By Ira K. Lindsay a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

By Ira K. Lindsay a Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy A HUMEAN THEORY OF PROPERTY RIGHTS by Ira K. Lindsay A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Philosophy) in the University of Michigan 2014 Doctoral Committee: Professor Peter A. Railton, Chair Professor Elizabeth S. Anderson Professor Allan F. Gibbard Professor Scott A. Hershovitz © Ira K. Lindsay 2014 DEDICATION For R. Kenneth and Sylvia Lindsay parents and teachers ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I came to Michigan in 2004 to study philosophy. I had a keen interest in ethics, but little background in the subject, much less philosophical views on it. Peter Railton, Elizabeth Anderson, and Allan Gibbard provided a wonderful education in moral psychology, metaethics, political philosophy normative ethics and much else. After several years devoted to legal education and training, I returned to Ann Arbor in 2011 because of them. To my great good fortune, Scott Hershovitz had joined Michigan Law School while I was away. This work is influenced not only by their advice as members of my committee, but also by my studies with each of them, sometimes in subtle or unexpected ways. I am also thankful for support, encouragement and guidance from numerous other members (past and present) of Michigan’s philosophy department including Sarah Buss, Victor Caston, Steve Darwall, Matt Evans, Jim Joyce, Michelle Kosch, Louis Loeb, Ishani Maitra, Gabe Mendlow, Scott Shapiro, Jamie Tappenden, and Rich Thomason. Chloe Armstrong, Paul Boswell, Annette Bryson, Dmitri Gallow, Nils Hennes-Stear, Jeremy Lent, Chip Sebens, Jon Shaheen, Patrick Shirreff, Will Thomas, and Robin Zheng commented on large parts of this work. Special thanks are due to two philosophers without whom this work would not have been written. Hans Oberdiek first introduced me to political philosophy as a freshman at Swarthmore College and has provided encouragement ever since. Jules Coleman guided my circuitous path from graduate school, through law school, two jobs as a lawyer and back to graduate school. It was Jules who first encouraged me to work on Hume’s theory of property, although it took me several years to fully appreciate the wisdom of this advice. Finally and most importantly, Irina Trenbach has continuously encouraged my studies despite the hardships they entail for the rest of our family. Over the course of ten years, six moves, three degrees, and two additions to our family, her enthusiasm has never flagged. Whatever has been accomplished here is truly a team effort. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION ........................................................................................................................ ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ......................................................................................................... iii ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................... v CHAPTER I - HUMEAN PROPERTY THEORY: A DEFENSE ...................................................... 1 CHAPTER II - PROPERTY AS GOVERNANCE AND WEALTH.................................................. 71 CHAPTER III - PROPERTY RIGHTS, TAX OBLIGATIONS..................................................... 132 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................ 181 iv ABSTRACT My dissertation defends a Humean theory of property rights against its neo-Lockean and ‘resource egalitarian’ rivals. Humean property rights are conventional and not grounded in pre- institutional moral entitlements. Nevertheless, the importance of property rights for facilitating social cooperation between people with differing views about justice gives them normative authority even when they do not conform to ideal principles of distributive justice or ‘natural right.’ I develop a conceptual architecture of property rights and property interests in order to dispel confusion about the relationship between property’s legal form and economic substance. Although the structure of property rights constrains the extent to which property ownership can be fragmented in the service of egalitarian distributive goals, robust private property rights are compatible with extensive social insurance. This analysis undermines the neo-Lockean position that all redistributive taxation is an infringement of property rights and provides an attractive middle ground between libertarianism and strong forms of egalitarianism. Humean theory justifies giving normative weight to pre-tax property entitlements when determining tax obligations. I use this insight to rebut Liam Murphy and Thomas Nagel’s argument that principles of tax equity are vacuous because pre-tax income has no moral significance. Viewing tax policy exclusively from the perspective of post-tax income effaces the important role of tax fairness norms in preventing wasteful tax policy when people disagree about fundamental principles of distributive