The Case of Fratelli D'italia
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CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism
CDSMS EDITED BY JEREMIAH MORELOCK CRITICAL THEORY AND AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock Critical, Digital and Social Media Studies Series Editor: Christian Fuchs The peer-reviewed book series edited by Christian Fuchs publishes books that critically study the role of the internet and digital and social media in society. Titles analyse how power structures, digital capitalism, ideology and social struggles shape and are shaped by digital and social media. They use and develop critical theory discussing the political relevance and implications of studied topics. The series is a theoretical forum for in- ternet and social media research for books using methods and theories that challenge digital positivism; it also seeks to explore digital media ethics grounded in critical social theories and philosophy. Editorial Board Thomas Allmer, Mark Andrejevic, Miriyam Aouragh, Charles Brown, Eran Fisher, Peter Goodwin, Jonathan Hardy, Kylie Jarrett, Anastasia Kavada, Maria Michalis, Stefania Milan, Vincent Mosco, Jack Qiu, Jernej Amon Prodnik, Marisol Sandoval, Se- bastian Sevignani, Pieter Verdegem Published Critical Theory of Communication: New Readings of Lukács, Adorno, Marcuse, Honneth and Habermas in the Age of the Internet Christian Fuchs https://doi.org/10.16997/book1 Knowledge in the Age of Digital Capitalism: An Introduction to Cognitive Materialism Mariano Zukerfeld https://doi.org/10.16997/book3 Politicizing Digital Space: Theory, the Internet, and Renewing Democracy Trevor Garrison Smith https://doi.org/10.16997/book5 Capital, State, Empire: The New American Way of Digital Warfare Scott Timcke https://doi.org/10.16997/book6 The Spectacle 2.0: Reading Debord in the Context of Digital Capitalism Edited by Marco Briziarelli and Emiliana Armano https://doi.org/10.16997/book11 The Big Data Agenda: Data Ethics and Critical Data Studies Annika Richterich https://doi.org/10.16997/book14 Social Capital Online: Alienation and Accumulation Kane X. -
Turkish Conservatives and Cyprus in Foreign Policy in the Context of Constructivist Theory and Identity; 1960-1980 Era
TURKISH CONSERVATIVES AND CYPRUS IN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF CONSTRUCTIVIST THEORY AND IDENTITY; 1960-1980 ERA A THESIS SUBMITTED TO INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF YILDIRIM BEYAZIT UNIVERSITY BY BURAK BINARCI IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AUGUST 2014 PLAGIARISM I hereby declare that all information in this thesis has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work; otherwise I accept all legal responsibility. Name, Last name : Signature : iii ABSTRACT TURKISH CONSERVATIVES AND CYPRUS IN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF CONSTRUCTIVIST THEORY AND IDENTITY; 1960-1980 ERA BINARCI, BURAK MASTER THESIS OF DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS SUPERVISOR PROF. DR. MUSTAFA SITKI BILGIN AUGUST-2014, 118 PAGES Nearly all analysis of Turkish Foreign Policy in Cold War era has been made with rational approaches which are Realist/neo-realist power politics-based, up until today. Analyses are excluded from social factors as culture, value and history etc… However, Constructivist Theory of International Relations make an analysis by giving meaning to rational parameters as power, structure, anarchy, interest etc… by emphasising social construction process and putting forward Identity concept. Constructivist Theory claim that it is true way to evaluate realities with their all social aspects in contrary to rational theories. Besides, when Alexander Wendt, who is the most important name of theory, examines state acts in international politics, he uses state identity internationally. -
Governo Berlusconi Iv Ministri E Sottosegretari Di
