Fourth Belgrade Story About Reclaiming Land

Home , History of Belgrade, New Belgrade

Dijana Milenov Bachelor of Design in Architecture University of Florida, 2014

Signature redacted Signature of Author:

Dijana Milenov Department of Architecture, January 17 th 2019

Certified by: Signature redacted

Ana Miljacki Associate Professor of Architecture, Thesis Supervisor

Accepted by: Signature redacted MASSACHUSlS INSTITUTE Nasser Rabbat OF TECHNOWOGY Aga Khan Professor Chair of the Department Committee on Graduate Students APR 10 21 I LIBRARIES

Submitted to the Department of Architecture in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. February 2019 2019 Dijana Milenov. All Rights Reserved. The author hereby grants to MIT permission to reproduce and to distribute publicly paper and electronic copies of this thesis document in whole or in part in any medium now known or hereafter created. Thesis Committee

Ana Miljacki Associate Professor of Architecture Thesis Supervisor

Azra Aksamija Associate Professor of Art, Culture and Technology Thesis Reader

Mariana Ibanez Assistant Professor of Architecture Thesis Reader

Maya Shopova Teaching Fellow at Architetcure Department Thesis Reader 2 -A

Abstract

Fourth Belgrade Story About Reclaiming Land by Dijana Milenov

Submitted to the Department of Architecture on January 16th, 2019 in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Architecture.

In light of Yugoslavian socialist heritage, the violent transition into capitalism and current developer's logics, this thesis is using architecture to imagine a path not taken, an alternative outcome and value system which challenges the idea of one-directional progress.

In August of 2018, PKB- a publicly owned cattle and crop production corporation and one of the main food producers in Serbia since 1945, was put on tender. The firm and its 300 sq km big land just north of Belgrade was to be traded for fifty percent of its estimated value with no guarantee that the new owner would continue the food production business. In addition, according to the UN housing expert report, "Serbia's housing crisis demands immediate action" ; over seventy percent of households in Serbia are heavily burdened with costs of utilities, renting prices or paying off housing depths.

As a response to the housing and food insecurity crises in Serbia, the thesis imagines a new village typology and a way of living on the PKB land, called Fourth Belgrade. Fourth Belgrade preserves the postulates of the right to housing and communal living which led previous Belgrade developments. However, communal living is not only based on nuclear family structures. Rather, it consists of multiple scales of sharing and individual choice. In addition, contemporary conditions brought about communities which are organized around land and food as resources which resist commodification. Food as culture...This new definition of village incorporates the whole society in the sustenance and ultimately culture production processes, as an outcome of the local histories.

Thesis Supervisor Ana Miljacki Associate professor of Architecture

1"Serbia's housing crisis demands immediate action, says UN housing expert. "UN Human Rights. http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewslD=16007&LanglD=E (4/16/2018) 2"Financial burden of the total housing cost- EU-SILC survey. " Eurostat. http://appsso.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/nui/show.do?dataset=ilcmded04&lang=en (4/16/2018)

3 Acknowledgments

To my committee and Ana - for all the understanding, criticism and support; for being my role models. I feel very privileged that I had you help me grow and enjoy learning.

To Maya - for always being there for me as a faithful friend, mentor and inspiration throughout all these years.

To Melika and Ching - for your great friendship and help during the last push of my thesis project.

To Nikola - for your endless patience, love and support.

To my family, Miluska i Nada Milenov, Marija i Veljko Jankovi', Ivica i Mila Milenov Slobodan Milenov, Radivoj i Nada Lati6, Anna Ryan and all other people without whose help and trust I would not be able to finalize my studies. 5

Fourth Belgrade Story About Reclaiming Land

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fig- I1 The story begins in 1948 when, on the marshland between Belgrade and a small town, Zemun, Yugoslavian new socialist regime initiated the construction of New Belgrade - the new capital to fit the equally new Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia.

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F' 9 Once the plans were accepted, over 50,000 young people offered their volunteer labor in the construction process: draining the swamp and seeding the creation of the socialist dream.

