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OUDE TESTAMENT to make an early link to the Exodus-story, namely Genesis 15 and the Joseph story. In each case it is argued that, while GERTZ, J.Chr., K. SCHMID, M. WITTE (Hrsg.) — Abschied these units contain much material that is earlier than P, it is vom Jahwisten. Die Komposition des Hexateuch in der designed as a polemic against the prominence of the Exodus jüngsten Diskussion (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die tradition and as such cannot originally have been part of the alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, 315). Walter de Gruyter same narrative. It must be said that the alleged polemic is in & Co., Berlin, 2002. (32 cm, XI, 345). ISBN 3-11- both cases rather difficult to hear. H.C. Schmitt's essay attrib- 017121-X. /98,-. utes Exodus 34.10-28, often in the past thought to be J's for- mulation of the terms of the Sinai covenant, to the late For well over 200 years of modern Old Testament criti- Deuteronomistic final redactor of the Pentateuch. Such a view cism a source-document known first as the Jehovist and then seems to overlook the very different view in Deuteronomy as the Jahwist or Yahwist (J) has been a central feature of 9-10 about the basis for the renewal of the covenant after the attempts to unravel the process by which the book of Gene- episode of the Golden Calf (viz. the Decalogue). Four con- sis and in subsequent research the rest of the Pentateuch was tributions (by T.B. Dozeman, M. Witte, T.C. Römer and A.G. composed. Perceptions of this document and its author have Auld) deal with the book of Numbers, whose non-Priestly varied, as the history of research by J.-L. Ska in this volume narratives are seen here as providing no basis for the hypoth- shows (pp. 1-23), but perhaps the most influential has been esis of a continuous Yahwist source. Two more general stud- Gerhard von Rad's description of J as a theological writer ies, by E.A. Knauf and R.G. Kratz, seek respectively to cor- who adapted and enriched the traditions of earlier times relate stages of the Hexateuch's origins by ‘content criticism' around a pre-existing credal structure and so established the with the history of Israel and to establish a firm connection essential shape and theology of the Hexateuch as early as the between the wilderness narratives (and the Exodus story) and tenth century B.C. A number of distinguished scholars con- the conquest of the land of Canaan at a stage prior to any tinue to maintain that such a source existed (e.g. J.A. Emer- Deuteronomistic or Priestly stage of composition. ton, E.W. Nicholson, L. Schmidt, W.H. Schmidt), though not But in several ways the most interesting contribution is that necessarily with as an early an origin in the pre-exilic period by Erhard Blum (pp. 119-56). Blum's extensive earlier work as von Rad thought, and some would date it to the exilic on the Pentateuch had already involved a ‘Farewell to the period (e.g. C. Levin, M. Rose, J. Van Seters: against such Yahwist', since he attributed the main creative theological a late date see recently J.A. Emerton, ‘The Date of the Yah- shaping of the narrative to a ‘D-Komposition' (beginning at wist', in J. Day [ed.], In Search of Pre-Exilic Israel [JSOT Genesis 12) and a ‘P-Komposition', which incorporated it Supplement 406: London and New York, 2004], pp. 107-29). (beginning at Genesis 1). Earlier narrative sequences covered However, since about 1975 the application of critical meth- only a portion of the story of Israel's origins. A similar view ods such as redaction-criticism and the study of the develop- is still maintained by William Johnstone (pp. 247-73 of this ment of traditions, which have proved their value in other volume). Here Blum focuses attention on the key issue raised areas of Old Testament study, has led a number of scholars by ‘the most recent discussion', namely the stage of compo- to quite different ways of conceiving the early history of the sition at which the patriarchal narrative was first joined to the composition of the Pentateuch/Hexateuch. It is fourteen con- Exodus narrative in a literary work. He is strongly critical of tributions by such scholars who have ‘taken leave' (Abschied) some of the arguments put forward by Schmid and Gertz to of the Yahwist which make up this new volume: in addition attribute this initial linkage to the Priestly source (Exodus 3 there is a bibliography of earlier and more recent literature as a late ‘bridge-passage'; Exodus 1.8-10 as dependent on on the subject. Exodus 1.7P). But he nevertheless accepts their conclusion, A common thread that runs through most of the essays is largely it seems because he is now persuaded of the view that the view that the major sections of the Pentateuchal/Hexa- passages in Genesis (esp. ch. 15 and 50.24(-26)) which had teuchal narrative — the Primeval History (Genesis 1-11), the previously formed key elements in his D-Komposition are patriarchal narratives (Genesis 12-50), the story of the Exo- much later in origin and come from a post-Priestly stage of dus and the encounter with God at Mount Sinai (Exodus 1- redaction. His D-Komposition therefore begins in Exodus 1 40) and perhaps subsequent episodes — were first brought (at verse 10?), no earlier. Those, like the reviewer, who together into a single written composition in the Priestly already doubted the extent of Deuteronomistic influence per- Work (P) in the sixth or fifth century B.C., that is after the ceived by Blum (and Johnstone) in Genesis and Exodus will fall of the Judaean state to the Babylonians. It is perhaps this not be too surprised by his change of view, except that one epoch-making role attributed to the Priestly Work which jus- might ask why he could not have ‘jumped the other way'. If tified the inclusion of the essay of A. de Pury on the divine evidence is lacking for a D-Komposition straddling Genesis title ‘Elohim' (pp. 25-47), which is mainly about its use in P and Exodus, should not such evidence as there is for conti- and has no direct relevance to questions about the Yahwist. nuity in non-Priestly material be attributed to a non-D strand The other essays for the most part discuss particular biblical which may as well be earlier as later than the Priestly source, books or parts of books where passages have traditionally especially when (despite the claims of some) it shows no real been attributed to J, questioning either their early date or their signs of being dependent on P? Blum himself mentions in connection with other parts of the narrative or both. Thus J. passing two possible ‘leads' in such a direction. One is that, Blenkinsopp, as in earlier writings of his, argues that the non- even without Genesis 50.24 as an ‘anchor point' in Genesis, Priestly sections of Genesis 1-11 come from a post-exilic Exodus 1.6 and 8 could readily be understood as an early tran- ‘lay' source which dealt only with the beginnings of sition between the patriarchal narratives and Exodus. Blum's mankind. Two of the editors who have already published sub- view that these verses are dependent on and so not earlier than stantial books in this field, J.C. Gertz and K. Schmid, treat the transitional passage in Judges 2.8-10 and that the latter sections later in Genesis which have been thought in the past passage is Deuteronomistic is by no means necessary: some 317 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — OUDE TESTAMENT 318 scholars (e.g. recently C. Levin) have seen the relationship cal texts for their daily life. This is the reviewer’s first between the passages as the other way round. Secondly, Blum favourable impression of the present study. cites an earlier article of his in which he examined the con- Hanson himself presents two respects in which, in his own currence of Jacob and Exodus traditions in Hosea 12 (‘Noch opinion, his work transcends certain limitations in classical einmal: Jakobs Traum in Bethel — Genesis 28,10-22', in S.L. theologies of the Old Testament as e.g. of Eichrodt and von McKenzie and T. Römer [ed.], Rethinking the Foundations: Rad. Hanson treats the diversity of theological traditions, with Historiography in the Ancient World and in the Bible [Bei- an appreciation for the unique contribution each makes to the hefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, theology of the Bible as a whole, especially to the under- 294: Berlin, 2000], pp. 33-54, esp. 44-49). It is true, as he standing of the concept of community. Priestly, sapiential and says, that this by itself only proves a ‘cognitive' and not a lit- apocalyptic traditions take their place alongside the histori- erary connection between the two traditions in the northern cal and prophetic traditions, more favoured by earlier the- kingdom in the eighth century B.C. But further indications of ologies of the Old Testament. A second way in which Han- such a connection can be found in evidence which points to son transcends the limitations of these theologies is by going the combination of the two traditions in the context of the beyond the writings of the Hebrew Bible. A historical northern shrine of Bethel and its worship (cf. Genesis 28, 1 approach seems the most adapted to understand biblical faith. Kings 12: K. Koenen, Bethel: Geschichte, Kult und Theolo- It is artificial to end our study with the book of Daniel. The gie [Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis, 192: Freiburg and Göttin- Christian community knows no absolute gap between the two gen, 2003], pp. 141-80), and more generally in the references Testaments. Hanson includes therefore writings lying outside to them in Amos and in the probably northern Psalms 77, 80 of the Protestant canon (the so called apocryphal books, and 81. It follows that, at least in the northern kingdom, an known as the deuterocanonical books in Catholic and East- origin tradition of the patriarchal type had by this time been ern Orthodox churches, considered by them as part of Holy combined with the Exodus tradition, and there are sufficient Scripture). Even the New Testament is included in the pre- echoes and foreshadowings in the non-Priestly material of sent study. Genesis and Exodus 1-3 to justify the claim that this contin- The book starts off, as the cover proudly announces, ‘With uous narrative is represented in the surviving text of the Pen- a New Introduction’. The aim of these seven pages (XII- tateuch (see recently the astute observations by R. Alter in the XVIII) seems to be to take a stand against biblical funda- notes in his The Five Books of Moses: A Translation with mentalism. Popular claims to biblical inerrancy Hanson Commentary [New York, 2004]). Schmid's contrary claim, describes as bibliolatry. The concept of biblical inerrancy is that the two traditions were preserved by separate groups in an innovation appearing for the first time in the seventeenth pre-exilic times, lacks any concrete support. century in theological literature. Secondly, he calls for an Of course such considerations may serve to reinstate the awareness of human sinfulness when we are interpreting the Elohist rather than the Yahwist, at least if the traditional geo- Bible. This implies humility before God, awareness of human graphical associations of the sources are maintained. But if limitations in judgments and openness to the insights of oth- John Day is correct to conclude that the Jerusalemite Psalm ers as the fitting attributes of the student of Scripture. Third, 78 is from the eighth century or earlier, a similar argument the Bible is not a compendium of absolute truths but a col- is in principle possible for the southern kingdom and specif- lection of testimonies of people responding to their personal ically the J source (cf. Day [ed.], In Search of Pre-Exilic and communal experiences with God, under many circum- Israel, pp. 237-38). stances in a wide variety of literary genres. Against a com- mon misunderstanding amongst fundamentalists who con- University of Cambridge, G.I. DAVIES sider the historical critical-method as an objectionable March 2005 product of secular humanism, Hanson states that as a tool it is neutral. Its usefulness can be considerable, if we want to hear the message of biblical authors on their terms. Finally, ** Hanson shares with the reader his discovery of a triadic pat- * tern of community in the Bible, preserving the elements of continuity and change that characterize a vital community. HANSON, P.D. — The People Called. The Growth of Com- The three key concepts are: worship, righteousness and com- munity in the Bible. Westminster John Knox Press, passion. Worship stems from an awareness that authentic Wealdstone Harrow Middlesex, 2001. (22 cm, XX, 564). community is a gracious gift of God. This experience calls ISBN 0-664-22445-8. £ 25,-. for a fitting answer in a life of righteousness of the commu- The book under review was originally published in 1986. nity. The third element is compassion. Compassion and right- The present edition (‘With a New Introduction’) dates from eousness form a hendiadys, for God’s merciful attitude 2001. It is a remarkable publication in the vast world of pre- towards the poor is inseparable from the stringent sanctions sent biblical studies, first of all by its combination of bal- demanded by righteousness. anced academic rigor with sincere religious faith. Secondly, Chapter I, opening a series of fifteen chapters, bears the it stands out by its linking the Bible with contemporary life. title: ‘The Nature of This Study’. The central idea of it is to Thirdly, this study breathes a sound ecumenical spirit; church stress the importance of ‘dynamism’ in biblical writings. God communities can draw valuable lessons from it. All these fea- did not offer a finished static program in the Bible to us. He tures stem from Hanson’s refreshing awareness of the impor- inaugurated a dynamic process. So, it is not correct to argue tance of the dynamic nature of God and God’s purpose on the basis of an appeal to Scripture that certain specific throughout the Bible. Thus Hanson gives amongst other community structures are definitive. They are in every age things a biblically founded answer to questions of modern an aspect of the community of faith’s response to the living readers who query the use of a scholarly approach to bibli- God. The concreteness with which the basic questions of life 319 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2005 320 are raised in the Bible, does not preclude grasping overarch- out of compassion redeemed slaves from Egypt, awakened ing themes in the notion of community. So, Hanson distin- consciousness of the fact that order can be oppressive. For a guishes two levels of inquiry. On the level of the concrete, community to have a heart, justice has to be infused with specific events are exemplary to future generations in their compassion. In the new community justice was to be under- efforts to define themselves in relation to God. Hanson des- stood as the righteousness of Yahweh. It maintained an insep- ignates them ‘paradigmatic events’. The paradigms taken arable bond with the compassion of the God who delivered together plot in the biblical period a trajectory that is called the oppressed. In worship Israel kept alive the divine exam- the community of faith’s ‘vision of divine purpose’. How ple of the bond of righteousness and compassion. Devotion these two elements function in the book under review one to the one true God is the unifying heart of community. He can read in the Appendix. is the only true object of worship. Chapter II (p.10-29) is entitled ‘The Birth of the Yahwis- Chapter IV goes into ‘The Yahwistic Notion of Commu- tic Notion of Community (Genesis 12-39; Exodus 1-15)’. nity Tested and Refined: The Age of Kings and Prophets (1 Hanson answers the question whether the Bible gives us a and 2 Samuel, 1 Kings, and Psalms)’.The early Yahwistic reliable picture of this early period affirmatively. The archaic notion of community was subjected to a test by the intro- liturgical formula ‘I am the Lord your God, who brought you duction of monarchy into Israel. The time of Saul introduced out of the land of Egypt, out of the house of bondage’ inter- something new but carefully limited. Yahweh alone could prets the theological meaning of the happenings preserved in designate the king and if he was unfaithful he could be dis- the collective memory of the people. The community-build- missed by Yahweh. Saul’s kingship was a conditional ing effect of this text evidences the hallmark of Israel’s notion appointment i.e. so long as ‘the Spirit of God’ was upon him, of community. Its liberating dynamic can be read in the Book and so long as he did not violate the traditional constitution of the Covenant (Exodus 20:21-23:19). It seems to Hanson of the league of the tribes of the people of God. It excluded to be an instance of excessive scepticism to doubt that the the dynastic principle introduced by David and Salomon. exodus confession arose out of a very powerful experience Implicit was a standard for evaluating kingship, later refined of some of Israel’s ancestors. We are on a historically solid and applied by the prophets. Any leadership that fostered self- foundation when we draw on critically interpreted biblical glorification of the earthly king contradicted Yahwistic faith. sources to describe the birth of a new notion of community One truth stands out clearly. The true Yahwistic notion of in the deliverance from Egyptian slavery in which the early community is not identifiable with a political entity. It devel- Hebrews recognized Yahweh’s redemptive activity. Their ops in the less tangible but real spiritual community of wor- encounter with the deliverer God Yahweh is a catalyst of the shippers of Yahweh. Yahwistic notion of community. The deliverance in the exo- Chapter V focuses on ‘Growth Through Adversity: dus elicited a dynamic process among those people who Prophecy and Kingship in the Norhtern Kingdom (Deuteron- owed their freedom to that event, of defining themselves as omy, 1 Kings, Amos, and Hosea). It was a period in which the people of the God who set them free. From their experi- the outside world (Egyptian and Assyrian empires) pressed ence of deliverance from slavery they derived the essential on the people of Yahweh. They necessitated a rethinking of qualities of community. According to Hanson they are: wor- the earlier confessions within a larger and more threatening ship as response to the antecedent acts of the righteous, and