Ukraine in the Twentieth Century: a Brief Survey
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The Ukrainian Weekly 1981
;?C свОБОДАJLSVOBODA І І і о "в УКРДШСШИИ щоліннмк ^Щ^У UKKAINIAHOAIIV PUBLISHEDrainia BY THE UKRAINIAN NATIONAL ASSOCIATIOnN INC . A FRATERNAWeekL NON-PROFIT ASSOCIATION l ї Ш Ute 25 cents voi LXXXVIII No. 45 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 8, i98i Reagan administration Five years later announces appointment for rights post The Ukrainian Helsinki Group: WASHINGTON - After months of the struggle continues delay, the Reagan administration an– nounced on October 30 that it is no– When the leaders of 35 states gathered in Helsinki in minating Elliot Abrams, a neo-conser– August 1975 signed the Final Act of the Conference on vative Democrat and former Senate Security and Cooperation in Europe, few could aide, to be assistant secretary of state for have foreseen the impact the agreement would have in human rights and humanitarian affairs, the Soviet Union. While the accords granted the Soviets reported The New York Times. de jure recognition of post-World War ll boundaries, they The 33-year-old lawyer, who pre– also extracted some acquiescence to provisions viously worked as special counsel to guaranteeing human rights and freedom, guarantees Sen. Henry Jackson of Washington and that already existed in the Soviet Constitution and Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan of New countless international covenants. York, joined the administration last At the time, the human-rights provisions seemed January as assistant secretary of state unenforceable, a mere formality, a peripheral issue for international organization affairs. agreed to by a regime with no intention of carrying in announcing the nomination, Presi– them through. dent Ronald Reagan stated that hu– But just over one year later, on November 9,1976,10 man-rights considerations are an im– courageous Ukrainian intellectuals in Kiev moat of portant part of foreign policy, the Times them former political prisoners, formed the Ukrainian said. -
Destroying the National-Spiritual Values of Ukrainians
Historia i Polityka No. 18 (25)/2016, pp. 33–43 ISSN 1899-5160, e-ISSN 2391-7652 www.hip.umk.pl DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/HiP.2016.030 Nadia K indrachuk Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University, Ivano-Frankovsk, Ukraine Destroying the National-Spiritual Values of Ukrainians during the Anti-Religious Offensive of the Soviet Totalitarian State in the 1960s and 1970s Niszczenie wartości narodowo-duchowych Ukraińców podczas anty-religijnej ofensywy sowieckiego państwa totalitarnego w latach 60. i 70. XX wieku • A bst ra kt • • A bst ract • Artykuł zajmuje się kościelnym i religijnym The article deals with the church and religious życiem Ukraińców w kontekście narodowo- life of Ukrainians in the context of national ściowych i politycznych procesów mających and political processes during the 1960s and miejsce w latach 60. i 70. XX wieku. Autorka 1970s. The author characterizes the anti-reli- prezentuje charakterystykę anty-religijnej po- gious policy of the Soviet government, shows lityki rządu radzieckiego, pokazuje jej kierun- its directions, forms, and methods, studies the ki, formy i metody, bada stosunek przedstawi- attitude of Ukraine’s title nation representatives cieli tytularnego narodu wobec prześladowań to religious persecution and to manipulation of religijnych i manipulacji świadomością religij- religious consciousness by the communist lead- ną przez przywódców komunistycznych i pod- ership, and highlights comprehensive atheistic kreśla kompleksowość działań ateizacyjnych activities and the elimination of the ways for i eliminację możliwości odrodzenia religijno- reviving religiosity among people. The author ści wśród ludzi. Autorka odsłania istotę, proces reveals the essence, the process of creating and tworzenia i sztucznego egzekwowania nowego artificially enforcing the new Soviet ritualism radzieckiego rytualizmu w życiu Ukraińców. -
Nikolaj Von Wassilko. Bukovinian Statesman and Diplomat
https://doi.org/10.4316/CC.2019.01.010 POLITICS AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES NIKOLAJ VON WASSILKO. BUKOVINIAN STATESMAN AND DIPLOMAT Oleksandr DOBRZHANSKYI Yurii Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University (Ukraine) E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: The article is dedicated to the study of the political biography of Nikolaj von Wassilko, a well-known Bukovinian leader, one of the most controversial personages among Ukrainian politicians of Austria-Hungary at the end of the 19th – the beginning of the 20th century. It is worth mentioning that many scientists from various countries wrote about N. Wassilko, but separate studies about his life and political activities have not been written yet. Author paid considerable attention to the formation of N. Wassilko's political views, the evolution of his preferences from conservative Rusynism and Moscophilia philosophy to the populistic doctrine. Since the beginning of the 20th century, N. Wassilko became almost the sole leader of Ukrainians in Bukovina. The article presents the analysis of his activities in the Austrian Parliament, the Diet of Bukovina, public organizations, and his initiatives to resolve various regional issues. His activities in the years of World War I were equally rich. In particular, the article shows his diplomatic activities as the ambassador of the ZUNR (West Ukrainian People's Republic) in Vienna, the ambassador of the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic) in Switzerland and other countries. At the end of the research, the author points out the remarkable path of N. Wassilko in the history of the Ukrainian movement in Bukovina in the early twentieth century, as one of the central figures of the Ukrainian diplomacy during 1918-1924. -