GOVERNO BERLUSCONI IV MINISTRI E SOTTOSEGRETARI DI STATO MINISTRI CON PORTAFOGLIO Franco Frattini, ministero degli Affari Esteri Roberto Maroni, ministero dell’Interno Angelino Alfano, ministero della Giustizia Giulio Tremonti, ministero dell’Economia e Finanze Claudio Scajola, ministero dello Sviluppo Economico Mariastella Gelmini, ministero dell’Istruzione Università e Ricerca Maurizio Sacconi, ministero del Lavoro, Salute e Politiche sociali Ignazio La Russa, ministero della Difesa; Luca Zaia, ministero delle Politiche Agricole, e Forestali Stefania Prestigiacomo, ministero dell’Ambiente, Tutela Territorio e Mare Altero Matteoli, ministero delle Infrastrutture e Trasporti Sandro Bondi, ministero dei Beni e Attività Culturali MINISTRI SENZA PORTAFOGLIO Raffaele Fitto, ministro per i Rapporti con le Regioni Gianfranco Rotondi, ministro per l’Attuazione del Programma Renato Brunetta, ministro per la Pubblica amministrazione e l'Innovazione Mara Carfagna, ministro per le Pari opportunità Andrea Ronchi, ministro per le Politiche Comunitarie Elio Vito, ministro per i Rapporti con il Parlamento Umberto Bossi, ministro per le Riforme per il Federalismo Giorgia Meloni, ministro per le Politiche per i Giovani Roberto Calderoli, ministro per la Semplificazione Normativa SOTTOSEGRETARI DI STATO Gianni Letta, sottosegretario di Stato alla Presidenza del Consiglio dei ministri, con le funzioni di segretario del Consiglio medesimo PRESIDENZA DEL CONSIGLIO DEI MINISTRI Maurizio Balocchi, Semplificazione normativa Paolo Bonaiuti, Editoria Michela Vittoria -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
The Center-Right in a Search for Unity and the Re-Emergence of the Neo
The center-right in a search for unity and the re-emergence of the neo-fascist right Elisabetta De Giorgi a and Filippo Tronconi b aPortugese Institute of International Relations (IPRI), Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisbon, Portugal; bDepartment of Social and Political Sciences, University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy ABSTRACT In 2017, the parties of the centre-right camp – Silvio Berlusconi’sForza Italia, Matteo Salvini’s (Northern) League and Giorgia Meloni’sFratelli d’Italia – faced the puzzle of deciding whether to participate in the imminent general elections as allies or as rivals. On the one hand they had partially different aims (especially in relation to the European Union issue) and the problem of choosing the leadership of the alli- ance; on the other, the new electoral system, partially based on single- member districts, forced them to present common candidates in order to maximize their chances of reaching a majority of seats in parliament. In this article, we outline the stages through which the centre-right parties attempted to solve this puzzle over the course of the year, finally reaching an agreement to make a formal electoral alliance. In the final section of the article, we focus on one additional political actor of the right wing: the neo-fascist movements, notably Forza Nuova and CasaPound, which received significant media coverage during 2017. We describe how these movements were able to gain center stage and what this implied for the mainstream centre-right parties. In a way, the year 2017 began for the center-right on January 21 in Koblenz. On that date the leaders of the main extreme right parties in Europe came together in the German city for an event showcasing the visions and political aims that they shared. -
The Crisis of European Politics Iain Murray Vice President for Strategy
The Crisis of European Politics Iain Murray Vice President for Strategy Competitive Enterprise Institute Remarks delivered at the Heritage Foundation event, The Future of the EU: Understanding the Roots of Political Fragmentation in Europe , January 12 th 2017. It may seem odd that at a panel sponsored by America’s leading conservative think tank, the Heritage Foundation, I am going to take as my text in discussing the crisis of European politics, F.A. Hayek’s essay, “Why I am not a Conservative.” Yet I think many of the insights the great Nobel laureate delivered in 1960 when he penned his piece are vital to understanding what is happening in Europe today. It is my contention that much of what is called European populism is actually a phenomenon of resurgent nationalist conservatism thanks to separate crises in the continent’s two other dominant ideologies – socialism and liberalism. Yet that is not something American conservatives should necessarily cheer, and, indeed, European conservativism is itself going through a crisis of its own, one that may have lessons for American conservatives. Before I explain further, I should first of all state that European conservativism is, and always has been, different from Anglo-American conservativism. For the Anglo-American conservative, our heritage is liberty. Anglo-American conservatives defend economic freedom, political freedom, and civil liberties. It was two great conservatives – William Wilberforce and Abraham Lincoln – who ended the slave trade and freed slaves in America. The American Revolution was a conservative revolution, aimed at protecting ancient rights from arbitrary power. Conservatives today look back at our heritage and says that those old freedoms must be protected. -