universe. Again the prophets play an important role. It was compassionate God, who is ‘majestic in holiness, terrible in not primarily in the royal sanctuaries but among the prophets glorious deeds, doing wonders’ (Exodus 15:11), and who is that the Yahwistic notion of community developed. Solomon steadfast in love. repressed the criticism of the prophets. His son Rehoboam Chapter III deals with ‘The Growth of a Triadic Notion of continued this policy with a vengeance. In the Northern King- Community (Exodus 19-23, Joshua, and Judges)’. That ‘tri- dom, however, the earlier idea of a ‘limited kingship’ assured adic’ notion comprises: righteousness, compassion and wor- a voice in the Yahwistic community. Amos attacks a per- ship. As explained in chapter II, Israel understood commu- verted cult in the name of true worship expressed in justice nity essentially as a response to God’s act of salvation. and compassion. Hosea represents the covenant theology of Driven to deepest helplessness and then experiencing all early Yahwism in a clear form. Hosea describes reality in needs satisfied by the one true God of the covenant, Israel connection with the covenant in an amazingly comprehen- discovered the only dependable basis for human community. sive way. Worship, righteousness and compassion moved The covenant with God expressed in the formula: ‘I will be from cult to social institutions and structures to the vast order their God, and they shall be my people’ is the basis on which of nature. Deuteronomy presents a new formulation of the community could be constructed. From the outset Israel’s community of faith, essentially faithful to the early Yahwis- notion of community was a developing one. In Yahweh Israel tic notion and dynamic by broadening and deepening it. found a source of community life that was dynamic and tran- Chapter VI presents ‘A Variegated Portrait: The Contri- scendent, ever creatively involved with the world, and yet bution of Southern Kings, Prophets, and Sages to the Yah- ever holy in majesty. This community stands in contrast with wistic Notion of Community (Kings, Chronicles, Isaiah, the more static types of community of the neighbouring king- Micah, Jeremiah, Proverbs, Job, and Ecclesiastes)’. Interna- doms. The covenantal concept of Israel drew the various legal tional events (e.g. the rise of the neo-Babylonian empire) materials found among the early Hebrews into a particular induced the prophets Isaiah, Micah and Jeremiah to formu- notion of justice described as ‘righteousness’ that permeated late their vision of the future of God’s people. The sapiential Israelite law from the earliest to the latest stages of biblical tradition also explores the relationship between the individ- tradition. Even at the late stage of the Holiness Code, the exo- ual and the community as Jeremmiah did. The wisdom writ- dus confession safeguarded the Yahwistic quality of justice ings contribute to the notion of community by probing into as defined by the covenant between God and Israel. Without the experiences of the individual and into the life of the com- denying the need of order, the compassion of Yahweh, who munity. Earlier formulations of wisdom were melded with a 321 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — OUDE TESTAMENT 322

Yahwistic notion of tôra leading to the formation of a refined made an appeal to the Torah understood as an eternal order class of theologians. handed down to Moses. The Chronicler’s History describes Chapter VII characterizes the period after the destruction a community ideal emphasizing continuity with temple struc- of the temple (587 B.C.E.) as ‘The Exile: Crisis and Refor- tures of the past, powerfully influential in shaping the com- mulation (Ezekiel, the Priestly Writing, Isaiah 40-55)’. The munity in the following centuries.The tactical retreat into a result was a series of reformulations of what it meant to be more delimited concept of God’s people can be understood a people of God. International events set the stage to which in the Persian context. A broader vision was preserved by dis- Yahweh’s plan had to be related. Especially Cyrus the Per- sidents. It kept an essential motif of God’s people alive. It sian is an instrument in the hand of Yahweh to restore the was called not only for its own salvation but also for the sal- people of Israel to their homeland. Ezekiel presents a pro- vation of other peoples of the earth. gram for the restoration of purity. His longing was for a Chapter X presents ‘Witnesses to an Alternative Vision return to the setting of the temple. When this background is (Joel, Ruth, and Jonah)’. The reform of Ezra and Nehemiah kept in mind, we may be astonished at how far beyond cul- ushered in a period of seeming security under the Zadokite tic concerns the vision of Ezekiel reached. The Priestly Writ- priests and the more distant Persian rulers. Documentation ing addressed itself to the same crisis situation to which for the last century of Persian rule and the following century Ezekiel had spoken. It applied the form of the historical nar- of Ptolemaic domination, however, is meager. Several bibli- rative betraying an interest less in recording the course of past cal books criticizing the Zadokite leadership and its commu- events than in accentuating the paradigmatic meaning of the nal structure, are best placed in this period. The books of Joel, past for the generation in Babylon. Second Isaiah 40-55 are Ruth and Jonah evidence a broadly inclusive vision of the the source for the renewal of faith and new directions of Yahwistic community as a protest against the official exclu- growth for the Yahwistic notion of community. We see evi- siveness and narrowness within society. The Book of Joel dence of a broadening of the Yahwistic notion of community. interprets the historical crises of the postexilic period as the Israel as Yahweh’s servant people has to embrace all the fam- final outbreak of evil leading to an eschatological battle in ilies of the earth. Membership in the people of God involves which the Divine Warrior would prevail. Ezra, Nehemiah and the mystery of God’s acting for the healing of Israel and the the Chronicler represent an ideology emphasizing continuity world in one of his people who was suffering by assuming with the past and the absolute authority of institutional struc- the iniquities. tures, the Book of Joel adopts the model of discontinuity of Chapter VIII depicts the ‘Return from Exile and Attempts the apocalyptic eschatology of dissident groups. As for the to Reconstitute Community (Chronicles, Haggai, Zechariah, Book of Ruth, its community ideal is the classical form of Malachi, Isaiah 24-27, 56-66, and Ezekiel 38-39, 44)’. High Yahwism that through the prophetic traditions has its ultimate hopes collided with the harsh realities of rebuilding a devas- source in the premonarchic cult. The Book of Jonah presents tated land. Frustration began to descend over the returnees the alternative vision of Yahweh as a God whose compassion from the Babylonic exile. A deep wound had torn into the has no limits and encompasses all peoples. That the biblical tissue of the community, setting the stage for continued strug- legacy to later Jewish and Christian communities includes gle between pragmatic Zadokites and visionary Levites pref- Israel as ‘a light to the nations’, of the temple as ‘a house of erences throughout the Second Temple period. Second Isa- prayer for all peoples’ etc. is to the credit of that stream of iah left a spiritual community of visionary followers. The tradition that has been downplayed as ‘an alternative vision’. restoration program of the Zadokites gave rise to a commu- Chapter XI introduces ‘The People of the Torah: From nity of pragmatic people. The voices of those questioning the Ezra to the Maccabean Revolt (Judith and Ecclesiasticus)’. claims of their hierocratic leaders that the new society cen- The Judean commonwealth passed over to Hellenistic rule by tered around the temple fulfilled God’s plan, caused the the conquest of Alexander the Great (332 B.C.E.). The growth of an apocalyptic response to adversity. Given the Zadokite priests and the scribes preserved the Jewish com- fractured nature of the community in the early postexilic munity by adapting the Torah to the new setting without sac- period, one can hardly be surprised to find violent images and rificing its essentials to the Hellenistic spirit. The two cen- visions of frightening retribution. The degeneration of the turies between Ezra and the Maccabean revolt show community as portrayed by the Book of Malachi engulfed a distinctive forms of community and individual piety that will broad cross section of the people. The dissident stream of have profound impact on the Hellenistic and Roman periods. protesting visionaries and disenfranchised Levites and even Literary evidence, however, for the period is sparse. The of some disaffected Zadokite priests made an important con- community that developed put an emphasis on continuity tribution. It contributed to a renewal of commitment to bring- with the past. The Torah was traced back not only to Moses ing the Torah to the nations. but to the beginning of time. The temple was believed to stem Chapter IX informs us about ‘The Consolidation of the from David’s zeal. Torah observance and temple worship Community Around the Torah (Chronicles, Ezra, and become the principal vehicles of the ancient beliefs of Israel. Nehemiah)’. The Jewish community of the fifth century faced The Book of Judith (late third century B.C.E.) is a statement threats similar to the threats faced by Israel in the early years of the cardinal principles of traditional Yahwism. God is the of kingship: hostile neighbours, the inability of the people to righteous and compassionate, guiding all history toward its defend itself and tendencies that could tear apart the com- intended goal, who is with the oppressed and the weak. Judith munity. The answer was found in the centralization of lead- herself is portrayed as a model of righteousness, devotion, ership in Ezra the Scribe and Nehemia the Governor, both and courage. The response of the people to God’s deliver- authorized by the Persians. A rigidifying of social norms took ance is worship in Jerusalem. Ecclesiasticus or the Wisdom place to close the community to the dynamism characteristic of Jesus the son of Sirach also witnesses a community of earlier periods. A distinct rationalism was developed in emphasizing continuity with the past. At the center of the support of this rigidification. The fifth-century hierocracy Jewish community stands the Torah, God’s plan for all life, 323 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2005 324 including nature and morality. The Torah is expanded to apocalyptic traditions of the Essenes. The heart of Jesus’ mes- embrace the universal concerns of the wisdom schools. Torah sage, the themes of the great day of judgment and the com- as the manifestation of the divine order of the universe had ing of God’s universal reign, reminds not only the Book of a profound effect on Pharisaic Judaism. This implied a static Daniel but also the literature of Qumran and 1 Enoch. The ideal of community. A new scribal class enabled the com- particular form of eschatology of primitive Christianity con- munity to bring new situations to this norm. The norm itself fesses that the Messiah was not being awaited as in the case could not change. This dedication to the Torah fostered a pol- of Qumran. He had already arrived. The same holds good of icy of separation from the Gentile world. Jewishness is the Kingdom. The long-awaited Kingdom of God had already defined on the basis of obedience to the Torah and obser- begun in the very midst of this world. Finding the Yahwistic vance of the temple liturgy. Torah, Wisdom and Apocalyp- triad of worship, righteousness and compassion in the gospel tic, all three continued to be drawn on by the various parties narrative confirms the idea that it is the heart of the biblical seeking to relate their religious heritage to a rapidly chang- notion of community. ing world. Chapter XIV deals with ‘The Birth of the Church as Chapter XII describes ‘Diverse Notions of Community in Response to God’s New Initiative (Matthew, John, James, 1 the Last Two Centuries B.C.E. (Daniel, 1 Maccabees)’. The and 2 Timothy and Luke-Acts)’.The church originally con- struggle with Hellenization came to a head in December 167 stituted a Jewish congregation in Jerusalem. It began to B.C.E. when the Seleucid Antiochus IV Epiphanes desecrated spread into non-Jewish areas through missionaries as Paul. A the altar of the temple. The revolt under Mattathias and his council meeting in Jerusalem (49 C.E.) decided that Gentile sons lead to the first indigenous Jewish dynasty since 587 converts not be required to undergo circumcision or to B.C.E., the Hasmoneans. This Hasmonean period witnessed observe Jewish dietary laws. Apostolic doctrines and struc- the emergence of several religious parties each with its own tures begun to evolve in order to eradicate heresy and to fos- idea of religious community. They comprise the Essenes, ter unity within the scattered young churches. The break with Pharisees and Saducees. They are the foundation for an Judaism is complete. The dominance of the Gentile elements understanding of the rise of rabbinical Judaism and Chris- has begun to replace the Jewish character of Christianity with tianity. As for the Essenes and Pharisees they both stem from a Greek flavor. The problems of the third generation of the a broadly based movement designated as hasîdîm ‘faithful church have become our legacy. The nature of the Christian ones’. Although not a religious party, they were to have a vocation in such a complicated situation is the question. lasting impact on the Essenes and Pharisees that emerged Chapter XV reflects on ‘The Biblical Notion of Commu- from them. On one side of the division within the hasîdîm nity: Contemporary Implications’. The most important source were those fostering an apocalyptic vision of divine inter- of renewal for contemporary communities of faith lies per- vention. All existing cultic and political structures would be haps in the rediscovery of their identity as ‘the people called’. removed by divine judgment, to be replaced by a new order. As the God in response to whom we are called into fellow- The Essenes derive from this side of the Hasidean movement, ship is living and active, so too the structures of our com- led by a group of Zadokite priests expelled from the munities will be maintained or changed on the basis of the Jerusalem temple, that withdrew to the Judean wilderness. desire to respond faithfully to God’s redemptive presence The members of the apocalyptic community of the Dead Sea within the often changing conditions of our time. It is not sur- scrolls, Qumran, were most likely Essenes. On the other side prising that the forms of community emerging from our of the division emerged the Pharisees standing in continuity response to God will resemble those of our spiritual ances- from Ezra to Sirach preserving their devotion to the demands tors. The underlying pattern is the pattern of divine initiative of the Torah lived within the political structures of the Has- and human response which is the heart of the biblical monean state. A third party is formed by the Sadducees, the covenant. Reality seen from the perspective of belonging to aristocratic guardians of the social and economic structures God is not static or timeless. It is as dynamic and forward- of the land. Their ideology was theologically conservative moving as God is actively present in the events of the world. and politically pragmatic. The Sadducees adhered to a strict Life presents itself to the faithful as a summons to participate reading of the written Torah as the sole authority in matters in God’s purpose to free all those in bondage and to restore of belief, whereas the Pharisees based their beliefs on two a creation ravaged by sin to a state in which righteousness ‘Torahs’, one written and one oral i. e. the oral interpretation and peace prevail. of the written Torah also originating on Mount Sinai. The The Appendix informs us on the ‘Underlying Presupposi- encounter with Hellenism forced the Jews to consider their tions and Method’ of Hanson’s book. Central in it is the idea teachings in a new light. The resulting reformulations reflect of a ‘hermeneutic of engagement’. This method of interpre- many of the concepts of the rival Hellenists. tation ties study with worship and reflection with action in Chapter XIII ushers in the ‘Community in the Teaching of the world. Hanson does not look with a merely antiquarian Jesus (Matthew, Mark, and Luke)’. The Essenes, Pharisees interest to the people of God in the Bible. His study is rather and Sadducees embody in differing degrees important aspects to be viewed as an important aspect of learning what it means of the early Christian community. The Sadducees, however, to be a community of faith today. The confessional quality played little part in the process of community formation in of biblical books makes them a source suited for the con- early Christianity. More central were the traditions of the temporary community of faith in its search for an under- Essenes and the Pharisees. Like the Pharisees Jesus and his standing of its life as a people of God and of world events as followers refused to resolve the tension between God’s order manifestations of God’s ongoing creative and redemptive and the order of this world by a retreat into monastic life. acts. They lived and preached in the cities and villages of Galilee Hanson has given us a very solid and readable survey of and Judah. They differed with the Pharisees in so far they did the biblical concept of community. His book would have not downplay the eschatological aspects of prophetic and gained coherence if the New Introduction and the Appendix 325 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — OUDE TESTAMENT 326 had been fused to one introductory chapter. Hanson himself involved in mastering the details of the interpretations, should seems to suggest this idea at the end of chapter One: ‘Many be in a good position to give some sort of perspective. It does readers will… want to read the Appendix before proceeding seem strange that the author makes no attempt to give a crit- to the actual study of the growth of community…’. As for ical discussion that endeavours to discriminate between the the actual New Introduction dealing with the problem of bib- various views. lical fundamentalism, the exposé could have benefited from the Vatican II document Dei Verbum (1965), especially num- University of Hull, UK Lester L. GRABBE ber 11: ‘… the books of Scripture firmly, faithfully and with- March 2005 out error, teach that truth which God, for the sake of our sal- , wished to see confided to sacred Scriptures’. This vation ** carefully hammered out formulation, based on Augustine of * Hippo, disposes of the tiresome problem of biblical inerrancy and fundamentalism in an adequate way. The Bible teaches DEVER, W.G., and S. GITIN (Eds.) — Symbiosis, Symbol- us not any truth but that truth which enhances our salvation. ism, and the Power of the Past. Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neighbors from the Late Bronze Age through March 2005 Jan HOLMAN Roman Palaestina. Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, 2003. (26 cm, XVII, 596). ISBN 1-57506-081-7. ** This rich volume contains the proeedings of the Centen- * nial Symposium of the W.F. Albright Institute of Archaeo- logical Research and American Schools of Oriental Research, EGGLER, J. — Influences and Traditions underlying the held in Jerusalem between May 29 and May 31, 2000. For Vision of Daniel 7:2-14. (Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis, the reader's information, I first list the 34 papers published 177). Universitätsverlag Freiburg / Éditions Universi- here in four parts and eleven chapters: taires Fribourg, Fribourg, 2000. (23 cm, VII, 156). ISBN Part I. 3-7278-1320-0; 3-525-53991-6. sFr 46,-. Historical and Political Landscape: The Levant and Beyond. Ch. 1. Palace Economies in the Late Bronze Age and The purpose of this study is well indicated by its title and the Dark Age That Never Was (Iron Age I): S.P. MORRIS, sub-title: it is a survey or catalogue of the various interpre- ‘Islands in the Sea: Aegean Polities as Levantine Neighbors' tations of Daniel 7:2-14 for the past century or so. (p. 3-15); A. CAUBET, ‘The Case of Ugarit and Carchemish: After a brief introduction (ch. 1), the contents are divided A Contrast' (17-21); J.D. MUHLY, ‘Greece and Anatolia in into two chapters. Chapter 2 is devoted to verses 2-8, and the Early Iron Age: The Archaeological Evidence and the chapter 3, to verses 9-14. The topics in each chapter, while Literary Tradition' (23-35); S. SHERRATT, ‘The Mediter- varying slightly, are basically the following “influences”: ranean Economy: “Globalization” at the End of the Second Babylonian, Greek, Canaanite, Iranian, Egyptian, Phoenician, Millennium B.C.E.' (37-62). Ch. 2. The Dynamics of State- astrological, vision of the netherworld, Old Testament, and hood (Iron Age II): L.E. STAGER, ‘The Patrimonial Kingdom iconographic. A full bibliography and various indexes of Solomon' (63-74); I. FINKELSTEIN, ‘City-States to States: (authors, subjects, and biblical references) make this a use- Polity Dynamics in the 10th-9th Centuries B.C.E.' (75-83); A. ful reference source. MAZAR, ‘Remarks on Biblical Traditions and Archaeological The main purpose is to catalogue the variety of interpre- Evidence concerning Early Israel' (85-98); S. PARPOLA, tations and opinions, but in long footnotes (that sometimes ‘Assyria's Expansion in the 8th and 7th Centuries and Its take up more of the page than the main text) Eggler usually Long-Term Repercussions in the West' (99-111); K.A. lists the criticisms of each position. For those who would like KITCHEN, ‘Egyptian Interventions in the Levant in Iron Age to see the variety of ways in which scholars have sought to II' (113-132). Ch. 3. Imperial Interventions (The Persian, understand these dozen verses, this study does what it is Hellenistic, and Roman Periods): D. STRONACH, ‘Early intended to do and will no doubt be welcomed. I have two Achaemenid Iran: New Considerations' (133-144); D. criticisms: MENDELS, ‘Palestine among the Empires from the 4th to the First, the long footnotes are a problem. They often contain 1st Century B.C.E.: Impact and Reaction' (145-152). useful information, but are not easy to read or to relate to the Part II. Religion and Distinction. Ch. 4. Shadow-Boxing text. In many cases, it would have been better if the data had the Canaanites (The Late Bronze Age): M. BIETAK, ‘Temple been organized differently so that most of the discussion was or “Bêt MarzeaÌ”' (155-168); A.F. RAINEY, ‘Amarna and in the main text, with only references in the footnotes. With Later: Aspects of Social History' (169-187). Ch. 5. Emerg- a bit better planning, the information could have been made ing Forms and Practices (Iron Age I): T. DOTHAN, ‘The rather easier of access. Aegean and the Orient: Cultic Interactions' (189-213); V. The second criticism is rather more substantial. The author KARAGEORGHIS, ‘The Cult of Astarte in Cyprus' (215-221); does not see it as being his task to judge ultimately between Z. ZEVIT, ‘False Dichotomies in Descriptions of Israelite Reli- opinions. That is, he seems to consider it sufficient simply to gion: A Problem, Its Origin, and a Proposed Solution' (223- be descriptive: to lay out the positions taken by various schol- 235). Ch. 6. The Formative Period of State Religion (Iron ars, along with the criticisms made against them, but not to Age II): P. MACHINIST, ‘Mesopotamian Imperialism and suggest which might be the best. Yet it would have been Israelite Religion: A Case Study from the Second Isaiah' helpful if the author had indicated his own choices, or at least (237-264); M.S. SMITH, ‘When the Heavens Darkened: Yah- had pointed out why certain ones were unlikely to be tenable. weh, El, and the Divine Astral Family in Iron Age II Judah' I cannot believe that he thinks every interpretation listed is (265-277); S. GITIN, ‘Israelite and Philistine Cult and the equally acceptable. The author, who has been intimately Archaeological Record in Iron Age II: The “Smoking Gun” 327 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2005 328

Phenomenon' (279-295). Ch. 7. Cult — Coast and Interior The ample literary evidence of the marzeaÌ has rarely been (The Persian Period): E. LIPINSKI, ‘Phoenician Cult Expres- supported by archaeological evidence. M. Bietak, however, sions in the Persian Period' (297-308); E. STERN, ‘The interprets some excavated ‘temples' as models of a bêt Phoenician Source of Palestinian Cults at the End of the Iron marzeaÌ: viz. a house attached to the sacred precinct of Tem- Age' (309-322); B. HALPERN, ‘Late Israelite Astronomies and ple III at Tell el-Dab‘a, the Fosse Temple at Lachish, the the Early Greeks' (323-352). Ch. 8. Romans, Jews and Chris- ‘Shrine of the Calf' at Ashkelon, and the sacred precinct at tians: J.J. COLLINS, ‘The Jewish World and the Coming of Nahariya. In her lavishly illustrated paper, Trude Dothan pre- Rome' (353-362); J. MAGNESS, ‘Helios and the Zodiac Cycle sents in brief several architectural features and material cul- in Ancient Palestinian Synagogues' (363-389). ture elements with cultic connotations associated with the ini- Part III. The History of the Family: Continuity and tial settlement of the Sea Peoples in Philistia that reflect their Change. Ch. 9. Units and Cultural Unities (Iron Age I): K. Aegean origins. V. Karageorghis's contribution reaches the VAN DER TOORN, ‘Nine Months among the Peasants in the conclusion that ‘the notion of Aphrodite, goddess of love and Palestinian Highlands: An Anthropological Perspective on beauty, is a Greek conception. On Cyprus, she is a goddess Local Religion in the Early Iron Age' (393-410); S. BUNI- of fertility, deeply rooted in the island's remote past. With MOVITZ & A. FAUST, ‘Building Identity: The Four-Room the arrival of the Greeks at the end of the Late Bronze Age, House and the Israelite Mind' (411-423). Ch. 10. Household she undergoes certain iconographic changes, but her role Economy (Iron Age II): C. MEYERS, ‘Material Remains and remains the same. This role is strengthened under the influ- Social Relations: Women's Culture in Agrarian Households ence of the Phoenicians, whose goddess Astarte finds a of the Iron Age' (425-444); B.A. LEVINE, ‘The Clan-Based proper atmosphere in the religious traditions of Cyprus'. In Economy of Biblical Israel' (445-453); S. ACKERMAN, ‘At a provocative paper, Z. Zevit rightly questions the dichotomy Home with the Goddess' (455-468). Ch. 11. Families, Houses between popular religion and official cult in Israel and prefers and Homes (The Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman Periods): describing cult sites and Israelite religion as expressions of H.G.M. WILLIAMSON, ‘The Family in Persian Period Judah: known ancient realities instead of describing them in dichoto- Some Textual Reflections' (469-485); E.M. MEYERS, mous terms, lacking social referents in the ancient culture. ‘Roman-Period Houses from the Galilee: Domestic Archi- M.S. Smith argues that in the Ugaritic texts, the language of tecture and Gendered Spaces' (487-499); A.-J. LEVINE, monarchy and family is fully integrated in the presentation ‘Apocryphal Women: From Fiction to (Arti)fact' (501-509). of the divine family, and he suggestes with all due caution Part IV. Closing Remarks: W.G. DEVER, ‘Syro-Palestinian that the sun, moon, and stars were especially associated with and Biblical Archaeology: Into the Next Millennium' (513- El in West Semitic religion during the Late Bronze Age. Fur- 527). Special Public Lecture: D. Ussishkin, ‘Jerusalem as a ther analyzing astral religion in Israelite texts and the dis- Royal and Cultic Center in the 10th-8th Centuries B.C.E.' placement of astral religion in Judah, he suspects that astral (529-538). This is followed by a relatively extensive report religion in Iron II Judah did not involve imperial imposition of the discussions (539-567) and a few speeches made at but involved a long-standing indigenous practice with some receptions on the occasion of this Symposium. further Neo-Assyrian influence. There is a lot of ‘perhaps' in It is impossible to a certain extent to review all of these this article, but that is praiseworthy given the limits of our articles. But let us have a closer critical look at some of them. knowledge. S. Gitin defends the undeniably reliable archae- According to Sarah Morris, despite classical legends recall- ological evidence in the study of religious practice and he ing a Minoan thalassocracy, this prosperous maritime dias- complains that most biblical scholars and historians have pora never displayed a corresponding political identity, even tended for a variety of reasons to disregard the archaeologi- at home in the Aegean, the latter remaining through the Late cal data. That is correct, but one should add that, on the other Bronze Age ‘on the edge of empires'. With regard to Early hand, archaeologists often naively invoke the Bible without Iron Age Greece and Anatolia, J.D. Muhly emphasizes the taking into account the results of its historical critical analy- fact that the situation is complex, but it is becoming increas- sis. B. Halpern's long article on late Israelite astronomies is ingly obvious that we are not looking at a ‘Dark Age', but full of information and demonstrates a rich erudition com- only a shift in settlement patterns and the development of bined with considerable imagination. new life-styles. Susan Sherratt suggests that it is no coinci- K. van der Toorn opens his article with the remark that it dence that the changes we associate with the disintegration ‘is more in the nature of a dream report than in the style of a of empires and the collapse of established second-millennium scholarly study'. He describes the stay of a guest in an Early political and economic structures on the one hand, and the Iron Age Palestinian village. At the discussion, D. Bahat gradual adoption of utilitarian uses for iron on the other, called it quite refreshing. It is indeed easy reading, but it does should have taken place together in the decades immediately not tell the reader the difference between the relatively few surrounding 1200 B.C.E. As for the patrimonial kingdom of things we really know and the bulk of uncertainties that are Solomon, L.E. Stager concludes that we can declare with imagined. S. Bunimovitz's and A. Faust's treatment of the some confidence that the United Monarchy of Israel already four-room house and the Israelite mind is highly speculative existed by the 10th century B.C.E. A. Mazar defends the the- and unconvincing. In the discussion W. Dever said: ‘I only ses that the biblical texts relating to pre-monarchic Israel wish our minimalist colleagues at Sheffield and Copenhagen retain kernels of historical reality that were inserted into a could have heard this. There are no early Israelites, but they much later literary narrative, and that while the biblical lit- built wonderful houses' (p. 557). I am afraid that his maxi- erary narrative may distort the true nature of the United malist talk will never convince the minimalists, if it does not Monarchy, the latter's existence cannot be denied. Not sur- even convince me. And in the end, there are so many subtypes prisingly, K.A. Kitchen arrays his immense knowledge of that the ‘four-room house' is in danger of disappearing. It was Egyptian history in defence of the Bible's historical reliabil- to be expected that Carol Meyers's contribution would deal ity when dealing with the United and the Divided Monarchy. with gendered space and gendered activities. This is a tricky 329 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — OUDE TESTAMENT 330 business, for, as Meyers herself remarks: ‘Analyzing the KAISER, O. — Zwischen Athen und Jerusalem. Studien zur social context of material culture is difficult, and even risky, griechischen und biblischen Theologie, ihrer Eigenart because of the complex interpretive processes necessary to und ihrem Verhältnis. (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die move from physical remains to hypotheses about social rela- alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, Band 320). Walter de tions'. Gender-attribution procedures utilize three major Gruyter & Co., Berlin, 2003. (23 cm, VIII, 334). ISBN sources: ethnography, ethnohistory, and iconography. If we 3-11-017577-0. / 88,-. bring together what those disciplines reveal us, we obtain, I In this volume, Otto Kaiser, the well known professor of think, a picture to which archaeology cannot add very much. Old Testament at Marburg, has assembled fourteen articles Concerning N.A. Levine's solid article on the clan-based dealing with Greek theology and biblical theology, their own economy, I only want to express my complete agreement with characteristics and the relationship between them. It is not this statement of his: ‘There is no escaping the need to deal easy to review such publications, but the author himself helps with the literary history of diverse biblical texts through source us considerably with a two page in which he criticism, although most archaeologists and many of those Nachwort briefly explains the topic of each paper and the connections who currently adduce social models for biblical Israel tend to between them. These are the titles (with the year of the orig- disregard this caveat'. Susan Ackerman convincingly shows inal publication between brackets) together with a short com- that our evidence increasingly suggests that, during at least ment on each: some points in Israelite history, a significant cross section of the population found themselves comfortably ‘at home with Die Bedeutung der griechischen Welt für die alttesta- (2000). This article functions as an intro- the goddess'. Amy-Jill Levine rightly deplores that the Deute- mentliche Theologie duction in which is evaluated the importance of Greek poetry rocanonical Texts/Old Testament Apocrypha are neglected in and philosophy for biblical Wisdom literature in the Hel- scholarship and she tries to rehabilitate them. Especially the lenistic period. It deals with religious and cultural similari- novellas on Judith, Tobit, Susanna, and to a lesser degree also ties between Hellas and Israel, the encounter between Jews the Esther Scroll, in which women play an important part, are and Greeks, the Greek crisis of belief in divine retribution rarely assigned in the classroom, rarely cited in articles, and and the philosophical surmounting of this crisis by Plato and even more rarely invoked from pulpits. the early Stoa, and Hellenistic arguments in overcoming the In his closing remarks, W.G. Dever addresses a few Jewish crisis of meaning, as they appear in Job as a sceptic advances made and a few challenges to be taken up in Syro- work of literature, in Qoheleth on the unfathomable God and Palestinian archaeology. New technology has been integrated the ‘carpe diem', in Stoic influence on Ben Sira, and in the and archaeological information is growing exponentially. But beginning of natural theology and the promise of immortal- there is a big problem of publication. I fully agree with ity as a solution of the theodicy problem in the Wisdom of Dever's demand: ‘If ours is ever to become a truly empiri- Solomon. ‘Athen und Jerusalem sind seither keine unver- cal science, the database with which we purport to work must söhnlichen Gegner mehr, sondern, wenn auch in unter- be made available to both our professional colleagues and to schiedlicher Weise, die Ursprüngsstätten der Theologie' (38). the general public'. Dever also sets great store by theory- The three following papers study Plato's theology in his building: he repeats it several times within the space of one posthumous work . In half page. And he continues affirming that it is ‘possible, Nomoi Das Deuteronomium und Pla- (2000), Kaiser indeed necessary, to “read” material culture remains as we tons Nomoi. Einladung zu einem Vergleich argues that Deut and Plato's have in common the do the biblical texts'. This is a nice ideal worth pursuing, but Nomoi same natural order of values: God, parents and fellow human to my feeling, it is a bit simplistic. Reading encoded, sym- beings. Deut, however, exposes God's revealed will, whereas bolic messages about the past in the material remains sup- is an attempt to approach this will through dialogue. poses a sufficiently recognizable context. And as far as I see, Nomoi Both Plato and Deut consider justice as the ideal for politi- we have still a lot to do in terms of field work. Archaeology cal action and the biblical book demands moreover that this is not only a science of mind, but also an artisanal enterprise. ideal be