Moldova, Moldavia, Bessarabia Yefim Kogan, 25 September 2015
Moldova, Moldavia, Bessarabia Yefim Kogan, 25 September 2015 Dear Researchers, I have received recently an email from Marilyn Newman: Hello Yefim, I've been following this project and appreciate your more complete break down in today's Jewishgen Digest. I did contribute to Bob Wascou before he passed. The reason for this message is that I'm confused. My family were from Moinesti and Tirgu Ocna, both near each other in Moldova. However, this area was not Bessarabia..... Can you explain what areas of Moldova are covered other than Bessarabia and Chisanou (sp.). Many Thanks, Marilyn Newman Marilyn thank you. I think this is a very important question. I was getting many similar message for many years. Let’s clear this confusion. Let's start with terminology. The term Moldavia and Moldova mean the same region! Moldova is in Romanian language and Moldavia was adopted by Russian and other languages, including English. Charles King in 'The Moldovans. Romania, Russia, and the Politics of Culture', Stanford U., 1999 writes that 'It is a myth that Moldova changed its name from Moldavia. What happened in the 1990s was simply that we in the West became better informed about what locals themselves had always called it.' So let's dive into the history of the region: Moldavia is known as a country or Principality from 14 century until 1812. There were also two other Danube or Romanian Principalities - Walachia and Transilvania. At some point in the history Moldavia joined other Principalities. In 1538 Moldavia surrendered to Ottoman Empire, and remained under Turks for about 300 years. -
Econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Kholodilin, Konstantin; Gerasymov, Tymofiy Working Paper Coping with consequences of a housing crisis during great war: A case of Right-Bank Ukraine in 1914-1918 DIW Discussion Papers, No. 1610 Provided in Cooperation with: German Institute for Economic Research (DIW Berlin) Suggested Citation: Kholodilin, Konstantin; Gerasymov, Tymofiy (2016) : Coping with consequences of a housing crisis during great war: A case of Right-Bank Ukraine in 1914-1918, DIW Discussion Papers, No. 1610, Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW), Berlin This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/147997 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available -
The Ukrainian Weekly 1982, No.6
www.ukrweekly.com з: ггзс 0>1 CD ^ , ТНЕІ СВОБОДА 4^ SVOBODA І І ІЛ- t, \'! z x - О -Ч о -і і: О О г -п о о О о "о о z m О дз аз - Рі о ся о Ukrainian WeeH W - PUBUSHED BY THE UKRAINIAN NATIONAL ASSOCIATION INC., A FRATERNAL, NON-PROFIT ASSOCIATION У Vol. t No. 6 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 7, 1982 25 cat? Soviet policy toward invalids: Helsinki monitor Lesiv intentional neglect, inhumanity sentenced to five years NEW YORK - Yaroslav Lesiv, 37, NEW YORK - Thousands of to a wheelchair and lives in a building member of the Ukrainian Helsinki Soviet paraplegics and other invalids, with no elevator; and Valeriy Fefe- group, was sentenced to five years' many of them World War II veterans, lov, 33, who has been a paraplegic imprisonment, reported the External are forced to eke out an existence since suffering an industrial accident Representation of the Ukrainian Hel with virtually no government assis when he was 17, have all suffered sinki Group. tance, are banished from most major reprisals. Mr. Lesiv was first sentenced in 1967 city centers, and are often beaten by All three, plus contributors to the to six years in camp and five years of police if they wander into busy group's bulletins, have been harassed internal exile for membership in the downtown areas because they spoil by the KGB. On March 5, 1981, Mr. Ukrainian National Front. the view for tourists and foreigners, Kiselev`s small workshop in the In September 1979, he joined the reported Freedom Appeals, a bi Crimea, which his friends helped Ukrainian Helsinki Group, and in monthly human-rights journal. -
Contours and Consequences of the Lexical Divide in Ukrainian
