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Lashkar-E-Taiba: from 9/11 to Mumbai Developments in Radicalisation and Political Violence Lashkar-e-Taiba: From 9/11 to Mumbai Stephen Tankel April/May 2009 1 Developments in Radicalisation Summary and Political Violence The most successful ‘terrorist spectacular’ against Western Developments in Radicalisation and Political Violence targets outside of Afghanistan, Iraq or Pakistan in the recent is a series of papers published by the International Centre past was Lashkar-e-Taiba’s sixty-hour operation in Mumbai for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence (ICSR). during the final days of November 2008. Those sixty hours It features papers by leading experts, providing reviews of brought Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT or Lashkar) to the attention of the existing knowledge and sources and/or novel arguments and world, but the group has played a role in threatening the West insights which are likely to advance our understanding of for a number of years. Following 9/11 LeT remained primarily radicalisation and political violence. The papers are written focused on liberating Kashmir and waging a wider war against in plain English. Authors are encouraged to spell out policy India, but also waged a peripheral campaign against the West. implications where appropriate. In the early part of the decade, this was mainly in the form of training and logistical support to al-Qaeda and others waging Editor a global jihad. Although it remains primarily committed to Prof. Harvey Rubin destroying India, LeT has begun to act more overtly against University of Pennsylvania Western interests during the past several years. This includes Editorial Assistant deploying cadres to fight against coalition forces in Afghanistan and, more recently, targeting Westerners in attacks such Katie Rothman as those carried out in Mumbai. Fighting the West remains International Centre for the Study of a secondary concern for Lashkar, but one to which it has Radicalisation and Political Violence (ICSR) committed increasing resources during the past several years. Editorial Board Prof. Sir Lawrence Freedman The Mumbai attacks thus represent only the latest step in King’s College London Lashkar’s progression toward al-Qaeda’s global jihad. This paper aims to situate those attacks within the wider context Dr. Boaz Ganor of Lashkar’s evolving threat to the West and to address the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya question of whether Lashkar is still working with the state Dr. Peter Neumann apparatus, is in league with the other jihadi forces savaging King’s College London Pakistan, or both. It endeavours to demonstrate that Lashkar Yasar Qatarneh has been playing a double game of its own for the better part Jordan Institute of Diplomacy of this decade. To do so it traces how the threats LeT poses to the West have evolved since 9/11. It then situates the Contact Mumbai attacks within the context of this development, and All papers can be downloaded free of charge at concludes by discussing what the future may hold for LeT www.icsr.info. To order hardcopies, please write to mail@icsr. and the populations it threatens. info. For all matters related to the paper series, please write to: ICSR King’s College London 138-142 Strand London WC2R 1HH United Kingdom © ICSR 2009 2 3 About Stephen Tankel Lashkar-e-Taiba: Stephen Tankel is an Associate Fellow at the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence (ICSR) and also holds the title of Davis Peace and Security From 9/11 to Mumbai Fellow at the EastWest Institute, where he previously served as the Deputy Policy Director. Prior to that Stephen lived in Egypt, where he worked with the Ibn Khaldun Center for Development l-Qaeda Central has not managed a successful attack Studies. He received a Bachelor of Science degree from Cornell against Western targets outside of Pakistan since at University and a Master of Science degree in Global Politics Aleast 2005, when it is alleged to have been involved in from the LSE. Stephen is pursuing a PhD in War Studies the London tube bombings. Despite its global jihadi rhetoric at King’s College London, and his research focuses on the the al-Qaeda Organization in the Islamic Maghreb – al- strategic transformation of jihadi groups affiliated with al-Qaeda Qaeda Central’s most prolific branch – has not successfully since 9/11. He is a contributor to The Guardian and is currently perpetrated a single attack outside of Algeria since joining writing the first English-language book tracing the evolution of al-Qaeda Central. Its high-profile bombing of the headquarters Lashkar-e-Taiba, which will be published early next year. of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Algiers in December 2007 killed only one Westerner. In the last three years, the most successful ‘terrorist spectacular’ against Western targets outside of Afghanistan, Iraq or Pakistan was Lashkar-e-Taiba’s sixty-hour operation in Mumbai during the final days of