achieved in the attitude adopted towards the weak- And my feeling is that a lot of digging and analysis (yes, est members of society. But Deut speaks starting from God ‘New Archaeology'), has yet to be done, before we can build while Plato speaks ‘zu Gott hin' and devises the heuristic big theories that are more than somewhat refined imagina- utopia of a in which God is the measure of all things tion. I agree with I. Finkelstein that there are no recognizable polis and its citizens try to become more similar to him. This last ‘Israelites' in the archaeological record of the 12th-11th cen- theme is elaborated in the next paper, Gott und Mensch als turies B.C.E. and I reject Dever's qualification of this position (1998). The relation between as ‘unfounded skepticism'. And I insist very strongly that Mr. Gesetzgeber in Platons Nomoi God and humanity in legislation can be summarized as the Dever be careful in choosing his words, when he accuses conforming of the legislator to God as the measure of all revisionist colleagues of being anti-Semites. This is an imper- things. The political message of is that observing the tinent remark in the debate on the history of Ancient Israel. Nomoi order of rank to divine and human values by the legislator, And if we use the word ‘anti-Semite' all the time, it will and respect by the rulers and citizens for the law both ensure already be worn out when we do really need it. the state and its future. The third paper of this trilogy, This volume is of the highest quality in its totality as well Gott as in its parts. The editors and the contributors deserve our als Lenker des menschlichen Schicksals in Platons Nomoi (2000), is devoted to the particular answer to the question of sincere congratulations and thanks for this fine piece of work. theodicy while holding man nonetheless responsible for his destiny. Hence it deals with the ironically broken and yet K.U. Leuven, March 2005 Antoon SCHOORS seriously meant myth of the hereafter. Plato has subsumed the traditional belief in the righteousness of Zeus and his ** into his theological philosophy and anthropology. The * Dikê 331 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2005 332 mysterious darkness that covers human destiny and contra- Aufforderung zum carpe diem angesichts der Vergänglichkeit dicts human desire of righteousness calls for an extension of und damit Vergeblichkeit alles menschlichen Strebens zur horizon. The bridge to that is the conviction that the soul is bibeltreuen Mahnung geworden, Gott angesichts des letzten immortal, but, being a creature together with the created Gerichts zu fürchten, während die zum Preis der Freuden und gods, is not eternal. der Unerbittlichkeit der Liebe gedichteten Lieder nun die Ehe The article, Xenophons Frömmigkeit: Ideal und ideal- verherrlichen' (167-8). The author briefly mentions biblical isierte Wirklichkeit (2000), throws light on belief in divine texts that touch on the subject of human beauty, such as Gen omens and oracles. In Israel, such beliefs were nearly always 12,10-20 (Sarah), 1 Sam 10,23 (Saul), 1 Sam 16,12 (David); declared illicit in favour of compliance with God's instruc- Ps 45; Est 2,7; Jdt 8,7. But his chief interest goes to Cant tion, which was decisive for Israel's future. According to 5,10-16; 6,2-3 and Qoh 9,7-10. The paper on Freiheit im Xenophon, it was allowed to consult the gods only when the Alten Testament (2002) describes the contrast between the result of an action was uncertain and unforseeable through Greek political view and the biblical expectation of the sav- learning and common knowledge. Likewise man can pray to ing God, and so makes the transition to post-exilic Jewish the gods only for what he basically cannot realize himself. devotion. Kaiser again draws an impressive historical picture Xenophon's God-fearing behaviour can thus be summarized of this contrast: the origin of the view of political freedom as follows: a belief in dreams sent by the gods as omens as with the Greeks, the conception of the state in the Judahite well as those omens they give spontaneously or in the con- monarchy, the constitution of Judah in the Persian and Hel- text of haruspicy; the making of vows as a means to propi- lenistic era, the prophetic promise of a future of salvation for tiate the gods; the conviction that gods help only those who Israel, the development of biblical laws concerning slaves as keep their oaths and that the help of the gods presupposes the expression of a growing awareness of personal freedom, proper human action. Kaiser concludes his discussion of the educated slave in the Wisdom of Sirach, and the fight for Xenophon with this consideration: ‘(Er war) ein praktisch freedom of the Maccabees. Die Bindung Isaaks. Unter- denkender, tapferer und zuverlässiger Mann, der versucht hat, suchungen zur Eigenart und Bedeutung von Genesis 22 die Menschen, mit denen er umging, und die Menschen, an (unpublished), is summarized by Kaiser himself as follows: die er seine Schriften richtete, nach seinem Vorbild zu einem ‘Als ein Lehrstück für das scheinbar Befremdliche des Alten tätigen Leben in âretß und eûsébeia, in charaktervoller Testaments wird eine Auslegung der für den heutigen Leser Tüchtigkeit und ungeheuchelter frömmigkeit zu erziehen. anstößigen Erzählung von Isaaks Bindung oder Opferung Damit ist auch Xenophon aller Achtung wert; denn von geboten, die zeigt, daß man den relativ jungen Text erst auf solchen Männern gibt es zu keiner [sic] Zeiten gerade einen dem Hintergrund der einschlägigen biblischen Gebote Überfluß.' (132-3). Der eine Gott und die Götter der Welt angemessen verstehen und in seiner verhaltenen Dramatik (2000), concludes the comparison, contrasting the approach würdigen kann' (333-4). to God by the Greek philosophers with biblical talk about The last four articles deal with Ben Sira. In Der Mensch God, and reflecting on the contemporary significance of the als Geschöpf Gottes. Aspekte der Anthropologie Ben Siras two approaches. Kaiser discusses Israel's confession of (1998), the author offers a sensitive analysis of Ben Sira's JHWH as their sole God in its historical context and how it anthropology against its Old Testament background. He treats developed into the conviction that he is the sole God of the such subjects as Old Testament anthropology as a prerequi- whole world. Israel's religion is not speculative but practical, site of Ben Sira's portrayal of mankind, the ambivalence of being rooted in the nation's historical destiny. The Greek Old Testament anthropology, the psychophysical basic philosophers, on the contrary, asked questions about the ârxß, notions of Ben Sira, his reception of the motifs of prenatal the origin and ground of everything. Thus Xenophanes, to election and his metaphor of God as the potter, the brevity of whom the rational ground of everything can only be one god, life as motivation for God's mercy, the human being as the although he does not need to deny the existence of the gods sinner who is responsible to God, and death as inescapable as the powers that reign the world but only to purify the destiny. Carpe diem und Memento mori in Dichtung und image of the gods of their anthropomorph qualities. That does Denken der Alten, bei Kohelet und Ben Sira (1998) develops not, however, mean he was unworldly. Respect for the gods, a broad panorama of this topic in ancient literature and phi- clear of hybris and superstition, and care of eûnomía, the pub- losophy. In as many sections, it deals with 1) the theme in lic order for the benefit of all the citizens, were in his view ancient poetry (Egypt, Mesopotamia, Greece, Rome), 2) the fundamental principles of humanity, and the dikaiosúnj, ‘carpe diem' within the horizon of Epicurus' ethics of true ‘justice', was the objective of man's acts. enjoyment, 3) the same but within the horizon of the Stoic The title, Die Schöpfungsmacht des Wortes Gottes (2001), ethics of duty, 4) ‘memento mori' and ‘carpe diem' in clearly determines the subject of the next paper. Whereas the Qoheleth, 5) the same in Ben Sira, 6) the order of merit of Ancient Near Eastern and Egyptian religions are ‘mono- the goods as gifts of God in Ben Sira, and 7) as epilogue, the physitic', i.e. present gods and humanity as being of the same Christian and the brevity of time. In Das Verständnis des nature, Old Testament talk about creation presupposes a qual- Todes bei Ben Sira (2001), Kaiser examines by means of the itative difference between God and his creatures. The article concrete example of Ben Sira's view of death, how in his further explores different aspects of the theme: the combi- wisdom, tradition and interpretation interrelate within the area nation of word and act in Gen 1, God's creation through his of tension between Judaism and Hellenism. He concludes word as an expression of his power, and creatio continua. that, fundamentally, Ben Sira's view corresponds to that of Von der Schönheit des Menschen als Gabe Gottes (2000) the Jewish bible. When, speaking about God, he uses Hel- deals mainly with texts from the Song of Solomon and lenistic motifs, they support either the diastase between God Qoheleth. The original message of these books has been and world which is constitutive of Israelite religion, or belief domesticated by a later redaction, which ascribes the two in God's justice. On the other hand, when he deals with the books to Solomon. In Kaiser's own words: ‘So ist Kohelets topic of human happiness, it is situated on the same level as 333 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — OUDE TESTAMENT 334 other subjects topical in the Hellenistic world, such as friend- glichen. H (Lev 18,24–30) habe innerhalb der priesterlichen ship, travelling, symposium or the physician. They show that Überlieferung eine Sonderstellung, weil hier davon ausge- the sage appreciates the agreeable and useful aspects of Hel- gangen werde, dass die Kanaanäer das Land infolge der lenistic culture, without neglecting his own apologetical Bestrafung ihrer Unreinheit hätten verlassen müssen, Israel intention. Finally, in Die Rezeption der stoischen Providenz sich also an ihnen nicht verunreinigt habe. Die formative bei Ben Sira (1998), Kaiser argues that Ben Sira's theodicy Bedeutung des Deuteronomismus für den Pentateuch wie die which is based on the ideas of divine providence, omni- Gesetzestheologie überhaupt hebt T. Veijola, The Deuterono- science, and omnipotence is close to the stoic way of think- mistic Roots of Judaism (459–478), hervor. Er sieht in Esra ing. Kaiser summarizes the argument of these last four arti- einen gesetzeskundigen Schriftgelehrten in der Tradition im cles as follows: they ‘belegen, wie der spätbiblische Glaube babylonischen Exil ansässiger nomistischer Tradenten des bereit war, sich Themen und Denkmodelle von seiner Deuteronomiums (DtrN), deren Forderungen nach Heiligkeit griechisch-hellenistischen Welt vorgeben zu lassen, ohne und Absonderung des Volkes er umsetzt (Dtn 7,3.6 > Esr 9f.; seine eigensten Grundsätze der Unterscheidung zwischen Dtn 31,10-13 -> Neh 8). Insofern könne man ihn nicht als Gott und Welt und der Forderung des unbedingten Gehor- „Schöpfer“ des Judentums bezeichnen (gegen E. Meyer). sams gegen das Erste oder Hauptgebot in Frage zu stellen'. Freilich wird man zwischen dem dtr. Dtn und dem Wirken This is an exciting collection of papers, which at first sight Esras noch einige weitere Stufen der Überlieferung anzuset- do not always belong together, but after careful reading zen haben. — Die Bedeutung der priesterlichen Überlieferung appear to be very closely interrelated. They form a very rich für die Genese des Pentateuchs betonen Knohl und Milgrom. source of information about Greek literature and philosophy I. Knohl, Cain: The Forfather of Humanity (63–67), weist (in and about late biblical wisdom. In addition to its factual infor- Anlehnung an v. Seters) in einer interessanten aber gewagten mation, it is a collection full of fine, coherent, and convinc- Rekonstruktion die Gen 4,25–26 dem Pentateuchredaktor der ing analyses. Since the first publications of these papers are sog. „Holiness-School“ zu, der einen aus J stammenden Text, not always easy of access, it is gratifying to have them in dem unter Einschluss von Gen 5,29* Noah ursprünglich als brought together here, and therefore, those scholars or stu- Nachfahre Lamechs erschienen war, mit Gen 5* (P) harmo- dents interested in late biblical wisdom cannot afford not to nisiert habe. J. Milgrom, Covenants: The Sinaitic and Patri- have this volume at hand. archal Covenants in the Holiness Code (Leviticus 17–27) (91– 101), bestreitet die These Zimmerlis, dass das Väterbund von K.U. Leuven, February 2005 A. SCHOORS P als ein reiner Gnadenbund dargestellt werde, demgegenü- ber der Sinaibund an die Bedingung des Gehorsams Israels geknüpft sei. Vielmehr sei auch die Erfüllung der Verheißun- ** gen an Abraham an dessen tadellosen Wandel vor Gott gebun- * den (Gen 17,1b.2a). Der priesterliche Redaktor des Penta- teuchs aus der „Holiness-School“ HR habe wie an den COHEN, C., A. HURVITZ and S.M. PAUL (Eds.) — Sefer Rückbezügen im Heiligkeitsgesetz und im Pentateuch erkenn- Moshe. The Moshe Weinfeld Jubilee Volume. Studies in bar Sinaibund und Väterbund-Tradition aus JE und P aufge- the Bible and the Ancient Near East, Qumran, and Post- nommen und aufeinander bezogen (Gen 17,8; Ex 6,7; Lev Biblical Judaism. Bibliotheca Persica Press, New York, 18,2b; 25,55b-26,2.3.12.13-15.25f..42-45). — Skepsis erregt 2004. (23,5 cm, XLVI, 514). ISBN 1-57506-074-4. der grob vereinfachende Entwurf von D. N. Freedman/ B. Der Band wird eröffnet mit einem Überblick und einer Lau- Kelly, Who Redacted the Primary History? (39–47), die die datio über Leben und Werk des Jubilars nebst einer umfas- literarische Genese des Enneateuchs (Primary History, Gen senden Bibliographie (ix–xlvi). Es folgt eine Anthologie von — 2 Kön*) auf zwei Verfasser zurückführen, das DtrG auf Studien seiner Schüler und Freunde aus den Forschungsbe- Baruch Ben Neriah, den Tetrateuch auf Seraia Ben Neria (Jer reichen, deren Entwicklung er maßgeblich mit geprägt hat, i.e. 51,59) als Redaktor (RPH). Biblische Exegese (3–230), Sprache, Geschichte und Geo- Einzelaspekte der traditionsgeschichtlichen Synthese behan- graphie der Bibel (231–338), Alter Orient und El-Amarna deln Tigay und Polak. J.H. Tigay, The Presence of God and (339–392) sowie Qumran und mittelalterliches Judentum the Coherence of Exodus 20:22–26 (195–211), bietet eine (393–478). Sie bietet u.a. einen Einblick in die exegetischen Interpretation des Textes als (redaktionell gewachsene) Ein- Forschungen vieler jüdischer Wissenschaftler aus Israel und heit aus Bilderverbot (Ex 20,22f.) und Altarbaugebot (v. 24– Amerika und lädt in vieler Hinsicht zum Diskurs ein. Dem 26): hatte die Anfertigung von Idolen im AO den Sinn, die Umstand, dass in der europäischen Forschung wissenschaft- Präsenz der Gottheit auf diese herabzurufen, um des göttl. liche Arbeiten in Ivrit allzu oft übersehen werden, scheint es Segens teilhaft zu werden, so solle nun der Altar als Ort und zu entsprechen, dass umgekehrt in einigen Beiträgen die For- (metonymisch) als Symbol der Gottesgegenwart diese Funk- schungsdiskussion der letzten Jahrzehnte in Europa, etwa zu tion erfüllen. F.H. Polak, The Covenant at Mount Sinai in the den Formatierungsprozessen des Pentateuchs, kaum aufge- Light of Texts from Mari (119–134), meint, bei einer syn- nommen wird. Gleichwohl fragen viele Autoren nach der chronen Interpretation der Sinaiperikope (Ex 19-24) als Ein- Rolle eines Pentateuchredaktors. So geht in seinem Beitrag B. heit sei Ex 19,3-8 i.S. einer Vorvereinbarung zu interpretie- J. Schwartz, Reexamining the Fate of he “Canaanites” in the ren, analog zu der bei den Hethitern bezeugten Dokumentation Torah Traditions (151–170), von der traditionellen Urkun- der Vertragsvereinbarung in einer „kleinen Tafel“ (†uppum denhypothese aus: J (Ex 34) und E (Ex 23,28-33) hätten die ÒeÌrum), gegenüber dem definitiven Vertragstext der „großen Vertreibung der Kanaanäer angenommen, D (Dtn 7) ihre Ver- Tafel“ (†uppum rabûm, vgl. AEM I/2, 372) in Ex 20,21.22b– nichtung durch den Bann, P (Num 33,50.51.53.54 u.ö.) habe 23,26. Die Verlesung angesichts des Volkes und der lediglich von ihrer Enteignung gesprochen und ein Redaktor eigentümliche Blutritus Ex 24,3-8 entsprächen ursprünglich (Num 33,52.55.56) dieses Bild mit dtr. Anschauungen ausge- einem monolokalen Ritus, durch Ex 24,1f.9-11 mit Opfer, 335 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2005 336