Geoffrey Hull and Halyna Koscharsky1 Contours and Consequences of the Lexical Divide in Ukrainian When compared with its two large neighbours, Russian and Polish, the Ukrainian language presents a picture of striking internal variation. Not only are Ukrainian dialects more mutually divergent than those of Polish or of territorially more widespread Russian,2 but on the literary level the language has long been characterized by the existence of two variants of the standard which have never been perfectly harmonized, in spite of the efforts of nationalist writers for a century and a half. While Ukraine’s modern standard language is based on the eastern dialect of the Kyiv-Poltava-Kharkiv triangle, the literary Ukrainian cultivated by most of the diaspora communities continues to follow to a greater or lesser degree the norms of the Lviv koiné in 1 The authors would like to thank Dr Lance Eccles of Macquarie University for technical assistance in producing this paper. 2 De Bray (1969: 30-35) identifies three main groups of Russian dialects, but the differences are the result of internal evolutionary divergence rather than of external influences. The popular perception is that Russian has minimal dialectal variation compared with other major European languages. Maximilian Fourman (1943: viii), for instance, told students of Russian that the language ‘is amazingly uniform; the same language is spoken over the vast extent of the globe where the flag of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics flies; and you will be understood whether you are speaking to a peasant or a university professor. There are no dialects to bother you, although, of course, there are parts of the Soviet Union where Russian may be spoken rather differently, as, for instance, English is spoken differently by a Londoner, a Scot, a Welshman, an Irishman, or natives of Yorkshire or Cornwall. -
Names in Multi-Lingual, -Cultural and -Ethic Contact
Oliviu Felecan, Romania 399 Romanian-Ukrainian Connections in the Anthroponymy of the Northwestern Part of Romania Oliviu Felecan Romania Abstract The first contacts between Romance speakers and the Slavic people took place between the 7th and the 11th centuries both to the North and to the South of the Danube. These contacts continued through the centuries till now. This paper approaches the Romanian – Ukrainian connection from the perspective of the contemporary names given in the Northwestern part of Romania. The linguistic contact is very significant in regions like Maramureş and Bukovina. We have chosen to study the Maramureş area, as its ethnic composition is a very appropriate starting point for our research. The unity or the coherence in the field of anthroponymy in any of the pilot localities may be the result of the multiculturalism that is typical for the Central European area, a phenomenon that is fairly reflected at the linguistic and onomastic level. Several languages are used simultaneously, and people sometimes mix words so that speakers of different ethnic origins can send a message and make themselves understood in a better way. At the same time, there are common first names (Adrian, Ana, Daniel, Florin, Gheorghe, Maria, Mihai, Ştefan) and others borrowed from English (Brian Ronald, Johny, Nicolas, Richard, Ray), Romance languages (Alessandro, Daniele, Anne, Marie, Carlos, Miguel, Joao), German (Adolf, Michaela), and other languages. *** The first contacts between the Romance natives and the Slavic people took place between the 7th and the 11th centuries both to the North and to the South of the Danube. As a result, some words from all the fields of onomasiology were borrowed, and the phonological system was changed, once the consonants h, j and z entered the language. -
NARRATING the NATIONAL FUTURE: the COSSACKS in UKRAINIAN and RUSSIAN ROMANTIC LITERATURE by ANNA KOVALCHUK a DISSERTATION Prese
NARRATING THE NATIONAL FUTURE: THE COSSACKS IN UKRAINIAN AND RUSSIAN ROMANTIC LITERATURE by ANNA KOVALCHUK A DISSERTATION Presented to the Department of Comparative Literature and the Graduate School of the University of Oregon in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy June 2017 DISSERTATION APPROVAL PAGE Student: Anna Kovalchuk Title: Narrating the National Future: The Cossacks in Ukrainian and Russian Romantic Literature This dissertation has been accepted and approved in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in the Department of Comparative Literature by: Katya Hokanson Chairperson Michael Allan Core Member Serhii Plokhii Core Member Jenifer Presto Core Member Julie Hessler Institutional Representative and Scott L. Pratt Dean of the Graduate School Original approval signatures are on file with the University of Oregon Graduate School. Degree awarded June 2017 ii © 2017 Anna Kovalchuk iii DISSERTATION ABSTRACT Anna Kovalchuk Doctor of Philosophy Department of Comparative Literature June 2017 Title: Narrating the National Future: The Cossacks in Ukrainian and Russian Romantic Literature This dissertation investigates nineteenth-century narrative representations of the Cossacks—multi-ethnic warrior communities from the historical borderlands of empire, known for military strength, pillage, and revelry—as contested historical figures in modern identity politics. Rather than projecting today’s political borders into the past and proceeding from the claim that the Cossacks are either Russian or Ukrainian, this comparative project analyzes the nineteenth-century narratives that transform pre- national Cossack history into national patrimony. Following the Romantic era debates about national identity in the Russian empire, during which the Cossacks become part of both Ukrainian and Russian national self-definition, this dissertation focuses on the role of historical narrative in these burgeoning political projects. -