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fig.3 Three years after the end of World War II, after an open dispute with the Soviet Union...

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fig.4 as Yugoslavia was questioning its own place in the bipolar world, its economists proposed a new model of socialism based on self-management and decentralization.

15 fig. 5 Within this system, each firm was restructured as a nonprofit organization. They were led by the self-organized board of workers who invested excess funds into building housing for the employees. Thus, in New Belgrade CEO's and factory workers of one firm lived in a same building, in same living conditions.

17 A, 4,. ~ .At al ,dimr fig.6 The First Yugoslav Forum on Housing and Construction (1956) articulated "The right to housing as a basic legal institution, providing one of the most important means of life to the working classes." 1 This position, housing as a constitutional right would underpin the general housing policy and design aspirations that pre- vailed in postwar Yugoslavia.

Dubravka Sekulki, "Don't Stare So Romantically: On Extralegal Space in Belgrade", Volume #38, 03/11/2014, 01/16/2019, http://volumeproject.org/dont-stare-so-romantically-on-extralegal-space-in-belgrade/ 19 -im -1

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fig. 7 Yugoslavia's self - management structure was an imperfect and continuously evolving experiment but it contributed a great deal of agency to workers as well as to architects and urban planners. And, New Belgrade was their testing ground.

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fi. The land was divided into blocks - where each consisted of

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fig. 12 cultural and social spaces.

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41w, kmt 40 I 4, t I The block was perceived as the extension of the house where small apartments looked inwardly onto the community and public space.

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fig. 14 One of the outcomes of the process was a development of a 'Belgrade apartment'. The Belgrade Architecture School attempted to reconcile the privacy of individuals with the communal life of a family, particularly several generations living side by side, which was often the case during the housing shortage.

35 fig.15 Industry and economy were shaped in parallel with the developments of New Belgrade, PKB - a publicly owned cattle and crop production corporation and one of the main food producers in Serbia was launched in 1945.

37 fig. 16 Its success was in providing food "from the field to the table." Which meant that the business included food production and research facilities but also ...

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fig. 18 as well as tourist-catering services. Set up this way, PKB has fed most of the Bel- grade and further areas for decades.

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fig. 19 After more than seventy years since the beginning of New Belgrade's construction, and almost thirty years since the state that envisioned it, was violently dispersed, both PKB and Serbian housing were still not doing that well. With the rapid ideo- logical shift and the long-lasting war, Serbia has undergone enormous challenges, facing structural adjustments, public space deterioration, high unemployment and poverty.

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fig. 20 New Belgrade went through numerous mutations as well but it stayed a popular district where the old socialist buildings did not follow a path of destruction and disdain as was the case with some of similar housing projects globally. On the con- trary, the neighborhoods retained vividness and high market value.

47 fig. 21 Yet multiple generations are still forced to live side by side. According to the Eu- ropean statistics center, Serbia is the first on the list in Europe for "Households with heavy financial burden due to the housing costs".1 Moreover, more than two thirds of people from 18 to 34 years old, still live with their parents.2 An affordable housing shortage is estimated to about 100 000 units only in Belgrade.

1. "Eurostat", European Commission, 12/14/18, 1/4/2019, http://appsso.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/nui/show.do?dataset=ilcmded04&lang=en

2. Andriana Jankovi6, " Vise od 69,5 odsto mladih u Srbiji zivi sa roditeljima, a evo i zbog 6ega", Blic, 10/24/2016, 1/4/2019, https://www.blic. rs/vesti/d rustvo/vise-od-695-odsto-m ladi h-u-srbiji-zivi-sa-rod iteijima-a-evo-i-zbog-cega/909qhwx 49 -am

fig. 22 During Serbia's transition to capitalism, PKB production cycle was interrupted. After 2000, PKB profitable parts such as food processing and selling branches were secluded and then sold off. Thus, PKB remained at the level of raw material production, which is far less profitable than the processing industry or trade. It remained a very productive company, but no longer a very profitable one.