Opfermahl und Gottesschau und -Begegnung sei daraus eine wohl nur über die Weisheit (Prv. 3,17f.): „The wisdom school mythisch aufgeladene bilokale Zeremonie geworden; für teaches…that the way out of Paradise is…also the way back beide Formen gebe es Analogien in der Hethitischen Ver- in.“- L. Mazor, Myth, History, and Utopia in the Prophecy of tragskultur. Deren historische Fernwirkung auf Verhältnisse the Shoot (Isaiah 10:33–11:9), (73–90), sucht anhand der im Alten Israel nimmt auch A. Malamat, The Punishment of mythischen Bezüge von Jes 10,33–11,9 zum Idealbild des para- Succoth and Penuel by Gideon in the Light of Ancient Near diesischen Urzustandes dessen Abgrenzung, Einheitlichkeit und Eastern Treaties, S. 69–71, (zu Ri 8) an. Originalität i.S. einer prophetischen Utopie der Assyrerzeit zu Die Festschrift bietet darüber hinaus eine Reihe von begründen: nach dem Gericht über die Feinde (10,33f.) werde instruktiven exegetischen Einzelstudien. M. Fishbane, Min der davididische „Spross“ (hier greife der Text eine gängige hassamayim dibbartî: ‘I Spoke from Heaven’ (Exodus 20:22) Metapher ass. Königsinschriften auf) unter der Einwirkung von (33–38), schlägt auf dem Hintergrund rabbinischer Ausle- Gottes Geist und Erkenntnis (11,1–5 vgl. Gen 3,5.22; Ez 28,12; gungen (Mekîlta’ de Rabbî Yisma’el, Jerusalem 1960, 235) Hi 15,7f.) heranwachsen zu einem kosmischen Baum (vgl. Mi vor, die eigentümliche Wendung, „ihr habt gesehen, dass ich 5,1; Ez 17,22f.; 31,5–8; Dan 4,17ff.), unter dem die Ver- vom Himmel geredet habe“ (Ex 20,22; vgl. 20,18) i.S. einer heißung eines paradiesischen Urzustandes (vgl. v. 6–8; Gen (astralen?) Visualisierung der göttlichen Rede als einer 1,29f; 9,3ff; 3,14; Hi 20,16f.; Jo 4,18; Jes 35,8ff; Ez 34,25f; „himmlischen Schrift“ zu verstehen. Einen Hinweis, der ein Hos 2,20; Hi 5,22f.; Ps 72; 91,13) unter der Herrschaft Gottes solches Verständnis vielleicht zu stützen vermag, biete Hi auf dem Heiligen Berge (v. 9; vgl. Ez 28,13f.; Hi 15,7f.) uni- 38,33 (Ìuqqôt samayim parallel zu mis†arô = seine Schrift*, versale Wirklichkeit erlangen werde (vgl. Hab 2,14; Jes 65,25). vgl. akk. si†ir samê). Y. Sefati/ J. Klein, The Law of the Sor- Eine Reihe von Beiträgen bietet Beobachtungen zur ceress (Exodus 22:17[18]) in the Light of Biblical and Mes- Geschichte Israels und des Kultes. A. Demsky, The Bound- opotamian Parallels (171–190), gibt eine Übersicht über die ary of the Tribe of Dan (Joshua 19,41–46), S. 261–284, sieht mesopotamischen Belege bzgl. Hexern/ Hexen (akk. kassapu, in Jos 19,41-46 eine Grenzbeschreibung der Gebiete des kassaptu) als Träger schwarzer Magie von denen die über- Stammes Dan aus der frühen Königszeit, die „der Verfasser“ wiegende Zahl sich auf Frauen bezieht. Die Ursachen für den des Josuabuches später in das „Buch der durch Los bestimm- Befund seien in der gesellschaftlichen Benachteiligung der ten Wohngebiete“ (Jos 13-22) hineingestellt habe, in dem die Frauen generell, in der patriarchalen Ehe, die die Frauen im Idealvorstellung von der Ausdehnung des Landes aufgrund Haus zu „Fremden“ mache, und in der Polygamie und den des Bundes zwischen Gott und Israel dargestellt werde. N. abgesonderten Wohnverhältnissen der Frauen zu suchen. Dies Na’aman, Sources and Composition in the Biblical History gelte auch für die biblischen Belege (hebr. u‹km, ep‹km, vb. of Edom, S. 313–320, nimmt an, dass der Verf. von 2 Sam u‹k), Ex 22,17, (vgl. 2 Kön 9,22; Nah 3,4; Ez 13,18–23), 8,13f. mit dem Rückgriff auf 1 Kön 11,15f.; 2 Kön 14,7a wobei in den bibl. Texten alle Formen der Magie und auch die Quelle des Verf. der Königsbücher für die Zeit Beschwörung generell abhorresziert werden (vgl. Dtn 18,9- Davids und Salomos, vermutlich die „Chronik der Könige 11; Lev 19,26; 20,6). Y. Zarkovitch, Psalm 82 and Biblical Israels“, genutzt habe. M. Cogan, A Slip of the Pen? On Exegesis (213–228), meint, die aramäischen Übersetzungen Josiah’s Actions in Samaria (2 Kings 23:15–20), (3–8), weist und talmudisch-midraschischer Deutungen von Ps 82,2 jiela darauf hin, dass die Notiz über Josias Reformmaßnahmen in als „Richter“ (mit Hinweis auf Ex 21,6; 22,7f.; Dtn 1,17; 1 Bethel und Samaria (2 Kön 23,15-20) im Widerspruch zur Sam 2,25; 2 Chr 29,6) hätten ihren Sachgrund im Psalm prinzipiellen dtr. Aussage über die völlige Deportierung der selbst: er neutralisiere mythologische Traditionen (Gen 6,1- Israeliten 2 Kön 17,23 steht. Er hält dies für ein von den Deu- 4; Dtn 32,8; Jes 14,12 u.a.) durch die Feststellung, die fäl- teronomisten akzeptiertes Verfahren (vgl. 2 Kön 18,5./.2 Kön schlich als göttliche Wesen angesehenen Richter seien von 23,25 u.a.) und nimmt entsprechend 2 Chr 30,6.10f. den Ver- Gott selbst aufgrund ihrer falschen Rechtsprechung als Sterb- bleib einer Restbevölkerung von Israeliten in Samaria an. B. liche Menschen entlarvt und zu Fall gebracht worden — ein Oded, “Yet I Have Been to Them tym ‹dqml in the Coun- klassischer Zirkelschluss, denn für die dem Ps unterstellte tries Where They Have Gone” (Ezekiel 11:16) (103–114), Ansicht gibt es biblisch keinen tragfähigen Beleg. hebt hervor, Ez 11,16 sei in einem spirituellen Sinne zu inter- Einige Beiträge befassen sich mit dem weisheitlichen Hin- pretieren und könne nicht die Existenz eine temporären tergrund der Paradieses-Motivik in Genesis 2f. und ihrer Wir- Heiligtums im Exil begründen. A. Rofé, ‘No Ephod or Tera- kungsgeschichte. J.A. Soggin, „And You will Be like God and phim’ — oude hierateias oude delon: Hosea 3:4 in the LXX Know What Is Good and What is Bad“: Gensis 2–3 (191–193), and in the Paraphrases of Chronicles and the Damascus Docu- interpretiert den Ausdruck yrv bvt hyd (Gen 2,17) als Meris- ment (135–149), nimmt an, dass die Hebr. Vorlage der LXX mus (= „allwissend“) und übersetzt Gen 3,5b (jielak jhiiev) (jirvav enekv cbzm fiav)* dem MT (jiprhv dvpa fiav ebom fiav) „ihr werdet sein wie göttliche Wesen“ (= divine beings). V. A. vorzuziehen sei. Hurowitz, Paradise Regained: Proverbs 3:13–20 Reconsidered Einzelprobleme der Philologie und Sprachgeschichte (49–62), liefert eine bemerkenswerte Studie zu Prv. 3,13–20. behandeln I. Eph‘al, On the Common Literary Expressions Der Text enthält nicht nur zahlreiche sprachliche und motivi- of the Ancient Semites (25–32), Ch. Cohen, The Enclitic- sche Anklänge an ägyptische und mesopotamische Vorstellun- mem in Biblical Hebrew: Its Existence and Initial Discovery gen, er nimmt auch starken Bezug auf die Paradieseserzählung (231–260), W. W. Hallo, Again the Abecedaries (285–302), mit dem Motiv des Lebensbaumes (v.18; Gen 3,22), der Bedeu- A. Lemaire, ‘Maison de David’, ‘maison de Mopsos’ et les tung der Weisheit als Segen für den Menschen gegenüber dem Hivvites (303–312); R. Zadok, On the Onomastics and Topo- Fluch, der auf ihm liegt (’dm, v. 13; vgl. Gen 3,14.17; Ez graphy of the Fertile Crescent (321–335); S. M. Paul, Daniel 28,2.9) und in weiteren Anklängen (vgl. v. 14f.; vgl. Ez 28,4f.; 12:9: A Technical Mesopotamian Scribal Term (115–118); Gen 2,12; v. 21 vgl. Gen 2,4b.10). Der Verlust des Paradieses J.A. Emerton, A Problem in Proverbs 3:35 (9–24). wird auf den Missbrauch des Weisheitsstrebens zurückgeführt, Der Band wird abgerundet durch eine Sammlung von Stu- der Weg zurück zum Baum des Lebens (Gen 3,24) führt gleich- dien zu den Texten aus El Amarna, zur ao. Religionsgeschichte 337 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — OUDE TESTAMENT 338 und zu Qumran. Neben den Aufsätzen von P. Artzi, Rationa- FLINT, P.W. (ed.) — The Bible at Qumran. (Studies in the lity in Ancient Near Eastern International Relations in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Related Literature). William B. “Extended Age of the Amarna Archive,” ca. 1460–1200 Eerdmans Publication Co., Grand Rapids, 2001. (24 cm, B.C.E.: The Force of †emu ‘Mind’ (339–350), E. L. Green- XV, 266). ISBN 0-8028-4630-0. $22.00/£15.99. stein, Another Case of Hiphil in Amarna Age Canaanite (351– This volume in the series 360) und H. Tadmor, Sennacherib, King of Justice (385–390) Studies in the Dead Sea Scrolls contains 11 essays on two primary sei besonders verwiesen auf die Beiträge von Mettinger und and Related Literature themes: 1) the text and shape of the “Bible” at Qumran, and Parpola. T.N.D. Mettinger, Amarna Letter No. 84: Damu, 2) the interpretation of these scriptures. Four essays were pre- Adonis, and “The Living God” at Byblos (361–371), nimmt sented as papers at TWU; the one by Waltke is a production mit Moran an, dass das Sumerogramm in EA 84,33 dDA.Mu- from the NIDOTT and the final four were written on invita- - das aram. Epitheton + suff. der 1. sg. > * für den ia ’dn ’dny tion. Baal von Byblos (b‘l gbl) bezeichnet, der vielleicht analog zu Dumuzi als eine sterbende und auferstehende Gottheit verehrt worden sei und dessen griechische Bezeichnung dann Adonis PART 1: SCRIPTURES, THE CANON AND THE SCROLLS lautete. S. Parpola, The Originality of the Teachings of Zara- James Sanders deals with “Canon and Dialogue”. He thustra in the Light of Yasna 44 (373–383), zeigt, dass die deems canon within Judaism and Christianity as dialogical eigentümliche Frageform der zoroastrischen Gatha Yasna 44 literature — on the one hand, dialogue within itself, which bis in die Einzelformulierungen hinein formgeschichtlich in could be an indication of debates between colleagues who Analogie zu assyrischen Orakel-Anfragen (vgl. SAA 4, 1990) disagree; on the other hand, a dialogue outside it, namely zu verstehen ist, und vermutet ass. Einfluss (um 660, ass. Herr- with cultures and literatures outside of the Bible, inter alia, schaft über den Westiran) auf den (ap.) zaotar (= akk. barû*) international wisdom literature. These insights act as point- Zarathustra (Y. 33,16). Freilich sind die Gatha-Anfragen weni- ers to what he calls “interfaith dialogue”. The concept of ger auf kultische oder politisch/militärische Handlungsanwei- intertextuality is utilised by him in order to overcome the sungen als auf religiöse Belehrung ausgerichtet und insofern impasse that exists among the prominent monotheistic reli- doch sprachlich wie sachlich ganz eigentümlich. gions. E. Tov, The Writing of Ancient Biblical Texts, with Spe- Bruce K Waltke presents a compilation of views on the cial Attention to the Judean Desert Scrolls (445–458), stellt theme “How we got the Hebrew Bible: The text and canon fest, dass bibl. und nichtbibl. Texte in Qumran sich in der of the Old Testament”. He deals with various aspects of tex- Ausführung in der Regel nicht unterscheiden. Gleichwohl tual criticism: its task and method; the practice of TC; TC wurden bibl. Texte in der Regel auf einseitig beschriebenem and exegesis and the reliability of the OT text. The confes- Pergament überliefert, darunter einige mit besonders breiten sional stance of the article struck me. Hence the statement on Marginalien und einer geringeren Zahl an Texteingriffen; page 32 to the effect that “Jesus and the Protestants held the eine Liste solcher „Luxus-Ausgaben“ bietet S. 456f.. J M. same OT in hand that Protestants do today” is a gross over- Baumgarten, Some “Qumranic” Observations on the Ara- simplification. Protestants under the influence of Luther in maic Levi Document (393–401), diskutiert neben der Zuord- fact concentrated on the Hebrew texts, whereas the scriptures nung von 4Q213a frgm. 3-4 (vgl. Lev 21,9) die mit dem of the NT writers were primarily the Greek texts. Some Gebet des Levi (4QTLevia; 4QTLevi2; 4QLevib; JBL untested points of view are also quoted. I have questioned the 112,247–266) verbundenen Rituale und interpretiert den Satz views by Gerleman and others (Cook VTS 69) that the Greek „und ich machte all meine Schritte recht“ auf das Einneh- translator of Proverbs was actually influenced by Stoic ideas men der Gebetsstellung. É. Puëch, La croyance à la résur- (p. 34). I do also not agree that one should distinguish rection des justes dans un texte qumranien de sagesse: 4Q418 dichotomically between textual criticism and literary criti- 69ii, (427–444), geht den traditionsgeschichtlichen Bezügen cism or exegesis for that matter, as he suggests. The compli- der im Weisheitstext von 4Q418 geäußerten Erwartung von cated transmission history of biblical texts simply precludes der „Auferstehung der Gerechten“ im AT, NT und in Qum- such inferences. ran selbst nach und datiert den Text noch vor Dan 12. Eugene Ulrich concentrated on the Dead Sea Scrolls in Der Beitrag von S. Japhet, The Tension between Rabbinic “The Bible in the making: The scriptures found at Qumran”. Legal Midrash and the ‘Plain Meaning’ (Peshat) of the Bib- His introductory remarks are to the point; there was no lical Text — An Unresolved Problem?: In the Wake of Rash- “Bible” in the early Christian era, but “There were collec- bam’s Commentary on the Pentateuch (403–425), hebt tions of Sacred Scriptures” (p. 51). The author firstly dis- schließlich die bleibende Bedeutung der Methodik des Rabbi cusses the scrolls and the external shape of the collections, Samuel Ben Meir (~1085-1159) hervor, der entgegen der after which he focuses on individual books found at Qumran. herrschenden Exegese an der ursprünglichen „reinen (Grund-) One of his conclusions is that textual pluriformity was the Bedeutung“ (t‹p) eines Textes festgehalten habe. order of the day until as late as 135 CE. He is also uncertain Insgesamt haben die Hgg. eine sehr beachtenswerte Samm- whether it is in fact possible to determine the “original” text. lung vorgelegt, durch deren Beiträge das Schaffen des bedeu- Finally, he does argue that a modern translation of the Bible tenden Forschers Moshe Weinfeld eine ihm entsprechende must be based upon a critically established text, even though Würdigung erfährt. he concedes that this is a rather difficult task. Craig A. Evans deals with the NT in “The Dead Sea Institut für Altes Testament, Reinhard ACHENBACH Scrolls and the Canon of Scripture in the Time of Jesus”. He München, im März 2005 discusses the question of whether the tripartite structure of the Hebrew Bible (the Tanak) had been established by that ** time. In the process he deals with various biblical and extra- * biblical writings. He takes Ben Sira’s reference in Chapter 339 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2005 340

39:1 to the law, prophecies and wisdom as possible evidence important light on these issues, since they present data for of this tripartite structure. The grandson’s view (Chapter 1 the earliest strata of these stories. verse 7), namely “the book of Moses”, “the books of the 1 Enoch 6-11 also provides insight into the reason why prophets” and “David”, is also referred to. Arie van der God sent the flood. It explains the origin of sin as deriving Kooij (“The Canonization of Ancient Books kept in the Tem- from supernatural beings. 1 Enoch 12-16, again, “traces the ple of Jerusalem”, in: CANONIZATION AND DECANON- cause of this evil to the maleficent emanations from the bod- IZATION, Brill, 1998) has enlightening perspectives on this ies of the giants, the children of the angels who sinned with issue. The same three references occur in 4QMMT and are women” (p. 141). VanderKam suggests that the focus on discussed in the context of Luke 24. early themes here should be sought in the fact that by then Peter Flint’s subject matter is “Noncanonical writings in the time was universal and hence the story in 1 Enoch applies the Dead Sea Scrolls: Apocrypha, other previously known to all nations, not just the Jewish people. It at the same time writings, Pseudepigrapha”. This detailed article commences explains why the torat Moshe plays such an insignificant role with a plea for stricter methodology as far as the use of ter- in this tradition. minology is concerned. After demonstrating inconsistencies The angelic motif also played a prominent role in 1 Enoch. in the way that the terms “Pseudepigrapha” and “Apoc- This is the case in 1 Enoch 106-197, where the antediluvian rypha” are used, he endeavours to define the latter. It seems patriarchs from Jared to Noah are connected to this story. The that he finds Michael Stone’s definition useful, since he same applies to the Animal Apocalypse in 1 Enoch 85-90. encapsulates his view as follows: “The Apocrypha are Jew- VanderKam is selective in his application of elements of the ish works of the Second temple period that are excluded from tradition. He refers to Adam and Eve, but does not mention the Hebrew Bible but are included in the Old Testament of the story in Gen 3 and the initial sin. Cain killing Abel is some but not all churches” (p. 86)”. He also builds upon ‘the mentioned, but not the serpent and the fruit. This is contrary definitions of Pseudepigraphy by Bernstein, who distin- to the Book of Jubilees, which deals extensively with Gen 3. guishes between “authoritative, convenient and decorative” This angelic motif also appears in Christian tradition. In the pseudepigraphy. Letter of Jude the angel story is used homiletically. Van- In a second paragraph Flint discusses three categories of derKam also mentions Justin Martyr and Augustine, who Dead Sea Scrolls: 1. Apocrypha including Tobit; Ben Sira; actually refer to 1 Enoch and other similar stories as fables. the letter of Jeremiah; Psalm 151A and B; Psalms 154 and These statements led to the falling from favour of this angel 155; 1 Enoch and Jubilees. 2. Other previously known writ- story. ings entailing material related to the Testaments of the 12 CA Evans in a second article addresses the topic of “Abra- Patriarchs; 3. Pseudepigrapha. This discussion primarily con- ham in the Dead Sea Scrolls: A Man of Faith and Failure”. cerns the book of Daniel. Evans is of the opinion that Abraham is the most celebrated The final paragraph addresses the question of whether figure in the Hebrew Bible. He demonstrates that in the these writings were indeed perceived as scripture at Qumran. scrolls Abraham’s virtues are exaggerated and that his weak- His conclusions are tentative. Daniel, Ps 151A and B, 154 nesses are minimised. and 155, the canticle (Sir 51,13-30), 1 Enoch and Jubilees are JE Bowley deals with Moses in “Moses in the Dead Sea provisionally listed as scripture. Tobit and the letter of Jere- Scrolls: Living in the Shadow of God’s Anointed” and miah were probably deemed as scripture. For a final category organises his article under three headings. he could find no evidence that the texts were regarded as 1. The Torah of Moses. In practically all instances where scriptural: Sirach, Aramaic Levi document, Testament of Moses is referred to in the scrolls it is in connection with the Naphtali, Pseudo-Dan scrolls, Prayer of Nabonidus, the “son Law. This is an indication of the authority of the Mosaic law. of God” text (4Qapocalypse ar) and 4Qfour Kingdoms a,b The CD is then discussed as an example of this issue. Bow- ar. Flint finally mentions a number of other works that he dis- ley then discusses the authoritative interpretation of the cusses but that are too fragmentary for classification. Mosaic Law, referring to the Community Rule. Thirdly he deals with Mosaic Quotations and Quotation Formulae from PART 2: BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION AND THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS the perspective of: 1) Moses as subject; 2) Mosaic legisla- tion as location; and 3) Moses as instrument. deals with the theme “The interpretation JC vanderKam is described in respect of the of Genesis in 1 Enoch”. After discussing the available man- 2. Moses in Sacred History past, the future and epithets of the Historic Moses. uscript material, inter alia, those from Qumran cave 4, he addresses the issue of the dating and concludes that the Astro- 3. The Writings of Moses. Firstly, Jubilees and the Qumranic Torah are addressed. nomical Book and the Book of the Watchers date from the The author argues that the sect in fact accepted the revela- so-called dark period in Jewish studies, the 3rd century BCE. tory claims of Jubilees and its Mosaic origins. He also dis- In his interpretation of 1 Enoch he firstly concentrates on cusses briefly the Temple Scroll. Secondly, the Supplements Gen 6:1-4, since it held a special interest for the authors of of Moses are dealt with, which entails various methods 1 Henoch. He mentions prominent differences between Gen utilised by the members of the sect. Thirdly, he deals with and 1 Henoch. Whereas the latter refers to “the angels, the Compositions of Moses such as the Apocryphon of Moses sons of heaven”, the Gen passage has “the sons of God”. and texts that are called Pseudo-Moses texts by Dimant. VanderKam addresses a number of questions in respect Bowley then concludes that “Moses can be said to domi- of 1 Henoch. Why were authors in this tradition drawn to nate many of the texts of this community and probably much this puzzling passage and what did they hope to accomplish of its outlook”. by reworking and elaborating on it? What led the authors to in “Korah and Qumran” endeavours to under- turn to verses and characters from antediluvian times as the JM Scott stand the reference to Korah in 4Q423 frg. 5., a reference that foundation for their teachings? The Qumran finds throw occurs also in the Pesher on the Psalms and in 4Qwar scrolla. 341 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARCHEOLOGIE 342