Anna-Romania Corrected2by Rivka
Courtesy of the Ackman & Ziff Family Genealogy Institute Updated June 2011 Romania: Jewish Family History Research Guide Historical Background Like most European countries, Romania’s borders have changed considerably over time. Starting in the late 15th century, the Ottoman Empire ruled the Romanian provinces of Moldavia, Walachia, and Dobruja, while Austria and Hungary controlled Banat, Bihor, Maramures, Satu Mare, and Transylvania. Austria took over Bukovina (northwestern Moldavia) in 1774, and Russia obtained Bessarabia (eastern Moldavia) in 1812. An unsuccessful Balkan revolt against the Turks ultimately led to Russian occupation of Walachia and Moldavia from 1829-34. The two principalities merged in 1859 to form Romania (also spelled Rumania or Roumania at various times), which remained subservient to the Ottomans until full independence was achieved in 1878. The province of Dobruja was also added at that time. After World War I Romania regained control over the territories of Banat, Bessarabia, Bihor, Bukovina, Maramures, Satu Mare, and Transylvania at the expense of Austro-Hungary and Russia. During the Holocaust period, Romania temporarily gave up northern Transylvania (including northern Bihor, Maramures, and Satu Mare) to Hungary, and permanently lost northern Bukovina and Bessarabia (now the Republic of Moldova) to the Soviet Union. Jews were present in the region under the Roman Empire, but subsequent invasions and wars severely disrupted their existence. The Jewish population increased significantly after 1800, primarily due -
The Budjak Region in the Aftermath of the Treaty of Bucharest (1812)
Annals of the Academy of Romanian Scientists Series on History and Archaeology ONLINE ISSN 2067-5682 Volume 6, Number 2/2014 73 THE BUDJAK REGION IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE TREATY OF BUCHAREST (1812) Murat TU ĞLUCA * Abstract. The paper focuses on Budjak’s status after the Treaty of Bucharest, dated 1812. Ottomans abandoned Bessarabia to Russia with this treaty. Then, Russia seperated Budjak Region from Bessarabia. Before the treaty, both of them had been a whole with the name of Bessarabia. According to Ottoman archive documents, Ottoman Empire dealt with the demografic movements and security problems of Budjak after the treaty. The subject of this study is Ottoman and Russian officials’ diplomatic negotiations on these problems. Keywords: Ottoman Empire, Russia, Black Sea, Cahul, Izmail, Bolgar, Treaty of Bucharest Introduction Today being part of Odessa Province of the Republic of Ukraine, Budjak 1 is the historical southern region of Bessarabia encompassing Cetatea Alb ă, Cahul, Chilia, Tighina and Izmail provinces. 2 Situated between the Danube and Dniester rivers and the Black Sea, the region extends till Prut River, a tributary of Danube. 3 Known for serving as the homesteads for Scythian, Hun, Avarian, Bolgar, Patzinak (or Pecheneg), Cuman, Mongolian, Tatar and Romanian 4 civilizations among many others on the historical time line, Budjak's emergence as an * Assist. Prof. Dr. Instructorat Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Ahi Evran University/Turkey. 1 The region has been termed variously in the English language, including Budzhak, Budjak, Bujak and Buchak. In this study, “Budjak” phrase is preferred. Because, this phrase was used at The Encyclopedia of Islam, New Edition. -
Iuliia Kysla
Rethinking the Postwar Era: Soviet Ukrainian Writers Under Late Stalinism, 1945-1949 by Iuliia Kysla A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Department of History and Classics University of Alberta © Iuliia Kysla, 2018 Abstract This dissertation advances the study of late Stalinism, which has until recently been regarded as a bizarre appendage to Stalin’s rule, and aims to answer the question of whether late Stalinism was a rupture with or continuation of its prewar precursor. I analyze the reintegration of Ukrainian writers into the postwar Soviet polity and their adaptation to the new realities following the dramatic upheavals of war. Focusing on two parallel case studies, Lviv and Kyiv, this study explores how the Soviet regime worked with members of the intelligentsia in these two cities after 1945, at a time when both sides were engaged in “identification games.” This dissertation demonstrates that, despite the regime’s obsession with control, there was some room for independent action on the part of Ukrainian writers and other intellectuals. Authors exploited gaps in Soviet discourse to reclaim agency, which they used as a vehicle to promote their own cultural agendas. Unlike the 1930s, when all official writers had to internalize the tropes of Soviet culture, in the postwar years there was some flexibility in an author’s ability to accept or reject the Soviet system. Moreover, this dissertation suggests that Stalin’s postwar cultural policy—unlike the strategies of the 1930s, which relied predominantly on coercive tactics—was defined mainly by discipline by humiliation, which often involved bullying and threatening members of the creative intelligentsia.