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'Our Greatest Riches': Horses at the Intersection of Settler and Kazakh

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'Our Greatest Riches': Horses at the Intersection of Settler and Kazakh journal of migration history 3 (2017) 210-228 brill.com/jmh ‘Our Greatest Riches’: Horses at the Intersection of Settler and Kazakh Society in the Late Imperial Period Sean McDaniel Michigan State University [email protected] Abstract This article examines interactions between Slavic peasant migrants and mobile pastoralist Kazakhs within the setting of the Kazakh Steppe during the period of heavi- est resettlement to the region beginning in the late nineteenth century and continuing into the early twentieth century. It considers how the importance of horses to both settlers and Kazakhs alike dictated these interactions and how the sedentary world of the settlers disrupted the seasonal migration routes of Kazakh horse herders. Particu- larly with concern to the greatly expanded horse market, issues regarding land use, and increased instances of horse theft throughout the region, the Russian state’s encroach- ment into the steppe forever altered the social and economic makeup of the region. Keywords Russia – Kazakhstan – steppe – migration – horses – horse theft Introduction Ivan Beliakov’s story is not unlike those of the millions of other Slavic peasants who left various parts of European Russia in the late nineteenth century to settle in the vast expanses of the Kazakh Steppe and Siberia. He lived in Penza province in the village of Pushkin, which, in a letter he penned not long after leaving, he described rather fondly. He wrote of the meadows that stretched alongside a river, the forests of old oaks, the rich black earth, and the temper- ate climate which facilitated the growth of rye and oats. He noted the large, © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2017 | doi 10.1163/23519924-00302003Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 02:32:32PM via free access <UN> ‘Our Greatest Riches’ 211 five-domed church on which construction had begun in 1889 and the annual fair that took place in July. Beliakov had travelled a bit – as far west as Minsk province, south to Saratov province, and even a bit north as well. But he never, so he claimed, found any other location with such rich, natural conditions as those of Pushkin. In the spring of 1895, however, Beliakov and over 30 other households in the village began to sell off nearly all of their earthly posses- sions; their homes, their crops, their livestock. In May, he and some 200 others from Pushkin left for Siberia.1 The inhabitants of Pushkin and other peasants who decided to leave their homes did so for the ‘most basic of reasons – “land hunger.”’2 In the aftermath of serf emancipation in 1861, peasants in European Russia were often forced to pay exorbitant sums for small plots of land that yielded little in the way of sustainability and even less in the way of hope. Toward the end of the nine- teenth century, large numbers of peasant migrants flooded the Kazakh Steppe in search of more abundant land and greater opportunity. Rather than find- ing the territory empty as contemporary sources often portrayed it, settlers frequently encountered the mobile pastoralist Kazakhs who inhabited the re- gion.3 This article highlights these settlers’ experiences – both the hopes and expectations many had upon embarking on the arduous journey and the often grim reality of settling in the Russian Empire’s periphery. It focuses specifi- cally on interactions between settlers and Kazakhs involving horses, an animal of vital importance in the steppe. In doing so, it demonstrates not only how settlers navigated life alongside the mobile pastoralist Kazakhs and vice versa but, more specifically, just how crucial the control of horses was to survival on the steppe. In his seminal text The Great Siberian Migration, Donald Treadgold argues succinctly that it was ‘an agricultural movement which led to greater social equality than had existed before.’4 Likewise, the historian Leonid M. Goryushkin writes that as migrants made their way to the empire’s periphery, they ‘laid new roads, built new villages, cleared the forests for agriculture and cultivated crops’ and thus played ‘the major role in the economic development of Siberia 1 I.E. Beliakov, ‘Pereselents o sibiri’, Russkoe bogatstvo No. 3 (1899) 1, 5. 2 Lewis H. Siegelbaum and Leslie Page Moch, Broad is my native land: repertoires and regimes of migration in Russia’s twentieth century (Ithaca 2014) 16. 