He questions Elgvin’s interpretation that 4Q423 is part of an extremely readable and informative text and a lavish illus- agricultural manual, since reference is made to the “judge- tration part comprising more than 70 pages of maps, and ment of Korah”. He also thinks that the story of Korah’s excellent photographs and line drawings. This reviewers rebellion is reflected in the scrolls. This view he bases on the copy, however, was marred by faulty cutting of the pages, role of the book of Numbers in the scrolls; other allusions to which resulted in a slanted text space. this rebellion are, inter alia, CD 1-8 and 19-20, and links to The town (ancient Biruti? — p. 91 and 94f.) was founded various sectarian writings of the Qumran community. He also newly in the Late Bronze Age, albeit on scattered habitation finds an analogy between the rebellion of Korah against remains from the Early Bronze Age. It may have occupied Moses and Aaron and to some event in the early history of some 28 hectares, and the prodominantly similar orientation the community. This event in his view took place when lead- of the walls of the houses suggests that the town was planned ing members of this community rejected the Teacher of and built within a relatively short span of time. The archi- Righteousness and departed. tectural features of the North Palace are exhaustively MG Abegg took as his topic “4QMMT, Paul, and ‘“Works dicussed, including a section on water fixtures and toilets. A of the Law’”. The phrase “works of the law” appears in Paul’s well-built stone tomb chamber comparable to those in Ugarit writings, especially the letter to the Galatians, and in MMT. was found to have been robbed in antiquity. A well-reasoned NT Wright has rejected the suggestion that these are the same section on workshops within the palace (where work on seals, works that Paul refers to. Abegg, however, finds significant precious stone, ivory and tablets is in evidence) provides food terminological correspondences between 4QMMT (C12-16) for thought in the context of discussions on palatial produc- and Gal 3:9-14 concerning the phrases “works of the law” tion and trade in luxury items in the Late Bronze Age. Sim- and “reckoning of righteousness”. In some circles it is ilarly, the large stone moulds for the so-called ox-hide ingots accepted that Paul is actually challenging the position that (figs. on p. 142) give us an extremely important additional good works earn salvation (p. 213). Abegg rejects this infer- proof that copper was not only transported in bulk from ence and agrees with EP Sanders’s “new perspective”. Hence Cyprus, but that Late Bronze Age trade constitutes an intri- his conclusion: “A traditional understanding of first-century cate, international series of networks. Among the small finds, Judaism — that works earn salvation — must be cast out, and sealed bullae as well as a few seals, beads, silver rings, commentaries and theologies rewritten in reflection” (p. 216). scarabs, pendants and pieces of corundum are noteworthy, as RW Wall wrote the final article, “The Intertextuality of are gold caps for decorative nails and worked pieces of ivory Scripture: The Example of Rahab (James 2:25)”. The author (possibly also from hippopotamus?). has a specific view on intertextuality, since the book of James The dates of construction and destruction — the two may is approached as “an ‘intertext’ — a biblical text composed be some 60-70 years apart — are discussed in an interesting with other biblical texts in mind” (p. 219). He discusses section (pp. 84-89) which concludes with the provisional con- examples from James 2:21-26. The Abrahamitic tradition is clusion that the site may have been abandoned simultane- dealt with and especially the way James relates to the so- ously with Ugarit around 1185 BC (p. 88a). It is to be noted called Akedah. The novel contribution of this article is that that part of the textual material found in the palace appears more attention is given to the role of Rahab, since it “is lay- to have been housed on an upper floor (p. 91). ered in meaning and thickened by its intertextuality” (p. 229). This book constitutes a rich addition to our knowledge of This collection is more evidence of the importance of the the Syrian Late Bronze Age in most of its aspects: archaeo- study of the Dead Sea Scrolls for the Old and New Testa- logical, historical and social. The authors and contributors are ments. New theories are formulated on the basis of newly to be congratulated. published texts and the established conclusions of previous generations are queried (e.g. Abbeg’s contribution). This col- Leiden University, D.J.W. MEIJER lection can be recommended to all interested in the Dead Sea April 2005 Scrolls within their historical and theological background. ** Department of Ancient Studies, Johann COOK * University of Stellenbosch, SOUTH AFRICA KOHLMEYER, K. — Der Tempel des Wettergottes von April 2005 Aleppo. RHEMA Verlag und Herstellung, Münster, 2000. (24 cm, 43, 24 Tafeln). ISBN 3-930454-24-6 ARCHEOLOGIE In a prompt publication prof. Kohlmeyer presented the first results of his spectecular finds in the Aleppo citadel. The booklet under discussion contains an eminently readable BOUNNI, Adnan, Elisabeth et Jacques LAGARCE — Ras “raconteur’s” account of the first three campaigns, the pro- Ibn Hani, I. Le palais nord du bronze récent. Fouilles ject’s origin and the results. The content, however, certainly 1979-1995, Synthèse préliminaire. (Bibliothèque arché- does not lack learned and annotated discussion of scientific ologique et historique — T. CLI). Institut français detail. d’Archéologie, Beyrouth, 1998. (28 cm, VIII, 196+). An introduction of the history of research into ancient ISBN 2-912738-00-8. 250 F. Aleppo and the early soundings on the citadel is followed by The excavations at Ras Ibn Hani near Ugarit, undertaken a short exposé on the plan of the Iron Age temple of the by the Directorate-General of Antiquities and Museums of Weathergod, of which part was excavated. Its ruins, Damascus in close collaboration with the French CNRS, apparenly burned down during the last Iron Age construction which started in 1979, are here presented in 111 pages of work (p. 27) seem to conform, as expected, to the one-axis 343 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2005 344 type so well established in Syria since the Middle Bronze Das Herzstück bildet die große Menge der 253 Siegel aus Age; remains of the MBA precursor have indeed been found, der Sammlung von Rudolf Schmidt, die in den 1930er und as well as (more recently) those of the third millennium. The 1940er Jahren in der Schweiz entstand und von Frau Erica most important part of this small but important book is Peters Schmidt der Universität Freiburg geschenkt wurde. devoted to the reliefblocks excavated so far and illustrated in Hildi Keel-Leu behandelt in Kap. I-XIII (S. 1-237) die 19 photographs. They show the relief orthostats as they were Rollsiegel, die sie dem „Kernland Mesopotamien der Zeit left during the building’s construction. This makes for a jux- zwischen dem 4. und 1. Jt.“ zuschreibt, jedoch inclusive urar- taposition of older, Late Bronze-ish and younger, early Iron täischer und elamischer Siegel des 1. Jts. v. Chr. Beatrice Age reliefs, similar in nature to the mixture in, e.g., Karkem- Teissier stellt in Kap. XIV-XXI die Siegel aus Syrien, Ana- ish. The author remarks on a general difference in stonema- tolien und der Levante sowie in Kap. XXII die elamischen son’s technique between the older and younger ones: the lat- Siegel des 2. Jt. vor. In Kap. XIII-XIV folgen nicht einzu- ter were cut with a flat tool, the former with picks, and ordnende bzw. zweifelhafte Stücke („VARIA“, „DUBIA“), several hands seem to be recognizable. Some notes on the wogegen die sicher als Fälschungen erkannten Siegel der individual pieces, of which many were probably not quite fin- Sammlung nicht vorgestellt werden. Wie bei jeder aus dem ished when the temple was given up: Kunsthandel rekrutierten Sammlung läßt sich die Echtheit mancher anderer Stücke weder beweisen noch widerlegen – The relief on pl. 4 shows two bulls flanking a tree (not a (z.B. Nr. 3, 40, 55, 76, 312). In Kap. XXV folgt eine Gesteins- “tree of life”: rather a “sacred”tree: “..of Life” is a Chris- analyse durch Wolfgang Hofmeister, in Kap. XXVI die tian notion…) Lesung und Behandlung der Siegellegenden durch Manfred – pl. 9 undoubtedly shows arrows in the hand of the stand- Krebernik und Christoph Uehlinger in gewohnt zuverlässiger ing deity, as the author prudently suggests; odd is the way Weise. the hand is shown in front of the arrows it is supposed to Der Hauptteil (Kap. I-XXII) ist übersichtlich strukturiert: hold, as well as the way the right shoulder, the lock of hair er enthält jeweils zunächst eine Zusammenfassung der behan- and the bow are interwoven. Although ultimately derived delten Siegelperiode, daraufhin eine Vorstellung der thema- from Hittite prototypes, the executin of this figure already tisch geordneten Darstellungen und zuletzt die einzelnen owes something to local styles (as in the beard) Katalogeintragungen. Dabei vermitteln die Zusammenfas- – pl. 15 shows a much more believable hold on the weapon sungen ein gut auf den Punkt gebrachtes Bild der aktuellen than in pl. 9: here the fist is vertical, there at an angle; pls. Diskussion unter Berücksichtigung der neuesten Literatur. So 14 and 15 show remarkable difference in the treatment of gelingt es Keel-Leu und Teissier in ihren ebenso tiefgründi- the faces! gen wie gut zu lesenden Essays, das bislang aktuellste Refe- – the bird-headed genius of pl. 19 hodls the ba.an.du.du renzbuch für Rollsiegel (Collon 1987) um die neuesten For- bucket in his right ahnd, as is shown on many non-assyr- schungsergebnisse zu ergänzen. Allein hierfür gebührt ihnen ian representations of this fertilizing theme (cf. pl. 21, and Dank. Sehr anregend sind auch die Versuche, die Bedeutung many Urartian ones). vieler Siegelmotive zu erschließen. Dies unterbleibt häufig This is an extremely important contribution to first mil- bei Siegelpublikationen, sei es aus Furcht vor Fehlinterpre- lennium art history and archaeology, and it makes us avidly tationen, sei es aus mangelnder Hinterfragung. Hier wirkt sich await the fuller scientific presentation of the results; espe- positiv aus, daß die Freiburger Siegelsammlung aus der cially our discussions of Neo-Hittite art and its stylistic intri- Beschäftigung mit der Religionsgeschichte des bibelnahen cacies are well-served by such prompt publications. Vorderasiens hervorgegangen ist. Der Katalogtext der Siegel ist nach folgendem Schema im Leiden University, D.J.W. MEIJER deutsch- bzw. englischsprachigen Teil aufgebaut: Auf die March 2005 Fakten (Form, Material, Maße; genannt: „OBJEKT“ / „SEAL“) folgt die zeitliche und räumliche Einordnung des Siegels (genannt: „DATIERUNG“ / „DATE“ und „KUL- ** TURRAUM“ / „AREA“), die Beschreibung und Deutung * des Szene sowie gelegentlich Bemerkungen zur Schneide- technik und zum Stil (genannt „DARSTELLUNG“ / KEEL-LEU, H. and B. TEISSIER — Die Vorderasiatischen „DESCRIPTION“); sodann werden häufig Vergleichsstücke Rollsiegel der Sammlungen „Bibel+Orient“ der Uni- genannt („PARALLELEN“ / COMPARANDA“) und das versität Freiburg Schweiz. (Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis Siegel unterschiedlich ausführlich diskutiert oder verschie- 200). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen, 2004. (23,5 dene Bemerkungen der Autoren oder anderer Siegelspeziali- cm, XXI, 472). ISBN 3-7278-1471-3 (Academic Press sten angefügt („DISKUSSION“; eine Diskussion findet man Fribourg); 3-525-53057-9 (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht); zudem in dem den Katalogeintragungen vorausgehenden ISSN 1015-1850. / 91,-. Text). Der Katalogeintrag wird beschlossen durch die Angabe Das Buch stellt die bedeutende Rollsiegelsammlung der der bisherigen Veröffentlichungen des Siegels („BIBLIO- Universität Freiburg/Schweiz vor, die insgesamt 438 Roll- GRAPHIE“ / „PUBLICATION“), wobei bisweilen die voll- siegel und 7 gesiegelte Tontafeln umfasst, sowie 10 Roll- ständige Liste bisheriger Veröffentlichungen, bisweilen nur siegel in Schweizer Privatbesitz. Die Freiburger Sammlung eine Auswahl angegeben wird. enthält einesteils altbekannte Stücke, die aus den ehemali- Am Ende des Bandes werden auf 71 Tafeln (S. 403-473) gen Kollektionen Aulock, Bailey, Brett, Erlenmeyer, Lúcia, alle Siegel und gesiegelte Tontafeln im Maßstab 1:1 abge- Marcopoli, Matouk und Moore stammen, anderenteils unbe- bildet. Alle erscheinen in Photographien, zusätzlich eine kannte Stücke, die zwischen 1980 und 1996 erworben wur- kleine Auswahl von ihnen in Umzeichnungen aus der siche- den, darunter die Sammlung des Libanesen Maurice Tabet. ren Feder von H. Keel-Leu (S. 403-409; im Phototeil mit 345 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARCHEOLOGIE 346

„Z“ angegeben). Ferner sind die Siegelabrollungen auf den Assoziation mit Spinnentieren (s. Nrn. 14-15) mit einer 7 Tontafeln (Nrn. 97, 101, 104, 121, 254, 255, 383) umge- der Textilherstellung verbundenen Göttin Uttu in Ver- zeichnet (die Umzeichnungen wären noch perfekter, wenn bindung gebracht. Dies deutet Keel-Leu in Bezug auf Sie- auch die keilschriftliche Legende eingefügt wäre). Die Pho- gel 14-16 an (S. 9), man könnte sich jedoch fragen, ob tographien haben gute Qualität, jedoch sind bisweilen die dies nicht ebenso für die Göttin(?) auf Siegel 8 gilt. Schatten so stark, daß sie Details verdecken (z.B. die Kopf- – Siegel 51: Daß Wagenszenen in der frühdynastischen bedeckungen der Figuren auf Nrn. 282, 300, 344). Auch wäre Glyptik eher selten sind (S. 33), trifft zwar auf Südmeso- man bei manchen besonders figurenreichen und winzigen potamien, nicht aber auf Nordmesopotamien zu: im Îab- Darstellungen für eine vergrößerte Darstellung dankbar (z.B. urdreieck ist dies zur Blütezeit von Nagar und Nabada ein Nrn. 282, 303, 309, 345, 388, 413 etc.), eventuell als geson- häufiges, mit der überregionalen Bedeutung der Nagar- dert am Ende angefügte Tafeln wie beispielsweise in B. Teis- Equiden zusammenhängendes Motiv (s. Jans — Bret- siers Katalog der Marcopoli-Sammlung (Berkeley 1984). schneider — Sallaberger 1998). Auch aus stilistischen Dies tut jedoch der hohen Qualität der Tafeln mit angenehm Erwägungen möchte man das Siegel lieber dort als in dicht arrangierten Bildern kaum Abbruch. „Mittel- und Südmesopotamien“ ansiedeln. – Siegel 83 zeigt in einer stark an die Etana-Siegelbilder Gewisse Bedenken habe ich gegen die Unterteilung der (Boehmer 1965, Nr. 693, 695, 698) erinnernden Darstel- Siegel in „die Stücke der klassischen mesopotamischen Sie- lung verschiedene Personen mit merkwürdigen Kopfbe- gelproduktion“ und „die der Randregionen, vorab die grosse deckungen und Kleidern in ungewöhnlichen, ins Leere Gruppe der syrischen Siegel“ (Zusammenfassung und Buch- gehenden Aktionen. Sie sind umgeben von rätselhaften rückentext) — eine in den meisten Siegelsammlungen gän- Tieren, Mischwesen und einer gelängt-verformten hocken- gige Unterteilung in Folge einer forschungsgeschichtlich den Figur, vor der unregelmäßig plazierte Kringel schwe- bedingten mesopotamozentrischen Sichtweise. Jedoch wirkt ben (statt wie üblich in Reihen und Spalten angeordnet zu gerade hier die Bezeichnung „Randregion“ für die syrischen sein). Dies spricht m.M. zumindest für einen nachge- Glyptikmetropolen, die denen Südmesopotamiens in nichts schnittenen Zylinder. nachstanden, merkwürdig, stammen aus ihnen doch viele der – Siegel 66, 96, 105: Zu der Sammlung gehören auch drei Hauptreferenzstücke für die Sammlung aufgrund der zugrun- bekannte Siegel, die wichtige chronologische Fixpunkte deliegenden Motivation: „Besonders wurden jene Perioden darstellen: das Siegel des Ukinulmas, Sohn des Naram-Sin ausgebaut, während denen Rollsiegel in Palästina/Israel eine von Akkade (66), das Siegel eines Dieners Sulgis (96) und Rolle spielten und eine wichtige Quelle für das jeweils domi- das eines Dieners Ibbi-Sîns (105; leider stark nachge- nierende religiöse Symbolsystem darstellen.“ (Zusammen- schnitten). fassung). Dies rührt aus der Überzeugung, daß Siegel eine – Bei Keel-Leus Diskussion der von Moortgat „Gottkönig der wichtigsten Quellen für die Religionsgeschichte Palä- als Krieger“ genannten Figur und ihrem Ringen um eine stina/Israels sind (O. Keel, Zu Geschichte und Zweck der Bezeichnung (sie wählt „König mit Keule“) sei ihr zu Sammlung, XV). bedenken gegeben, daß die Keule auf den Siegeln biswei- Daß die Unterteilung der Sammlung in „Zentrum“ und len fehlt oder verkürzt wiedergegeben ist; da die Figur „Randgebiete“ bisweilen zu Inkonsequenzen führt (warum sicherlich die programmatische Zur-Schau-Stellung des werden beispielsweise die späturukzeitlichen Siegel 12-15 Herrscher in seinem Aspekt des stets Siegenden darstellt, mit Parallelen v.a. in Habuba und Susa von Siegel 264 trifft die Bezeichnung „Sieghafter König“ (ähnlich dem getrennt? warum gelten in der Tabelle auf Seite 3 Habuba „concept of active kingship“ von D. Collon 1986, 101) Kabira und Jebel Aruda als Nordmesopotamien und nicht als meiner Meinung den Typus am besten (s. ausführlich Otto Syrien?), liegt zum einen in den zeitweise überregionalen 2000, 227f). Siegelstilen Vorderasiens begründet; zum andern werden die – Siegel 286-289: Eine spezielle Gruppe nordsyrischer Roll- nordmesopotamischen Siegel des frühen 2. Jts. mal in der siegel des beginnenden 2. Jts. zeigt einen Stier, über des- Gruppe syrischer, mal in der Gruppe mesopotamischer Sie- sen Rücken ein rechteckiger Kasten mit parallelen verti- gel behandelt (z.B. sind Siegel 107 und 108 nicht von Sie- kalen oder horizontalen Binnenstrichen dargestellt ist. geln wie 301 zu trennen; auch Siegel 120 gehört eher in eine Teissier interpretiert diesen Gegenstand als Leier oder nordmesopotamisch-„altassyrische“ Gruppe). Vielleicht Harfe (250: „harp“; 254: „lyre“), wenn er senkrechte sollte man in Zukunft dazu übergehen, die regionalen Ein- Striche enthält (Nr. 286, 287), aber als Schrein, wenn diese teilungen den Periodeneinteilungen unterzuordnen. waagerecht sind (Nr. 288). Ich halte es jedoch für unwahr- scheinlich, daß diese fast identischen Darstellungen zwei Einzelbemerkungen: so unterschiedliche Dinge meinen. Bezüglich des „shrine“ verweist Teissier (S. 250) zurecht auf den akkadischen Pro- – Siegel 8: Dieses außergewöhnliche späturukzeitliche Sie- totyp des geflügelten Schreins auf Stierrücken. Gerade auf gel, das eine in einem Kasten hockende, möglicherweise syrisch-nordmesopotamischen Siegeln wird bisweilen die- weibliche Figur im Netzkleid zeigt, könnte zusammen mit ser „Schrein“ explizit durch die Verbindung mit der die dem genannten Siegel (Delaporte 1923, Taf. 69:9) eines Arme erhebenden Göttin als Regen dargestellt (z.B. auf der raren Stücke sein, das eine Brücke zwischen den dem Samija-Siegel, Otto 2000, Nr. 415). Auch auf altsyri- Motiven des sorgfältigen und des schematischen Stils der schen Siegeln kann der Kasten auf dem Rücken des Stie- späturukzeitlichen Glyptik schlägt durch die Darstellung res die Göttin enthalten (Frankfort 1939, Pl. XL a.e), oder einer möglicherweise spinnenden Frau oder Göttin, wie die Regengöttin steht daneben (Hammade 1987, Nr. 108; sie in der vereinfachten Form der „pigtailed women“ häu- weitere Belege bei Otto 2004, 29). S.a. Nr. 344 mit der figer vorkommt. Diese Frauen, auch jeweils auf einem etwas späteren Darstellung der Regengöttin über dem Podest erhöht dargestellt, wurden ja bereits aufgrund ihrer Rücken eines nicht unähnlichen Stieres. Dadurch gewinnt 347 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2005 348

