Collected Works of VI Lenin
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Lenin and the Bourgeois Press
REQUEST TO READERS Progress Publishers would be glad to have your opinion of this book, its translation and design and any suggestions you may have for future publications. Please send your comments to 17, Zubovsky Boulevard, Moscow, U.S,S.R. Boris Baluyev AND TBE BOURGEOIS PRESS Progress Publishers Moscow Translated from the Russian by James Riordan Designed by Yuri Davydov 6opac 6aJiyee JIEHMH IlOJIEMl1311PYET C 6YJ>)l(YA3HO'A IlPECCO'A Ha Qlj2J1UUCKOM 11301Ke © IlOJIHTH3L(aT, 1977 English translation © Progress Publishers 1983 Printed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 0102020000-346 _ E 32 83 014(01)-83 Contents Introduction . 5 "Highly Interesting-from the Negative Aspect" 8 "Capitalism and the Press" . 23 "For Lack of a Clean Principled Weapon They Snatch at a Dirty One" . 53 "I Would Rather Let Myself Be Drawn and Quartered... " 71 "A Socialist Paper Must Carry on Polemics" 84 "But What Do These Facts Mean?" . 98 "All Praise to You, Writers for Rech and Duma!" 106 "Our Strength Lies in Stating the Truth!" 120 "The Despicable Kind of Trick People Who Have Been Ordered to Raise a Cheer Would Use" . 141 "The Innumerable Vassal Organs of Russian Liberalism" 161 "This Appeared Not in Novoye Vremya, but in a Paper That Calls Itself a Workers' Newspaper" . 184 ··one Chorus. One Orchestra·· 201 INTRODUCTION The polemical writings of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin continue to set an unsurpassed standard of excellence for journalists and all representatives of the progressive press. They teach ideo logical consistency and develop the ability to link political issues of the moment to Marxist philosophical theory. -
The Russian Bolshevik Revolution
. T ir«a_sO cr <: so =? O u_ t/AHvaaii:m <Q133NVS01^'' 13V\V ^(^Abvaaii-^^ vin<;AwrF[rf ^.l!RRA^>^ '^/".j. 1^1 o %ojnv3jo'^ in<;AHr.Ffr' uf-; M''r:]'. i I C3 xlOS.WCfl.' ANillBRAR- ..^MJNIVF'i :^ %L ,^\\El'NIVERy//> ^lOSAN o y o u- mw , ^/saaMNnmv '^(?Aavaaii#' ^^AHvaan-i^ \WEUNIVER% ^lOSANCElfj;> ^1 o ^<i/0JllV3J0^ ^AOillVJJO"^ '-I lajin jui %ji3AiNnmv ^.OFCAUFO/?^ ^OFCAIIFO%^ s>:lOSANCElfj> 4? iin '^^c'AiivjiaiH'^ "^OAavaan-iV ^WEUNIVER^//;, ^vNlOS-MCElfj;^ ^^NStUBRARYCk ^< 13 <riijoNVSOi^' ^^\^E•UNIVER5•/^ ^WSANCELf;^^ .AOPCAllfOff^. ,-;.OF-CAlIF0% 'A- <ril]ONV v/5a3AiNn3Wv ^^^UIBRARYQ^ ^tllBRARYA'. ^WEUNIVFR,V//, .KimAr.firr: '^(tfOJIlVDJO'^^ ^<!/0JnV3JO>^ ^OFCALIFOfiV ^OF-CAIIFO/?^ ^WEU^IIVER% A^lOSANCElfj^ r< ^(^AavaaiH^"^ ^<9Aavaaii#' <ril3DNV-S01^ ^/5a3AlNn-3UV'' THE RUSSIAN BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION THE RUSSIAN BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION BY EDWARD ALSWORTH ROSS, Ph.D., LL.D. Pbopessoe op Sociology, Uxivebsity of Wisconsin. Author of "Social Control," "Social Psychologj'," "Foundations of Sociology," "Principles of Sociology," "The Changing Chinese," "Changing America," "South of Panama," "Russia in Upheaval," etc. ILLUSTRATED WITH OVER THIRTY PHOTOGRAPHS NEW YORK THE CENTURY CO. 1921 Copyright, 1921, by The Ckntubt Co. PREFACE This book is not written to make out a case, but to set forth what appear to be the significant facts. It is offered on the theory that intelhgent people are tired of being victims of propaganda about Russia and will welcome a book that is not trying to give their minds a certain twist. I can truthfully aver that when I set pen to paper I had no rigid mental attitudes toward the phases of the Russian revolution, so that such interpretations as I venture on have come out of my study of the facts themselves. -
Hlstory of the C.P .S