Inheriting the Yugoslav Century: Art, History, and Generation
Inheriting the Yugoslav Century: Art, History, and Generation by Ivana Bago Department of Art, Art History and Visual Studies Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Kristine Stiles, Supervisor ___________________________ Mark Hansen ___________________________ Fredric Jameson ___________________________ Branislav Jakovljević ___________________________ Neil McWilliam Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Art, Art History and Visual Studies in the Graduate School of Duke University 2018 ABSTRACT Inheriting the Yugoslav Century: Art, History, and Generation by Ivana Bago Department of Art, Art History and Visual Studies Duke University ___________________________ Kristine Stiles, Supervisor ___________________________ Mark Hansen ___________________________ Fredric Jameson ___________________________ Branislav Jakovljević ___________________________ Neil McWilliam An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Art, Art History and Visual Studies in the Graduate School of Duke University 2018 Copyright by Ivana Bago 2018 Abstract The dissertation examines the work contemporary artists, curators, and scholars who have, in the last two decades, addressed urgent political and economic questions by revisiting the legacies of the Yugoslav twentieth century: multinationalism, socialist self-management, non- alignment, and -
E42 Mark Blyth & David Kertzer Mixdown
Brown University Watson Institute | E42_Mark Blyth & David Kertzer_mixdown [MUSIC PLAYING] MARK BLYTH: Hello, and welcome to a special edition of Trending Globally. My name is Mark Blyth. Today, I'm interviewing David Kertzer. David is the former provost here at Brown University. But perhaps more importantly, he knows more about Italy than practically anybody else we can find. Given that the elections have just happened in Italy and produced yet another kind of populist shock, we thought is was a good idea to bring him in and have a chat. Good afternoon, David. DAVID KERTZER: Thanks for having me, Mark. MARK BLYTH: OK, so let's try and put this in context for people. Italy's kicked off. Now, we could talk about what's happening right now today, but to try and get some context on this, I want to take us back a little bit. This is not the first time the Italian political system-- indeed the whole Italian state-- has kind of blown up. I want to go back to 1994. That's the last time things really disintegrated. Start there, and then walk forward, so then we can talk more meaningfully about the election. So I'm going to invite you to just take us back to 1994. Tell us about what was going on-- the post-war political compact, and then [BLOWS RASPBERRY] the whole thing fell apart. DAVID KERTZER: Well, right after World War II, of course, it was a new political system-- the end of the monarchy. There is a republic. The Christian Democratic Party, very closely allied with the Catholic Church, basically dominated Italian politics for decades. -
La Deroga Concessa Al Movimento Politico Fratelli D
OSSERVATORIO luglio 2013 LA FORMAZIONE DEI GRUPPI PARLAMENTARI NELLA XVII LEGISLATURA: LA DEROGA CONCESSA AL MOVIMENTO POLITICO FRATELLI D’ITALIA E LE SUE RICADUTE IN TERMINI POLITICO-ORGANIZZATIVI di Arianna Carminati - Ricercatrice di Istituzioni di diritto pubblico presso l’Università degli Studi di Brescia Sommario : 1. Premessa. – 2. La nascita di Fratelli d’Italia sul finire della XVI legislatura: la richiesta di rinnovamento del centrodestra come elemento identitario della nuova forza politica. – 3. La genesi parlamentare del progetto politico Fratelli d’Italia e il suo effimero radicamento organizzativo. – 4. La decisione dell’Ufficio di Presidenza di autorizzare i nove deputati di Fratelli d’Italia a costituirsi in gruppo autonomo. – 5. Il passaggio fiduciario e il posizionamento di Fratelli d’Italia all’opposizione del governo Letta. – 6. La manovra della maggioranza diretta ad eleggere l’on. La Russa alla carica di presidente della Giunta per le autorizzazioni in rappresentanza delle opposizioni. – 7. La richiesta, tuttora pendente, del gruppo Fratelli d’Italia di poter esprimere un proprio rappresentante nella Giunta per il regolamento. 