auch der Stier als Attribut und hier vielleicht als Symbol 345), bisweilen auf seinem Attributtier stehend und von des Wettergottes eine Bedeutung. Somit wären diese Sie- geringeren Maßen als der Wettergott (so auch schon auf dem gel die frühesten Belege des so bedeutsamen syrischen 19. Jh.-Siegel 307) — eine bis in die Akkadeperiode zurück- Wettergottkultes, dessen anthropomorphe Wiedergabe zuverfolgende Ikonographie (z.B. Boehmer 1965, Nr. 364- wenig später einsetzte. 373). In dieser „Begleiterin“ des Wettergottes könnte man – Die Ordnung syrischer Siegel des 19.-17. Jhs., der Peri- ebensogut Adad‘s Gattin „Sala“ erblicken oder eine Regen- ode der Klassisch-Syrischen Glyptik, ist ein schwieriges oder Fruchtbarkeitsgöttin anderen Namens (s. van Loon Unterfangen. B. Teissier unternimmt diese insbesondere 1990; Otto 2000, 206-211; Otto 1999, 124-127 zu ver- anhand der Motive, weniger anhand des Stils, regionaler schiedenen Erscheinungsformen der Göttin). Auch sind Flü- Charakteristika oder der Zeitstellung. Jedoch können gel stets ein Merkmal für Sturm-Gestalten. Warum die regionale Zuweisungen aufgrund von einzelnen Motiven Nacktheit der Göttin einen sexuellen Aspekt ausdrücken anstelle von Gruppen-Stilmerkmalen gefährlich sein, weil soll, wie nicht nur hier, sondern vielerorts zu lesen ist, habe Motive leicht wandern bzw. aus einem Repertoire über- ich noch nie verstanden. In der Nacktheit der „Wasserhel- nommen werden können. Wenn Teissier beispielsweise den“ (z.B. Siegel 341, 347), der Begleiter des Wassergottes, dem Siegel 333 aufgrund der zwei Sphingen in der sieht niemand eine sexuelle Komponente, sondern hier wird Nebenszene, die Ähnlichkeiten zu solchen auf einem in Nacktheit selbstverständlich mit Wasser und dadurch mit Acemhöyük gefundenen Elfenbeinkästchen zeigen, einen Fruchtbarkeit assoziiert. Explizite Darstellungen der Nack- „south-east Anatolian origin (Urshu? Carchemish?)“ ten Frau/Göttin gerade in der syrischen Glyptik zeigen, daß zuweist, wobei Stil, Ikonographie und Komposition dem sich über der Göttin Wasser auf die Erde ergießt (z.B. befin- besten klassisch-syrischen Stil JamÌads entsprechen, det sich eine mit Flügeln versehene guilloche, also „Regen- scheint mir dies zweifelhaft, zumal Karkemis, eines der Sturm“, über der den Schleier lüftenden, auf einem Stier ste- großen Zentren Nordsyriens, wohl kaum als Südostanato- henden Nackten Frau auf dem Siegel Porada 1948, Nr. 944; lien bezeichnet werden kann. s.a. die Siegel Otto 2000, Nr. 93-95; Siegel Freiburg 384 – Eine annähernd chronologische Siegelanordnung in der zeigt die Nackte Frau/Göttin ebenfalls unter einem geflü- langen Periode von „c. 1850-1620 B.C.“ (S. 267) fehlt. Im gelten Bogen noch im 15.-13. Jh.). Daher möchte ich vor Katalog gibt Teissier aber stets eine zeitliche Einordnung allzu starker Abnutzung der Göttin „Istar“ warnen. an, von der nicht immer ersichtlich ist, wie sie erreicht – Auf Siegel 330 den stehenden Wassergott, vor dessen Füßen wurden. So kommen vor: „1850-1750“, „1850-1720“, das Vorderteil einer Ziege zu sehen ist, mit Amurru in Ver- „1850-1700“, „1800-1700“, „1720-1620“, „1700-1620“, bindung zu bringen (S. 275), scheint nicht nötig angesichts „1720-1600“, „1650-1550“ (bei „1950-1850“ für Siegel der Tatsache, daß das Attributtier des Wassergottes der Zie- 314 handelt es sich sicherlich um einen Druckfehler und genfisch (Fischwesen mit Ziegenvorderteil) ist. es sollte „1850-1750“ heißen). 1720 bedeutet den Beginn – Kleine Ungenauigkeiten: Der Gestus des Fingeraus- und 1620/1600 das Ende von Schicht VII in AlalaÌ, die streckens heißt „ubana taraÒu“, nicht „urbana taraÒu“ (S. anderen Zahlen werden jedoch nicht aufgeschlüsselt. Ver- 163), das Mischwesen „musÌussu“ (S. 164). Insgesamt mutlich bezeichnet 1750 den Untergang von Mari; die gibt es im deutschen Teil wenige, im englischen einige übrigen scheinen Mittelwerte darzustellen, wobei runde Druckfehler. Ein störender Fehler: Das zu Nr. 297 ver- Zahlen stets verführerisch sind (was passiert damit, wenn gleichbare Siegel stammt aus Bireçik, nicht Bire‘ik am wir eines Tages eine andere Chronologie als die Mittlere Euphrat (S. 256). allgemein akzeptieren?). Generell zu hoch scheint mir der H. Keel-Leu und B. Teissier haben mit dem besprochenen Ansatz „1850-x“ für die Mehrzahl der Siegel: Die Mitte Buch nicht nur eine der bedeutenden europäischen Siegel- des 19. Jhs., noch die Periode von Karum Kanis II (Teis- sammlungen in vorbildlicher Weise der Öffentlichkeit sier läßt Karum Kanis Ib um 1800 beginnen, S. 267), stellt zugänglich gemacht, sondern darüber hinaus dem Leser den im Gegenteil für syrische Glyptik fast ein „Dunkles Zeit- neuesten Stand altorientalischer Siegelforschung vermittelt. alter“ dar, aus dem wir bei heutiger Publikationslage kein- Dies geschieht in angenehm verständlichem Stil, sodaß sich erlei Anhaltspunkte für die Existenz klassisch-syrischer einerseits der interessierte Laie rasch in die Materie einar- Rollsiegel haben. Da sich die syrischen Stadtstaaten erst beiten kann, andererseits die Fachleute durch tiefgründige am Ende des 19. Jhs. festigten, scheint mir ein Zeitpunkt Essays zur fruchtbaren Diskussion angeregt werden. Den bei- um 1800 für den Beginn der plötzlich in Mengen auftau- den Autorinnen ist für dieses äußerst gelungene Buch herz- chenden syrischen Siegel wahrscheinlicher. lich zu danken. – Die Deutung und Benennung syrischer Gottheiten bereitet mangels Textbelegen Schwierigkeiten, wie auch Teissier betont (S. 274). Dennoch bezeichnet sie weibliche Wesen, References: die nackt oder halbnackt, geflügelt oder ungeflügelt, bewaff- Boehmer, R.M., 1965, Die Entwicklung der Glyptik während der net oder unbewaffnet sind und Haarschopf oder Helm tra- Akkad-Zeit, UAVA 4, Berlin. gen, als „Istar“ oder bisweilen als „Anat“; die „Nude god- Collon, D., 1986, Catalogue of the Western Asiatic Seals in the Bri- dess“ würde den „sexual, live-giving aspect of the tish Museum, Cylinder Seals III, Isin-Larsa and Old Babylo- multi-faceted Ishtar“ verkörpern (S. 275). Während ich nicht nian Periods, London. bestreiten möchte, daß manche dieser vermutlich göttlichen —, 1987, First Impressions, London. Wesen (Hörnerkronen fehlen) unter dem Namen Istar Delaporte, L., 1923, Catalogue des cylindres, cachets et pierres gra- vées de style oriental. Musée du Louvre 2: Acquisitions, Paris. bekannt waren, scheint mir diese generelle Benennung als Frankfort, H., 1939, Cylinder Seals, London. zu simpel. Erstens ist eine Vielzahl weiblicher Göttinnen Hammade, H., 1987, Cylinder Seals from the Collections of the namentlich bekannt. Zweitens erscheint die „Nude goddess“ Aleppo Museum, Syrian Arab Republic 1. Seals of Unknown häufig direkt mit dem Wettergott assoziiert (hier Siegel 344, Provenience, BAR 335. 349 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARCHEOLOGIE 350

Jans, G. — Bretschneider, J. — Sallaberger, W., 1998, Wagon and Iron Age Kurgans, some with Skythian leanings, in the Chariot Representations in the Early Dynastic Glyptic, Sub- Kaukasus and in Kazakhstan are discussed in two separate artu IV,2, Brepols, 155-194. articles, and Hellenistic and Roman settlement on the Don is Otto, A., 1999, A Middle Bronze Age Cylinder Seal from the Jar treated by Arseneva and Fornasier. An interesting argument Burial F167 at Tell Ahmar, Abr-Nahrain 35 (1998) 120-134. —, 2000, Die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Klassisch-Syrischen for relatively late (Iron Age) incipient Nomadism in the area Glyptik, UAVA 8, Berlin — New York. formely known as Kalmukia is set up by M. Otchir-Goriaeva, —, 2004, Tall Bi’a / Tuttul — IV, Siegel und Siegelabrollungen, who dismisses traditional preconceptions on, e.g., the rela- WVDOG 104, Saarbrücken. tion between settlement and raising pigs. Porada, E., 1948, Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in North The rich content of this issue of Eurasia Antiqua is a fit- American Collections, Washington. ting tribute. van Loon, M., 1990, The Naked Rain Goddess, in: P. Matthiae — M. van Loon — H. Weiss (Hrsg.), Resurrecting the Past. A Leiden University, D.J.W. MEIJER Joint Tribute to Adnan Bounni, Leiden 1990, 363-378. May 2005

Universität München, Adelheid OTTO Februar 2005 ** *

** AL-MAQDISSI, M., V. MATOÏAN et C. NICOLLE (eds.) * — Céramique de L’âge du bronze en Syrie, I: La Syrie du Sud et la vallée de l’Oronte (Bibliothèque EURASIA ANTIQUA. (Zeitschrift für Archäologie Eurasiens, Archéologique et Historique, T. 161). Institut français du Band 8). Verlag Philipp von Zabern GmbH, Mainz am Proche-Orient, Beyrouth, 2002. (28 cm, VI, 166). ISBN Rhein, 2002. (27,5 cm, 567). ISBN 3-8053-3106-1. 2-912738-16-4. This issue of Eurasia Antiqua embodies the Festschrift for The enormous increase of archaeological fieldwork in Anatolij Panteleevic Derevjanko at the occasion of his 60th Syria in the past two decades has yielded large amounts of birthday. It is filled with fifteen important articles on sites new finds and information. This is clearly reflected in a grow- and general archaeological themes ranging between Bulgaria ing number of studies, publications, PhD’s and articles on and Kazakhstan. A book review and short notes on activities Syrian archaeological sites and materials. Lately, several of the German Archaeological Institute complete the issue. studies have been published with the aim of providing the Since the broad range of subjects transcends the competence student of Syrian archaeology with an overview, most of this reviewer, a few articles only are discussed here. recently the comprehensive work of Schwartz and Akker- N. Beneke treats horse skeletons from both acropolis- and mans on Syrian Archaeology. lower-town layers of the Early Bronze Age III (ca. 2600- The volume under discussion is one of three planned vol- 2300 BC) in the Kirklareli area (Turkish Thrace). They umes presenting Bronze Age ceramics from Syria. The edi- appear to have been used (“secondarily”) for meat con- tors felt that the data from recent and older excavations is sumption; their primary use (draught, riding or pack func- mostly accessible only in dispersed preliminary publications tions) could not be established from the extant bones. The and articles, or not published at all yet, and that there is an well-dated context in which these domesticated horses urgent need for an accessible overview. To reach this goal, appear constitutes an important fix point for discussions that they have collected contributions on the ceramics of each center on, e.g., the spread of Indo-European speaking peo- region and period written by specialists of the topic. This first ple — a question that unfortunately still keeps some archae- volume deals with the pottery from Southern Syria and the ologists busy… Although the author expresses himself quite Orontes Valley. The second and third volumes will deal with carefully, this reviewer was interested to note that a possi- the Jezirah, Middle Euphrates and Badia, and with the ble derivation from the easterly Anatolian wild horses Coastal Area and Homs Gap, respectively. The present study (Nor≥untepe) is favoured above one from the more northerly does not want to draw any conclusions or present a synthe- Black Sea area (e.g., Dereivka). sis, and explicitly does not pretend to be a final presentation A contribution by a consortium of authors (Lichardus, of Bronze Age ceramics. Rather, it wants to present the cur- Echt, Iliev, Christov and others) treats aspects of the Late rent state of research and knowledge and the current issues Bronze Age in Bulgaria, based on the excavations at Drama. archaeologists are dealing with, in a concise and structured Grey Minyan ware came to light, occasioning a discussion of manner. relations with Troy VI and VIIa/b. Interseting find in this chronological framework in Drama: a Linear-A inscribed The volume is structured in two parts each dealing with a object shaped like a cylinder with concave sides (p. 157 fig. geographical region (Southern Syria and Orontes Valley), in 15), with 5 signs in “retrograde”: the authors suggest that a total seven chapters. Two maps are included (unfortunately rolled impression in wet clay would produce a legible text. some place names in the text are missing on the map), as well They also suggest that the object is a “local, barbarian imi- as a common bibliography, an index of names for ceramic tation”. In the neighbourhood an elongated ox-hide copper types, an index of place names, persons and peoples, and a ingot of 26,2 kg. was found; the general region has produced short summary in Arabic. Bibliographical references in each more of these, possibly the products of local copper mining. chapter are put in footnotes. Each chapter is headed by a sum- A short summary discussion treats the basis for the relations mary in French, English and Arabic. Although all chapters with the eastern Aegean area as one of intensive contacts not are uniform in shape and presentation, there are large differ- only perpetrated by the ephemeral elites… ences in the structure, details and content. This is partly 351 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2005 352 unavoidable, since the differences in availability of material In summary, one could say that Southern Syria is in urgent in each region and period are huge. need for more, stratigraphically controlled and swiftly pub- In the first chapter, Frank Braemer discusses what little lished, research projects focussing on the Bronze Age, and there is known about Early Bronze Age pottery from South- especially the Early and Late Bronze Age. ern Syria. There are almost no excavated sites with secure stratigraphies available, so dating of the pottery still relies on The second part of the volume deals with the Orontes Val- comparisons with sites in Jordan, Palestine and sites in cen- ley area, or more precisely, the area East of the Orontes Val- tral Syria. One of the immediately apparent problems is the ley or “North (-Western) Central (or “Inner”) Syria” as it is difference in chronological tables used for the Early Bronze sometimes called. The difference between “inner” and “cen- Age in these two regions. Braemer divides the Early Bronze tral” is thereby not completely clear. Stefania Mazzoni, in Age in four stages. There is almost no material available from chapter five, deals with the Ancient (sic) Bronze Age pottery EB I. For EB II, there is material available from sites like of this region. Mazzoni gives an elaborate description of the Laboue and Khirbet al-Dabab. Comparisons are mainly made ceramics in the EB period, mainly from the Amuq, Hama, with material from the south. In EB III and IV, ceramics from Tell Afis and Tell Mardikh, sites with detailed and reliable Khirbet al-Umbashi and Hebariye are discussed. For this stratigraphies. First, a summary of geography, socio-cultural period, there seem to be mostly comparisons with northern context and contact routes, as well as larger historical devel- Syria. Braemer discusses shape and fabric of the pottery, and opments is presented. The EB period is divided into four sec- provides illustrations of many previously unpublished pots. tions EB I until IV, but no chronological table is presented. In the second chapter, Frank Braemer and Michel Maqdissi The pottery is described according to shape and “ware”, and present an overview of Middle Bronze Age ceramics from comparisons with other sites are provided. The use of many southern Syria. As with the previous chapter, and although specialist ware names (like “multiple brush ware”, “red- more sites are known, the knowledge of Middle Bronze Age black burnished ware”) without any further explanations or ceramics from southern Syria is still very limited. Because of definitions makes the text rather dense and not suitable as a the lack of enough stratified sequences, no chronological first introduction into the matter. More direct reference to fig- table could be constructed. Later in the chapter however, a ure numbers in the text for these wares would have helped schematic division of the period in MB I and II is made. the student here. The EB I period in central Syria is a transi- Stratigraphical information from Bosra, Tell es-Salhiyah and tional phase showing much continuity with the Late Chal- Yabroud is presented. The chapter focuses on a presentation colithic traditions. In the EB II period, new shapes are intro- of pottery types. No information is available on technologi- duced and the fast potter’s wheel is used, indicating a clear cal aspects like fabric or shaping, so the description deals increase and stability of production. There is still a strong with shape, occurrence on Southern Syrian sites and com- continuity with EB I, but shapes and wares evolve. The