INDEX to the HlsTORY OF THE C.P .s. u. (BOLSHEVIKS) [!} T H R . E E P E N C E ABORTION, 340 BALTIC PROVINCES, 147, 161, 172, 173, ABROSIMOV, 171 216, 237. See LATVIA, EsTHONIA, ABYSSINIA, 331 - 332, 334 LITHUANIA AGENTS-PROVOCATEURS, 57, 102, 155, Barschina, 3 171 BATUM, 27, 28 AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA, 17 B AZAROV, V. A ., 102-104, 114, 143 AGRICULTURE, 4, 5, 248, 264, 271 , 276, BELGIUM, 119, 162, 166 286--287, 315, 320, 323, 335-336. BERMAN, Y. A . , 103 See CotLECTIVE FARMS, STATE BERNSTEIN, 23, 37 FARMS BLACK H UNDREDS, 78, 90, 97, 101 1 ALEXANDER II, 10 BLACK SEA FLEET, 60-61, 81 r ALEXANDER Ill, 10 BLOCKADE, 236, 239 ALEXEYEV, GENERAL, 227 BLOCS- ALEXEYEV, PYOTR, 34 Anti-Communist, 335 ALEXTNSKY, G. A., 135 August, 136--138, 157 ALLIES OF THE PROLETARIAT, 20, 64, Party, Lenin-Plekhanov, 137 68-69, 75-76, 86, 93, 154, 178, of Rights and Trotskyites, 218, 223, 197-198, 213, 234, 248-249, 258- 346--348 259, 263, 269, 277 of Trotskyites and Zinovievites, ALSACE-LORRAINE, 161 283-285 ANARCHJSTS, 42, 61, 91, 116, 203, 226 BLOODY SUNDAY, 58 ANARCHO-SYNDICALISTS, 253, 256 BLUMKIN, 223 ANDREYEV, L., 245, 278 BOGDANOV, A. A., 85, 102-104, 114, ANGELINA, P ., 338 135, 143, 15 7 Anti-Diihring, by F. Engels, 108- 109 BOGUSLAVSKY, 253, 289 ANTO ov's REBELLION, 250 BOLSHEVIKS- .. APRIL THESES," by Lenin, 184-186, and armed uprising, 1905 .. 82 356 and Bloody Sunday, 57- 58 ARCHANGEL, 227 boycott Bulygin Duma, 62 ARcos (RAIDED), 282 form independent party, 138-143 ARMED UPRISING OF WORKERS, 59, 70, and imperialist war, 163- 164, 167- 79-84, 199, 204-208 172 ARMY, BEFORE THE REVOLUTION, 93, origin of name, 43 171 - 175, 192, 207-208. -
The Bolshevik-Menshevik Split in July 1903, Fifty-Seven Delegates to The
The Bolshevik-Menshevik Split In July 1903, fifty-seven delegates to the Second Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP) assembled in a flea-ridden flour warehouse in Brussels. Plekhanov, the respected veteran Russian Marxist, was elected chairman, but the delegates felt uneasy in Belgium and moved to London, where the authorities could be relied on to ignore them. The meetings were extremely argumentative, with endless hair-splitting as every tiny point was dissected and analyzed. It became clear that the party was split between two groups, the Bolsheviks (‘majority’) and the Mensheviks (‘minority’). The Bolsheviks claimed the name after getting their way in a dispute over control of the editorial board of the Party newspaper, Iskra (‘the Spark’ – which was to ‘start a big blaze’). The Mensheviks unwisely accepted the title of minority group, though they were actually more often in the majority. Both groups were enthusiastic for the destruction of capitalism and the overthrow of the Tsarist regime, but the Mensheviks, led by Martov, favored a large, loosely organized democratic party whose members could agree to differ on many points. They were prepared to work with the different political parties in Russia and they had scruples about the use of violence. The Bolsheviks, led by Lenin, were hardline revolutionaries who would not have known a scruple if they stumbled over it. Lenin had no time for democracy and no confidence in the masses. He wanted a small, tightly organized, strictly disciplined party of full-time members who did what they were told and followed the party line in every particular detail. -
The Russian Revolution and Civil War
W O R K E R S O F A L L C O U N T R I E S , U N I T E! L E N I N COLLECTED WORKS 2D A THE RUSSIAN EDITION WAS PRINTED IN ACCORDANCE WITH A DECISION OF THE NINTH CONGRESS OF THE R.C.P.(B.) AND THE SECOND CONGRESS OF SOVIETS OF THE U.S.S.R. ИНCTИTУT МАРÇCИзМА — ЛЕНИНИзМА пpи ЦK KНCC B. n. l d H n H С О Ч И Н E Н И Я И з д a н u е ч е m в е p m o e ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЕ ИЗДАТЕЛЬСТВО ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ M О С К В А V. I. L E N I N cOLLEcTED WORKS VOLUME 2D September 191U–February 1918 PROGRESS PUBLISHERS MOSCOW TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN BY Y U R I S D O B N I K O V AND G E O R G E H A N N A EDITED BY G E O R G E H A N N A From Marx to Mao M L © Digital Reprints 2011 www.marx2mao.com First printing 1964 Second printing 1972 Third printing 1977 Printed in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 10102–036 l ÇÜà èÇõÄÉå. 014(01)–74 7 CONTENTS Page Preface ........................ 17 September-December 1917 THE BOLSHEVIKS MUST ASSUME POWER. A Letter to the Central Committee and the Petrograd and Moscow Com- mittees of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.) .............. 19 MARXISM AND INSURRECTION. A Letter to the Central Committee of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.)............ -