Meanwhile, Serbian authorities decided to sell some of the most valuable pieces of public land in Belgrade. In 2014, the government and an Emirates developer, signed a contract for building Belgrade Waterfront - a luxury development with lavish housing and a large shopping center.

53 Ibl ftinh ;or, Ii%'W X The average apartment price in this complex equals 76 years of Serbian average salary.1 These apartments are affordable to 1 % of the population.

1. "Najskuplji kvadrat u Srbiji u ,Beogradu na vodi"- 7.111 evra", Politika, 3/1/2018, 1/4/2019, http://www.politika.rs/sr/clanak/399271/Najskuplji-kvadrat-u-Srbiji-u-Beogradu-na-vodi-7-111-evra 55 ~r i~r-

IA- Four years later, in August of 2018, PKB corporation was also put on tender. The firm and its 300 sq km big land just north of Belgrade, was to be traded for 50% of its estimated value with no guarantee that the new owner would continue the food production business.

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fig. 26 Led by two bottom up organizations, the impoverished public began opposing PKB's privatization. Fearing food insecurity and exploitation, and structuring a new format for collective and co-ownership they took over the PKB territory. These were not only the workers, even though there were many of them, but also techno nomads, bakers, lawyers, architects, hairdressers, refugees...many with a strong political stance on the importance of perceiving land and food as basic resources.

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fig. 27 After months of unrest and legal battle, and the election of a new breed of a radical young government, the alternative ownership strategy was made possible for the PKB lands and company. PKB is now a contemporary self-management entity with expanded production, processing and selling sectors around which new settlements are being formed. The country makes available pieces of land for PKB and other self-managed companies and private groups that want to invest in housing for their employers or pensioners. The development was named Forth Belgrade, acknowledging the history of Belgrade's growth and heritage.

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In order to prevent the large-scale privatization processes for a single beneficiary, a new zoning strategy was adopted. On the first glance the map looks the same as before, with the large agricultural zoning on the PKB territory. Yet, the closer look shows 100 000 new apartments divided into five communities, spreading in a way to subdivide, protect and merge with the land. The settlements are linearly struc- tured to both reach and protect large production areas but also to create densities at its nodes.

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Block 29, New Belgrade Traditional Vojvodina village houses

. The housing units hybridize elements of the traditional individual homes in local villages- they are close to the production land and linearly organized along the porch, with some possibility of growth. Now they are transformed with organiza- tional and programmatic logics found in the modernist blocks of New Belgrade.

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One type of these density clusters is a so-called Playground Community. Families with children love these types of clusters. Kids can freely play in the courtyard while the neighbors maintain a watchful eye. The playgroup clusters are also convenient for sport lovers and morning exercises or perhaps elders who enjoy watching children's play. Here, spaces inbetween a few of the units becomes es- pecially active in the summer when the inhabitants open up their living rooms and kitchens and create an outdoor cluster of domestic space, production and play.

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Each of the units in Fourth Belgrade has a direct connecting to a private piece of land which gives a level of agency to the owners for expansion or simply a private garden. In addition, every unit in the Playground cluster shares a balcony or a mini courtyard with one other apartment. Two single moms that work at PKB decided to live here together. In their double house they share a mini courtyard, kitchen, living and dining room as well as house responsibilities and gratifications.

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Party cluster - Personal plots Even in the collective housing everyone has a private plot which is visible from their bedroom. An agriculture student, who lives in the Party cluster, uses his plot to test plant crossbreeding. Other students combined their plots and built a basketball court.

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The collective housing is most common in the Party clusters. These are terraced structures which allow large parties or networking events on their public stairs and rooftops with the view on the fields.

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In the winter, however, the so-called Teaching clusters are the most visited once. The housing notches onto indoor communal spaces such as wood working work- shops, communal kitchens or simply flexible community spaces for chess tour- naments, journalists meetings or elders' organizations... This is where apple jam making, rakija brewing and other local traditions are carried over from generation to generation.

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Disclaimer: In September of 2018, PKB was sold to an Emirati company, El Dahra. The real outcome of that decision is to be seen.

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