3 For the purposes of this essay, I refer to the native inhabitants of the Kazakh Steppe as ‘Kazakhs’ rather than the term ‘Kirgiz’ used by Russians of the Imperial period. When quot- ing contemporary sources, however, I simply transliterate from the Russian and use the term ‘Kirgiz’ as they did. 4 Donald W. Treadgold, The great Siberian migration (Princeton 1957) 3–4. journal of migration history 3 (2017) 210-228 Downloaded from Brill.com09/28/2021 02:32:32PM via free access <UN> 212 McDaniel from the mid nineteenth century to the early twentieth century.’5 While many migrants arguably improved their lot and certainly played a major role in the economic development of the steppe region, they did so at the detriment of the native Kazakhs who witnessed the upheaval of their own social structure and destruction of their pre-existing economy. This essay considers how and to what effect horse trade, land disputes be- tween settlers and indigenous Kazakhs, and horse theft shaped the evolving social landscape in the steppe. Though trade between Kazakhs and Russians had taken place long before this period, settler migration increased both the frequency of horse trading and the price per head, creating a premium for these already prized animals. Land disputes highlight the ways in which Slav- ic settlers increasingly cut large segments of the Kazakh population off from migrational grazing routes forcing many into poverty while simultaneously benefitting a subsection of Kazakh society – rich herders called bais – which led to a drastic restructuring of the steppe society. Finally, the study of horse theft, a problem which began to plague the region, addresses both market in- creases and cultural mores as settlers and Kazakhs alike engaged in the prac- tice for monetary gain while many Kazakhs also viewed the act as both heroic defiance to Imperial order and as a customary practice of self-administered justice (barimta). On the Move Migration to the steppe increased significantly in the last decades of the nine- teenth century at a time when settlers were able to utilise the Trans-Siberian Railway to transport them eastward. Constructed over a 25-year period be- ginning in 1891, the railway formed a new and lasting link between European Russia and Siberia and represents what Lewis Siegelbaum and Leslie Moch de- scribe as ‘perhaps the premier example of migratory regimes coinciding with migrant repertoires.’6 Travelling by rail not only made the journey faster but significantly decreased the cost as well, allowing poorer peasants, troubled by land hunger, to make the trip they may have been unable to otherwise. For Beliakov and the inhabitants of Pushkin, trouble began directly after emancipation when their landlord did not allocate enough land per household 5 Leonid M. Goryushkin, trans. Alan Wood, ‘Migration, settlement and the rural economy of Siberia, 1861–1914’, in: Alan Wood (ed.), The history of Siberia: from Russian conquest to revolu- tion (London and New York 1991) 140–157. 6 Siegelbaum and Moch, Broad is my native land, 6. journal of migrationDownloaded history from 3 Brill.com09/28/2021 (2017) 210-228 02:32:32PM via free access <UN> ‘Our Greatest Riches’ 213 according to the stipulations of the emancipation decree. Shortly after this, the land payments increased significantly and many within the community began to struggle. For 25 years – from 1861 to 1886 – the peasants of Pushkin peti- tioned the Tsar to rectify the ills perpetrated by their landlord and even spent some 2,000 roubles hiring lawyers to aid them in the process.7 With no progress in the way of more land or reduced payments, many of the villagers had had enough and began expressing their desire to resettle in Siberia. Sceptical of such a move, Beliakov warned his friends and neighbours that Siberia was much colder than Pushkin, that rainfall was less frequent, and there were no forests like those around their own village. His warnings were met with retorts from prospective resettlers who based their knowledge of Siberia on government publications, letters from friends or relatives who had already made the long journey, and even rumour mill material. ‘The Tsar has already prepared everything’, they told him, ‘just go, children, to the land from […] God.’ Wealth would be abundant, they promised. ‘Go and live there – like in paradise! Even the very poor have 40 horses […]’8 It is no surprise that wealth was described in such a way. Horses were an essential aspect of everyday life for the Russian peasant farmer. In 1909, a cor- respondent to a provincial newspaper expressed this reality succinctly when writing the following: ‘A peasant who loses his horse is, as they say, without hands.’9 If the horse was an essential aspect of everyday Russian peasant life, then its role in Kazakh society was possibly even greater. The Kazakh mem- oirist, Mukhamet Shayakhmetov reminisced that ‘our people always looked after them with great care, because, they were our main livelihood […] and the whole family would mourn the loss of a favourite horse or camel, because they were the main means of transport and work force in a nomadic household.’10 Beyond simple reliance to carry out the day-to-day duties required of a mobile pastoralist existence, Kazakhs maintained a unique relationship with and held a special reverence for these prized animals. The sixteenth-century Kazakh leader Kasym Khan once stated ‘we are residents of the steppe; our possessions and goods are not rare and they are not valuable.
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