Russian Emigration and British Marxist Socialism
WALTER KENDALL RUSSIAN EMIGRATION AND BRITISH MARXIST SOCIALISM Britain's tradition of political asylum has for centuries brought refugees of many nationalities to her shores. The influence both direct and indirect, which they have exerted on British life has been a factor of no small importance. The role of religious immigration has frequently been examined, that of the socialist emigres from Central Europe has so far received less detailed attention. Engels was a frequent contributor to the "Northern Star" at the time of the Chartist upsurge in the mid-icjth century,1 Marx also contributed.2 George Julian Harney and to a lesser extent other Chartist leaders were measurably influenced by their connection with European political exiles.3 At least one of the immigrants is reputed to have been involved in plans for a Chartist revolt.4 The influence which foreign exiles exerted at the time of Chartism was to be repro- duced, although at a far higher pitch of intensity in the events which preceded and followed the Russian Revolutions of March and October 1917. The latter years of the 19th century saw a marked increase of foreign immigration into Britain. Under the impact of antisemitism over 1,500,000 Jewish emigrants left Czarist Russia between 1881 and 1910, 500,000 of them in the last five years. The number of foreigners in the UK doubled between 1880 and 1901.5 Out of a total of 30,000 Russian, Polish and Roumanian immigrants the Home Office reported that no less than 8,000 had landed between June 1901 and June 1902.6 1 Mark Hovell, The Chartist Movement, Manchester 1925, p. -
Coversheet for Thesis in Sussex Research Online
A University of Sussex DPhil thesis Available online via Sussex Research Online: http://eprints.sussex.ac.uk/ This thesis is protected by copyright which belongs to the author. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the Author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the Author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Please visit Sussex Research Online for more information and further details Lenin and the Iskra Faction of the RSDLP 1899-1903 Richard Mullin Doctor of Philosophy Resubmission University of Sussex March 2010 1 I hereby declare that this thesis has not been submitted in whole or in part to another University for the award of any other degree ……………………………….. 2 Contents Contents.......................................................................................................................3 Acknowledgements……………..…………………………………………………...4 Abstract........................................................................................................................5 Notes on Names, Texts and Dates…….....……………………..…………………...6 Chapter One: Historical and Historiographical Context…………………..…....7 i) 1899-1903 in the Context of Russian Social-Democratic History and Theory …12 ii) Historiographical Trends in the Study of Lenin and the RSDLP …………...…..23 iii) How the thesis develops -
Ethnic Violence in the Former Soviet Union Richard H
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2011 Ethnic Violence in the Former Soviet Union Richard H. Hawley Jr. (Richard Howard) Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES ETHNIC VIOLENCE IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION By RICHARD H. HAWLEY, JR. A Dissertation submitted to the Political Science Department in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2011 Richard H. Hawley, Jr. defended this dissertation on August 26, 2011. The members of the supervisory committee were: Heemin Kim Professor Directing Dissertation Jonathan Grant University Representative Dale Smith Committee Member Charles Barrilleaux Committee Member Lee Metcalf Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the dissertation