EB parisons with pottery from other sites and continuity with III period shows a real change in ceramic traditions, manu- other periods (EB and LB). There is still extremely little facturing technology and production. The focus is now on information about pottery from MB I and from the transition homogeneity and increase of production output. Several spe- between the Middle Bronze Age and the Late Bronze Age. cial wares, including “Khirbet Kerak ware” are now dis- The chapter provides many illustrations and some pho- cussed in somewhat more detail. The EB IV period shows tographs, and many references to comparable types. again an increase in settlements, urbanisation, production, and The third chapter by Christophe Nicolle deals with the development of better and more “industrial” techniques. The Bronze Age ceramics from the Damascus region (not includ- period is divided into EB IVA 1, IVA 2, and EB IVB, accord- ing Damascus itself). It is not clear why this should be a sep- ing to the Ebla sequence, and for each phase the ceramic arate chapter. The Damascus region is part of Southern Syria shapes and comparisons are discussed in detail. The chapter and its data could have been integrated (and partly are!) in contains a limited amount of illustrations providing references chapter 1, 2 and 4. Chapter 3 deals with unpublished results for comparisons. from a survey conducted by the IFAPO in 1993-94 in the In chapter 6 Lorenzo Nigro discusses Middle Bronze Age Leja region, especially with the sites of Kom Massek and ceramics from the region. Stratified assemblages are only Kom Chraya. The chapter starts with a geographical discus- available from Ebla and Hama, and there is material from sion of the region, and it appears there is almost no archae- burials. The Middle Bronze Age is divided in four phases, ological or historical information about Damascus in the MB IA, IB, IIA and IIB, based on the stratigraphical Early and Middle Bronze Ages. A short description of 7 sites sequence of Tell Mardikh/Ebla (coinciding conspicuously to the south of Damascus follows. Unpublished ceramics are exact with the four centuries of the Middle Bronze Age), presented from EB II, EB IV and MB II. Nicolle describes although the material itself shows a large extent of continu- shapes and gives references for comparisons, and the illus- ity throughout the Middle Bronze Age. In his conclusions, trations contain information about fabric and techniques. Nigro comments that the “simple ware” shows only grad- Chapter four, by Frank Braemer, is the last chapter to deal ual developments and might be better divided in three with Southern Syria, and deals with the ceramics from the phases, with a flourishing period in the middle two centuries. Late Bronze Age in that region. There are amazingly little The ceramics of the region form a clear homogeneous group data, and according to Braemer, early LB pottery is hardly if compared to other regions like the Coastal region or Cen- distinguishable from late MB ceramics and discussed there- tral or Southern Syria, but characteristic material culture fore in previous chapters. From later LB phases, imports from zones developed around the major centers of Aleppo, the Mediterranean are the best recognisable, like Mycenean Mardikh and Hama within this region. Nevertheless, at the III, Cypriote ware etc. These vessels are mainly found in same time there are also many indications of shared techno- graves. This chapter is extremely short and has no illustra- logical and decorative traditions between the ceramic tions. provinces of Syria. A short discussion of the stratigraphy of 353 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARCHEOLOGIE 354

Hama and its comparisons with Tell Mardikh concludes that in productivity. The introduction or import of Cypriot pottery Middle Bronze IIB is missing from the Hama sequence, is new in this phase. Nuzi ware, so characteristic of this although not necessarily from the site as such. After these period in other regions, was hardly distributed inland. In LB introductory remarks, the ceramics for each phase are dis- II, relations with Anatolia become stronger. Nuzi ware is now cussed in detail. Each section is divided into remarks con- completely absent, Mycenean imports increase, and pilgrim cerning context and chronology followed by remarks on the flasks and kraters are introduced. In this period as well, technological and typological features of the pottery. For MB increasing standardisation of shapes and production tech- IA, the only stratified assemblage comes from Tell Mardikh, niques, oriented at quick mass production, seem to be char- the Archaic Palace. From a technological point of view, acteristic. This is combined with a loss of quality, and, although some aspects continue from the EB IVB period, strangely enough, a decrease of production. Nigro feels that there are important changes in typological and technological features in the MB IA. He names clay In conclusion, the book presents a useful overview of preparation and treatment, the wide use of the fast wheel, Bronze Age ceramics in the two regions Southern Syria and broader standardisation and more mass-produced vessels. On the Orontes area, offering a wealth of references and some the other hand, he finds the MB IA pottery still in its “for- unpublished material. The contributions vary widely as to mative” stage, “rough and uneven”, with thick walls and how detailed the ceramics are discussed. None of the contri- fired at low temperatures. Also in the discussion of the typ- butions are aimed at the beginning student, but all expect ical shapes for MB IA, the continuities with the EB and prior knowledge of the ceramic types under discussion, and innovations are mentioned. In MB IB, ceramics are avail- the historical and political framework. None of the contribu- able from different contexts in Tell Mardikh and now also tions show detailed illustrations of fabric or technological from Hama and Ansari. The most remarkable technological aspects, like thin-sections, details of decoration, etc. changes are the complete disappearance of wares with By nature a publication like this one cannot present a def- organic inclusions, as well as the increasing specialisation inite overview but must remain limited to articles summaris- in different fabrics. Fabric and shape or function seem to be ing the “state of the art” at the moment, however fragmen- tightly linked, as each shape has its own characteristic clay tary. Nevertheless, we can only look forward to the mixture and preparation. In the discussion of typical MB IB publication of the remaining two volumes of the series com- shapes, again the fabrics, shaping techniques and decorations pleting the presentation of Bronze Age ceramics in Syria. It are discussed as well as comparisons with other regions. For would be indeed very interesting to develop the series and MB IIA it is remarked that although the architecture at add volumes on the pre-Bronze Age, Iron Age and later Mardikh does not seem to show major changes after the sub- ceramics, thus completing at least a basic overview of pot- mission of Ebla to Yamchad, changes are perceptible in the tery in Syrian Archaeology. ceramic assemblages. Most notably, there is a closer rela- tionship with the assemblages of the coastal and northern Damascus, March 2005 Kim DUISTERMAAT areas. Very finely sieved clays disappear in favour of rougher fabrics, and also the number of highly specialised ** wares seems to decline. New shapes appear also in this * phase. The final phase MB IIB is divided by Nigro in two parts, the earlier showing typical MB traits and the later GÜNTNER, W. — Figürlich bemalte Mykenische Keramik showing a gradual transition to the Late Bronze Age mater- aus Tiryns. (Tiryns Forschungen und Berichte Band XII). ial culture. Changes with the MB IIA are slight, and are Verlag Philipp von Zabern GmbH, Mainz am Rhein, mainly visible in fabric colours. Especially in the painted 2000. (32 cm, VI, 391, 88 Tafeln). ISBN 3-8053-1887- ware the transitions to the Late Bronze age are visible, with 1. ISSN 0082-450X. DM 168,-. the introduction of naturalistic scenes, although this is not illustrated. The chapter is illustrated with many drawings Tiryns XII is the most recent volume in the series devoted including reference, fabric colour and surface treatment but to the excavations of the Mycenaean citadel by the same no information on ware or inclusions. name in the Argolis province, Greece. This particular book In the last chapter 7, Stefania Mazzoni shortly discusses deals with the Late Bronze Age pottery with pictorial repre- the Late Bronze Age ceramics from North Western Central sentations that was found during the excavations at the site Syria. She starts the chapter with a short summary of the from 1976 to 1985. As such, this volume is complementary political framework of the period. The archaeological docu- to an older one in the same series on pictorial pottery from mentation for the period is fragmented, and it is only with earlier campaigns (E. Slenczka, Tiryns VII, Figürlich difficulty that several assemblages can be pieced together to bemahlte Keramik aus Tiryns, Mainz am Rhein, 1974). The present a coherent picture of the LBA ceramics. As in the whole series consists of high-quality books that emphasize South of Syria, more fieldwork for this period is dearly the importance of Tiryns for our understanding of the Greek needed. A chronological table for these sites is again lacking, Bronze Age. but the LB Age is divided into IA and IB followed by LBA The book under review is a re-working of a 1985 disser- II. Developments in pottery production seem to follow the tation that was submitted as a manuscript for publication general political developments: an initial phase of conserva- already in 1990. The delay in publication was due to unfor- tive traditions adhering to the Middle Bronze Age is followed tunate circumstances beyond the author’s or publisher’s con- by a phase of increase and renewal during the Hittite control trol. Important publications that have appeared in the 1990’s of Karkamish in the 13th century. In LB IA, the continuity on the subject of Mycenaean pottery, have not, or only par- with MB traditions is characteristic, as well as a general sim- tially, been consulted. Because of the detailed descriptions plification of shapes and wares. In LB IB, there is a renewal and the sensible analyses of the archaeological material in the 355 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2005 356 new book, the omission of recent literature appears only a presence of pots decorated by one person in Greece, Cyprus minor drawback. and different parts of the Levant gives a clear idea of the The goal of the author is to present the Mycenaean picto- complexity of international maritime exchanges during the rial pottery from Tiryns and to classify it with similar mate- Late Bronze Age. Interestingly, this pattern is less marked rial from other sites. In addition, he hopes to gain insight in for finds of the LH IIIC period, which is an indication that the correspondence between the stylistic and stratigraphical by this time different mechanisms of maritime contacts were development of LH IIIB and LH IIIC at the site. The rela- in operation. tions with the pottery of several other sites are also assessed Güntner’s study of Mycenaean pottery at Tiryns is done in in light of the new group from Tiryns. To these aims, a total the best tradition of stylistic ceramic research. It emphasizes of 437 pieces are presented in the first part of the book, all the importance of detailed study of this type of archaeologi- of which are very fragmentary. This presentation begins with cal material for the relative chronology of the Mycenaean cul- a short and general section on the fabric of the pots. Unfor- ture, as well as for an assessment of artistic development and tunately, no notice is taken here of the extensive ceramolog- of economic activities. Unfortunately, the author did not ical research of the past decades. Notably, any reference is focus at all on the site of Tiryns itself. With this publication, lacking to the work by Richard Jones: Greek and Cypriot Tiryns has now by far the largest number of Mycenaean pic- pottery, Athens, 1986. Here, only a visual description of the torial finds. The significance of this class of material at the surface is used as a source of classification. The following site, however, remains unclear. Likewise, the role of the fig- section on the vessel types that bear the pictorial scenes, like- urative scenes on pots within the Mycenaean culture as a wise, is of a very general nature. whole is not discussed. It is, for example, interesting to see The work starts in earnest with the description of individ- that the repertoire of scenes remains fairly constant. A quan- ual fragments, grouped by pictorial motif: chariot, human, titative shift is visible from chariots and bulls to smaller ani- bull, deer, etc. A drawing of each fragment is available with mals such as birds and fish in the style of LH IIIC early. partial reconstructions of pot profiles and full-scale motifs. Somehow, this may be related to the fall of the Mycenaean The drawings are of good quality and this makes the book an on palaces and the resulting changing relations of power and excellent work of reference and for comparison. Unfortu- the means of expressing them in this period. These kind of nately, photographs are lacking altogether, because of which issues can now be tackled on the basis of the book under the reader cannot assess the degree of interpretation in the review. It is clear that Figürlich bemalte Keramik aus Tiryns drawings. In the description of the fragments references are is a landmark in the study of Mycenaean pictorial pottery and made to stratigraphical and chronological location, which a proper point of departure for further study. should, eventually, enable the reader to relate this sherd to its find context by consulting the final publications of the exca- The Netherlands Institute Gert Jan VAN WIJNGAARDEN vations. The description itself is limited to the pictorial dec- at Athens, February 2005 oration and stylistic details. There are several remarkable scenes, such as a chariot scene with a figure being attacked by a sphinx-like creature (Wagen 15) and a chariot scene in KORTE AANKONDIGINGEN which a seated person holds a drinking vessel in shape well known from archaeological sources (Wagen 17). (Damaszener Mitteilun- In the second part of the volume these Mycenaean pictor- DAMASZENER MITTEILUNGEN gen; Bd. 12). Verlag Philipp von Zabern GmbH, Mainz ial finds from Tiryns are included in a discussion of the am Rhein, 2000. (30 cm, VIII, 395, 87 Tafeln). ISBN 3- development of the Mycenaean pictorial style. The impor- 8053-2733-1. ISSN 0176 DM 198,- tance of the new Tiryns material is clear from the fact that Güntner is able to further specify various stylistic phases, The twelfth volume in this now well-established series especially for LH IIIA and LH IIIB. For the LH IIIC ceramic contains articles dealing mainly with the later periods of Syr- phase important new publications have appeared in the last ian archaeology. The exceptions are Jajal Bakdach “Die few years (notably: Mountjoy, P.A. 1999: Regional Deco- paläolithischen Freilandfundstellen auf dem Hochplateau um rated, Mycenaean Pottery, Rahden). The discussion in the Jabrud und in der Nabek-Ebene” (pp. 1-16), H.-D. Bienert book under review on this stylistic phase does not always & B. Müller-Neuhof’s “Im Schutz der Ahnen? Bestat- relate well to the later publications. The distinction between tungssitten im präkeramischen Neolithikum Jordaniens” (pp. ‘end LH IIIB’ and ‘early LH IIIC’ is not clear, since they are 17-29), “Polish Excavations at Tell Abu Hafur, Area A — sometimes distinguished and elsewhere grouped together. Season 1990“(R. Kolinski, pp. 31-53), and A. Abu Assaf’s Nor is it entirely clear how the succeeding phase LH IIIC “Euphratabwärts. Funde aus Gurf al Ahmar” (pp. 55-59). ‘developed/advanced’ relates to the terminology that is now The other contributions deal with Hellenistic, Palmyrene, used by Mountjoy and others. Early Christian and Islamic archaeology from such sites as The detailed stylistic discussion of the Mycenaean pictor- Baalbek, Qanawat, Palmyra, Rasafa, Damascus etc. Among ial finds from Tiryns enables Güntner to discuss painter’s these, K.S. Freyberger contributes two articles, one lengthy workshops and individual painters. He is able to assign indi- one on the architecture and origin of Baalbek’s so-called Bac- vidual fragments to painters already identified from material chus temple and another on the Zeus Megistos temple in from other sites, such as the ‘Painter of the Shield bearers’. Qanawat.. He also introduces new painters and workshops, to which The volume is exceptionally weel-produced, as usual, with finds from Tiryns, as well as from other sites are assigned. excellent photographs and very few printing errors. The value of such assignments becomes especially clear when the chronological and spatial distribution of the Myce- ** naean pictorial pottery in the Mediterranean is discussed. The * 357 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ARABICA 358

ANSON, D., and B. HUBAND — Corpus of Cypriot Antiq- uities 19: Cypriote Pottery in New Zealand Collections. (Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology Vol. XX: 19). Paul Åströms Förlag, Partille, 2000. (30 cm, 49, 145 fig- ures, 145 plates). ISBN 91-7081-194-6. The present work contains data on 145 pieces of pottery, broken and whole, of the Cypriote Bronze and Iron Ages, stemming from various local museum collections. The cur- rent fashion of Museum Archaeology the publication of col- lections of artefacts, even if most of them have no good archaeological context, provides a necessary follow up to the sometimes rather indiscriminate way collections were formed, especially in the first half of the twentieth century. Although of course private collections should be abolished altogether, museums do have a public function, and provided their showcases are filled with material from controlled exca- vations, and with sufficient documentation, such collections serve a valuable objective. Given the enormous backlog in publication that museum all over the world still have con- cerning their collections, the present booklet can be wel- comed. It is well-produced with usable photographs and drawings of all 145 vessels.