleet against Constantinople. Herakleios managed to enter the city and kill Phokas. He was crowned emperor on Octo- ber 5, 610.2 Ironically, three days later on October 8, 610, Antioch, the greatest city of the Orient, surrendered to the Persians who took full advantage of the Byzantine civil strife.3 A week later Apameia, another great city in North Syria, came to terms with the Persians. Emesa fell in 611. Despite two Byzantine counter at- tacks, one led by Niketas in 611 and another led by Herakleios himself in 613, the Persian advance seemed unstoppable. Damascus surrendered in 613 and a year later Caesarea and all other coastal towns of Palestine fell as well.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded from Brill.Com10/04/2021 08:59:36AM Via Free Access
    Chapter 12 Aristocrats, Mercenaries, Clergymen and Refugees: Deliberate and Forced Mobility of Armenians in the Early Medieval Mediterranean (6th to 11th Century a.d.) Johannes Preiser-Kapeller 1 Introduction Armenian mobility in the early Middle Ages has found some attention in the scholarly community. This is especially true for the migration of individuals and groups towards the Byzantine Empire. A considerable amount of this re- search has focused on the carriers and histories of individual aristocrats or noble families of Armenian origin. The obviously significant share of these in the Byzantine elite has even led to formulations such as Byzantium being a “Greco-Armenian Empire”.1 While, as expected, evidence for the elite stratum is relatively dense, larger scale migration of members of the lower aristocracy (“azat”, within the ranking system of Armenian nobility, see below) or non- aristocrats (“anazat”) can also be traced with regard to the overall movement of groups within the entire Byzantine sphere. In contrast to the nobility, however, the life stories and strategies of individuals of these backgrounds very rarely can be reconstructed based on our evidence. In all cases, the actual signifi- cance of an “Armenian” identity for individuals and groups identified as “Ar- menian” by contemporary sources or modern day scholarship (on the basis of 1 Charanis, “Armenians in the Byzantine Empire”, passim; Charanis, “Transfer of population”; Toumanoff, “Caucasia and Byzantium”, pp. 131–133; Ditten, Ethnische Verschiebungen, pp. 124–127, 134–135; Haldon, “Late Roman Senatorial Elite”, pp. 213–215; Whitby, “Recruitment”, pp. 87–90, 99–101, 106–110; Isaac, “Army in the Late Roman East”, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Aspects of St Anna's Cult in Byzantium
    ASPECTS OF ST ANNA’S CULT IN BYZANTIUM by EIRINI PANOU A thesis submitted to The University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham January 2011 Acknowledgments It is said that a PhD is a lonely work. However, this thesis, like any other one, would not have become reality without the contribution of a number of individuals and institutions. First of all of my academical mother, Leslie Brubaker, whose constant support, guidance and encouragement accompanied me through all the years of research. Of the National Scholarship Foundation of Greece ( I.K.Y.) with its financial help for the greatest part of my postgraduate studies. Of my father George, my mother Angeliki and my bother Nick for their psychological and financial support, and of my friends in Greece (Lily Athanatou, Maria Sourlatzi, Kanela Oikonomaki, Maria Lemoni) for being by my side in all my years of absence. Special thanks should also be addressed to Mary Cunningham for her comments on an early draft of this thesis and for providing me with unpublished material of her work. I would like also to express my gratitude to Marka Tomic Djuric who allowed me to use unpublished photographic material from her doctoral thesis. Special thanks should also be addressed to Kanela Oikonomaki whose expertise in Medieval Greek smoothened the translation of a number of texts, my brother Nick Panou for polishing my English, and to my colleagues (Polyvios Konis, Frouke Schrijver and Vera Andriopoulou) and my friends in Birmingham (especially Jane Myhre Trejo and Ola Pawlik) for the wonderful time we have had all these years.
    [Show full text]
  • Aspects of Iconography in Byzantine Cappadocia
    RESEARCH ARTICLE European Journal of Theology and Philosophy www.ej-theology.org Aspects of Iconography in Byzantine Cappadocia E. Ene D-Vasilescu ABSTRACT The main novelty my article brings concerns a particular iconographic motif: that known as the ‘trial by the water of reproach’. In the few cases Published Online: August 17, 2021 where this is rendered, usually only Mary is presented as undergoing this ISSN: 2736-5514 test, but in Cappadocian art Joseph is also subjected to it. DOI :10.24018/theology.2021.1.4.35 Additionally, to this visual topic, another one that is rarely depicted will be introduced and commented upon: that known as ‘Christ’s first bath’. E. Ene D-Vasilescu* I will provide a particular example: the fresco which constitutes part of (e-mail: elena.ene-yahoo.co.uk) the decoration that embellishes the walls of Karabaş Kilise/ ‘The Big Church’ in Soğanlı Valley, southern Cappadocia. *Corresponding Author A few images – one of them never published before – have been included within this publication. Keywords: Byzantium, Byzantine frescoes, Cappadocia, Constantine VII Porphyrogenetus. Karabaş church in the Soğanlı Valley, Phocas family, the Old and New Tokalı churches in Göreme. Cappadocians occupied a region from Mount Taurus (Fig. 1) I. INTRODUCTION to the vicinity of the Pontus Euxine (the Black Sea) [1]. The current piece is concerned with two rare visual motifs Therefore, the province was bordered in the south by the that can be found among other images which decorate Taurus Mountains that separate it from Cilicia to the east by churches established in Cappadocia under Byzantine rule.
    [Show full text]