has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii To my father, Richard H. Hawley, Sr. and To my mother, Catherine S. Hawley (in loving memory) iii AKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people who made this dissertation possible, and I extend my heartfelt gratitude to all of them. Above all, I thank my committee chair, Dr. Heemin Kim, for his understanding, patience, guidance, and comments. Next, I extend my appreciation to Dr. Dale Smith, a committee member and department chair, for his encouragement to me throughout all of my years as a doctoral student at the Florida State University. I am grateful for the support and feedback of my other committee members, namely Dr. -
Iskra (1900-1905) – Pdf
Full Collection – Collezione completa – Iskra (1900-1905) – Pdf Click photo for the download Cliccare sulla foto per il download Iskra (Russian: Искра, IPA: [ˈiskrə], the Spark) was a political newspaper of Russian socialist emigrants established as the official organ of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP). Due to political repression under Tsar Nicholas II, it was necessary to publish Iskra in exile and smuggle it into Russia. Initially, it was managed by Vladimir Lenin, moving as he moved. The first edition was published in Leipzig,Germany, on December 1, 1900 (other sources say Dec. 11). Other editions were published in Munich (1900–1902) and Geneva from 1903. When Lenin was in London (1902–1903) the newspaper was edited from a small office at 37a Clerkenwell Green, EC1, with Henry Quelch arranging the necessary printworks. Iskra quickly became the most successful underground Russian newspaper in 50 years. In 1903, following the split of the RSDLP, Lenin left the staff (after his initial proposal to reduce the editorial board to three – himself, Julius Martov and Georgi Plekhanov – was vehemently opposed), the newspaper fell under the control of the Mensheviks and was published by Plekhanov until 1905. The average circulation was 8,000. Iskra’s motto was “Из искры возгорится пламя” (“From a spark a fire will flare up”) — a line from the reply Alexander Odoevsky wrote to the poem by Alexander Pushkin addressed to the anti-tsar Decembrists imprisoned in Siberia. The editorial line championed the battle for political freedom as well as the cause of socialist revolution.The paper also ran a number of notable polemics against “economists”, who argued against political struggle in favour of pure trade-union activity for the worker’s economic interests, as well as the Socialist Revolutionaries, who advocated terror tactics. -
Ten Days That Shook the World
Ten Days That Shook the World John Reed Ten Days That Shook the World Table of Contents Ten Days That Shook the World.......................................................................................................................1 John Reed.................................................................................................................................................1 Preface.....................................................................................................................................................1 Chapter I. Background............................................................................................................................9 Chapter II. The Coming Storm.............................................................................................................16 Chapter III. On the Eve.........................................................................................................................28 Chapter IV. The Fall of the Provisional Government...........................................................................45 Chapter V. Plunging Ahead..................................................................................................................63 Chapter VI. The Committee for Salvation............................................................................................81 Chapter VII. The Revolutionary Front..................................................................................................93 Chapter VIII. Counter−Revolution.....................................................................................................105 -