November 2008. Those sixty hours brought Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT or Lashkar) to the attention of the world, but the group has played a role in threatening the West for a number of years. Since 2001, LeT has remained primarily focused on liberating Kashmir and waging a wider war against India. However, during that time it has also waged a peripheral campaign against the West. wIn the early part of the decade, this was mainly in the form of training and logistical support to al-Qaeda and others in Pakistan who were actively waging a global jihad. Weakened by the West’s War on Terror, al-Qaeda and its allies needed the assistance. Over time, as al-Qaeda and the Taliban grew stronger and more prolific in Pakistan, LeT’s role and relevance within the jihadi movement diminished. Simultaneously, LeT’s jihad in Kashmir slowed as a consequence of improving relations between Pakistan and India even as Lashkar’s above-ground parent organisation – the Jama’at-ud-Dawa (JuD) – gained traction within Pakistani society. LeT became increasingly capable of acting independently of the Pakistani state thanks to JuD’s success. 4 5 Although it remains primarily committed to destroying India, Good Jihadi LeT has begun to act more overtly against Western interests during the past several years.1 This includes deploying cadres At the time of the 9/11 attacks, LeT was considered the most to fight against coalition forces in Afghanistan and, more effective, prolific, and fearsome jihadi force fighting in Jammu recently, targeting Westerners in attacks such as those carried and Kashmir (hereafter Kashmir) against the perceived Indian out in Mumbai. Fighting the West remains a secondary concern occupation there. It was first among equals in the eyes of the for Lashkar, but one to which it has committed increasing Pakistani army, and its reputation was growing in Pakistani resources during the past several years. society. Sensing what the 9/11 attacks could mean for militant outfits operating in Pakistan, LeT kept a low profile and The detailed planning and execution of the Mumbai attacks distanced itself from al-Qaeda. Pakistani President Pervez has already been covered at length in the media, which also Musharraf was also attempting to distinguish between al- continues to record the machinations of Indian-Pakistani Qaeda and the Taliban, sectarian groups (notably Sipah-e- sparring over how to handle the aftermath. The objective here Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) and its offshoot Lashkar-e-Jangvi (LeJ)) is to situate the attacks within the wider context of Lashkar’s on which he was already cracking down, and the ‘freedom evolving threat to the West and to address the question of fighters of Kashmir.’2 whether Lashkar is still working with the state apparatus, is in league with the other jihadi forces savaging the country, or The 13 December 2001 attack on the Indian Parliament by the both. As this paper aims to demonstrate, Lashkar has been Jeish-e-Mohammed (JeM) made legal distinctions impossible playing a double game of its own for the better part of this and, facing war with India and heavy U.S. pressure, Musharraf decade. To do so it traces how the threats LeT poses to the banned all of the major jihadi outfits in Pakistan: LeT, JeM, West have evolved since 9/11. It then situates the Mumbai SSP, LeJ, the Harkat-ul-Jihad-Islami (HuJI) and the Harkat-ul- attacks within the context of this development, and concludes Mujahideen (HuM). The ensuing crackdown was hardly uniform. by discussing what the future may hold for LeT and the Musharraf continued to crack down heavily on the sectarian populations it threatens. groups and the Taliban, as well as committing resources to the fight against al-Qaeda. He moved more tepidly against JeM, HuJI, and HuM, shutting down their training camps and The Two Faces of Lashkar restricting operatives to their madrassas. However, the financial holdings of these groups were largely unaffected since they all LeT’s vision includes establishing a pan-Islamic Caliphate, but had ample time to move their funds before any accounts since 9/11 its primary objective has remained the liberation of were frozen.3 Kashmir and the destruction of India. For this reason, within Pakistani society and in the eyes of the state Lashkar’s identity LeT escaped almost entirely unscathed. Like the JeM, has remained separate from that of al-Qaeda and other jihadi HuJI, and HuM, its existing funds slipped through the slow- actors, enabling the group to position itself as the ‘good moving hands of the state. Crucially, unlike the other jihadi jihadis’. Because of this the Pakistani state rewarded LeT with organisations, Lashkar was also allowed to maintain its training preferential treatment, which the group leveraged during the camps and continued to operate relatively openly first several years following 9/11 to provide primarily covert assistance to al-Qaeda and other actors drawn to a global jihadi agenda.
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