1. Premessa. La cronaca che segue ricostruisce problematicamente le conseguenze che sono derivate dal riconoscimento al movimento politico Fratelli d’Italia (FDI) della facoltà di costituirsi in gruppo autonomo, alla Camera dei deputati, nonostante la sua esigua consistenza numerica. La ricostruzione dà conto, preliminarmente, delle circostanze che hanno determinato la nascita di questa forza politica e le iniziative che l’hanno successivamente caratterizzata. Questa premessa chiarisce i presupposti politico-istituzionali alla luce dei quali è maturata la decisione dell’Ufficio di Presidenza della Camera di applicare il secondo comma dell’art. -
Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society. -
Seduta Del 29 Luglio 2020
XVIII LEGISLATURA Assemblea RESOCONTO STENOGRAFICO ALLEGATI ASSEMBLEA 246ª seduta pubblica mercoledì 29 luglio 2020 Presidenza del presidente Alberti Casellati, indi del vice presidente Calderoli, del vice presidente Rossomando e del vice presidente La Russa Senato della Repubblica – 2 – XVIII LEGISLATURA 246ª Seduta ASSEMBLEA - INDICE 29 Luglio 2020 I N D I C E G E N E R A L E RESOCONTO STENOGRAFICO ........................................................ 5 ALLEGATO A (contiene i testi esaminati nel corso della seduta) .. 135 ALLEGATO B (contiene i testi eventualmente consegnati alla Presidenza dagli oratori, i prospetti delle votazioni qualificate, le comunicazioni all’Assemblea non lette in Aula e gli atti di indirizzo e di controllo) .. 167 Senato della Repubblica – 3 – XVIII LEGISLATURA 246ª Seduta ASSEMBLEA - INDICE 29 Luglio 2020 I N D I C E PRESIDENTE ............................................................. ...67 RESOCONTO STENOGRAFICO DOCUMENTI SULL'ORDINE DEI LAVORI Ripresa della discussione congiunta dei Docc. LVII, n. PRESIDENTE ............................................................... ...5 3, sezione III, e LVII-bis, n. 2 SULLA SCOMPARSA DI GIULIO MACERATINI PRESIDENTE ............ ...67, 91, 95, 97, 101, 109, 130, 131 PRESIDENTE ............................................................... ...5 PARAGONE (Misto) .................................................. ...67 URSO (FdI) ................................................................ ...6 D'ALFONSO (PD) .................................................... -
An Uncertain Italy
Geographical Overview | EU’s Mediterranean Countries Panorama An Uncertain Italy Marc Lazar has submitted his resignation in the wake of this dis- Professor of History and Political Sociology at aster. In fact, the PD’s defeat is yet another example Sciences Po, Paris of the deep crisis of the entire continental European President, School of Government, Libera Università left. For its part, Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia, with Internazionale degli Studi Sociali Guido Carli (LUISS), 14% of the votes, has obtained its lowest election Rome results since it was founded in 1994. Il Cavaliere, at 81 years of age, no longer mobilizes anyone but his most diehard followers and no longer aggregates an The results of the 4 March 2018 Italian elections are arc of broader forces behind him ranging from the paradoxical. On the one hand, they clearly show extreme right to the centre. He has thus been great- Geographical Overview Mediterranean | EU’s Countries three winners and three losers. On the other hand, ly weakened by the results of this election. The ex- they have made Italy enter a stage of extreme politi- haustion of his party, which exists nearly exclusively cal uncertainty. for and by him, attests to a more generalized phe- The losers are, first and foremost, the two main po- nomenon, that of the difficulties of the European 192 litical parties that had been attempting to impose right, as can be seen, for instance, in France, Ger- their hegemony for years on their respective ends of many, Austria and Spain. In Italy, as elsewhere, the the political spectrum.