The Activity of the Social-Democratic Group 'Yedinstvo' in 1918-1919
NOTAS Y DEBATES DE ACTUALIDAD UTOPÍA Y PRAXIS LATINOAMERICANA. AÑO: 23, n° 82 (JULIO-SEPTIEMBRE), 2018, pp. 404-408 REVISTA INTERNACIONAL DE FILOSOFÍA Y TEORÍA SOCIAL CESA-FCES-UNIVERSIDAD DEL ZULIA. MARACAIBO-VENEZUELA. ISSN 1315-5216 / ISSN-e: 2477-9555 The Activity of the Social-Democratic Group ‘Yedinstvo’ in 1918-1919 La actividad del grupo socialdemócrata ‘Yedinstvo’ en 1918-1919 Eduard V. KOSTIAEV ORCID: http://orcid.org/0000-0001-5579-4619 [email protected] Department of History of the Fatherland and Culture, Yuri Gagarin State Technical University of Saratov, Saratov, Russian Federation This paper is filed in Zenodo: DOI: http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1512870 ABSTRACT RESUMEN G.V. Plekhanov was a cut above like-minded people of the A diferencia de G.V. Plekhanov fue un corte por encima de “Yedinstvo” by his authority, the last stage of its existence la gente de ideas afines del "Yedinstvo" por su autoridad, remained practically unreported in the historical literature. la última etapa de su existencia permaneció prácticamente It was established in the process of research that at that sin ser reportada en la literatura histórica. Se estableció en time activity of the group was crowned with an extremely el proceso de investigación que en ese momento la curious historical paradox. As the supporters of Plekhanov, actividad del grupo se coronaba con una extremadamente who was the founder of the National Social Democracy at curiosa paradoja histórica. Como partidarios de Plekhanov, his time, the “Reds” during the Civil War and stood on the quien fue el fundador de la Democracia Nacional Social en other side of the barricades and supported Denikin, the su tiempo, los "Rojos" durante la Guerra Civil se “white” general and the worst enemy of their former party mantuvieron al otro lado de las barricadas y apoyaron a members, in 1919. -
Lenin, Elections & Socialist Hegemony
Lenin, Elections & Socialist Hegemony 1 Lenin, Elections & Socialist Hegemony Seán Mitchell Lenin, Elections and Socialist Hegemony © Seán Mitchell First published by Rebel, Dublin 2021 www.rebelnews.ie [email protected] Typeset by Rebel Cover design by Danny Quinn “The election of someone...is a matter of such vast importance that it would be petty, cowardly and disgraceful to be afraid to speak of it straightforwardly, without beating about the bush, to be afraid of “offending” a particular individual, a particular circle, etc.” — Lenin, October 16, 1912. Contents Introduction 1 Boycott or Participation? 10 Elections & Hegemony 24 Left Bloc or Progressive Bloc? 36 Bolshevik Elections in Practice 48 Elections and the Comintern 62 Conclusion 74 Lenin, Elections & Socialist Hegemony 1. Introduction e are now ‘up to the ears’ in the elections,” wrote a fatigued “WLenin to the renowned novelist Maxim Gorky in 1912, as he busied himself with preparations for the Bolshevik campaign for the Fourth Duma. “[T]he building up of the Party”, Lenin explained with characteristic bluntness, “[v]ery much depends on the outcome of the elections.”1 The image elicited in this brief exchange—of a hurried Lenin, embroiled in the finer detail of electoralism, convinced that the future of Bolshevism depended on it—may seem like a peculiar one, at odds with common perceptions of the leader of the October Revolution. At the very least, such a picture sits awkwardly alongside the well-worn Cold War caricature of the authoritarian Lenin, whose “mistrust of the masses” led him to conclude that all exercises in democracy were tiresome impediments to the fulfilment of a pathological lust for power.2 The credibility of this smear was long ago demolished,3 even if it lives on as a stock cliché amongst conservative historians and anti-socialist elements deeply embedded in establishment politics or the ivory towers of academia.