justice. I distinguish my view from Gerald Gaus’ recent critique of Murphy and Nagel. Whereas Gaus is skeptical of redistributive taxation, my theory of tax fairness is compatible both with classical liberalism and with a more robust social welfare state. v CHAPTER I HUMEAN PROPERTY THEORY: A DEFENSE Discussions of property rights in political philosophy usually take John Locke as the central figure.1 Lockean property rights are central to an important strand of classical liberal and libertarian traditions and are often the target of criticism from those with views further to the left.2 Neo-Lockean views, such as Robert Nozick’s, are, however, a minority position. In the wake of the paradigm setting work of John Rawls, property rights are most often analyzed in light of more abstract principles of distributive justice. Under this approach, rules fixing property entitlements are an output of a theory of justice and not, as Lockeans would have it, an independent constraint on state action. I will call theories that evaluate property rights in light of abstract principles of distributive justice founded on some conception of equality ‘resource egalitarian’.3 Discussions of property in political philosophy are often structured as a debate 1 E.g., Jeremy Waldron, The Right to Private Property (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State and Utopia (New York: Basic Books, 1974). Despite Waldron’s longstanding interest in Lockean property, he has recently written, “I think it would be a good idea if [Hume’s] theory were as widely studied, or as widely used as a template for the study of property, as the Lockean theory presently is.” Jeremy Waldron, “‘To Bestow Stability upon Possession’: Hume’s Alternative to Locke” in Philosophical Foundations of Property Law, James E. Penner & Henry E. Smith, eds., (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 12. 2 E.g., Nozick, Anarchy, State and Utopia; Eric Mack, “The Natural Right of Property,” Social Philosophy & Policy 27 (Winter 2010): 53-78; Loren Lomasky, Persons, Rights, and the Moral Community (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987). 3 Resource egalitarianism is most strongly associated with the work of John Rawls, which is largely responsible for framing the resource egalitarian research agenda. However, Ronald Dworkin might be a better example of an archetypal resource egalitarian since his theory of distributive justice follows more directly from a conception of moral equality. See Ronald Dworkin, “What is Equality? Part 2: Equality of Resources,” Philosophy and Public Affairs 10, no. 4. (Autumn, 1981): 283-345. 1 between resource egalitarians and neo-Lockeans. There is, however, a third alternative. Humean theories of property rights provide an ideological middle ground between neo-Lockean and resource egalitarian theories. Humeans join resource egalitarians in rejecting natural rights as a source of property entitlements. But they join Lockeans in believing that private property rights are a constraint on state action independent of abstract principles of distributive justice. Although somewhat neglected in mainstream political philosophy,4 Hume’s theory of property was an important forerunner of game theoretic analysis of norms and conventions and Humean property theory is more closely connected with the social sciences than either of its rivals.5 In this chapter, I defend a Humean approach to property rights. Hume’s treatment of property rights in the Treatise is innovative, but far from comprehensive and so any Humean theory must fill in important details. My approach is Humean in that it embraces most of the elements of Hume’s theory, but is not exactly the same as Hume’s. I aim to show that Humean property theory is a compelling alternative to neo-Lockean and ‘resource egalitarian’ theories and will explore how it can ground a broader neo-Humean political theory. First, I will introduce the two main rivals to Humean property theory. Second, I briefly explain Hume’s account of property rights and artificial virtue in A Treatise of Human Nature. Third, I describe the advantages of Humean theory over neo-Lockean and resource egalitarian alternatives. Finally, I 4 Exceptions include Jerry Gaus, Jeremy Waldron and Brian Barry. See Gerald Gaus, The Order of Public Reason: A Theory of Freedom and Morality in a Diverse and Bounded World, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Jeremy Waldron, “The Advantages and Difficulties of the Humean Theory of Property,” Social Philosophy and Policy 11 (1994): 85–123; Brian Barry, A Treatise on Social
Recommended publications
  • Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State and Utopia Peter Vallentyne, University
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Missouri: MOspace Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State and Utopia Peter Vallentyne, University of Missouri-Columbia in The Twentieth Century: Quine and After (Vol. 5, of Central Works of Philosophy ) edited by John Shand (Acumen Publishing, 2006), pp. 86-103 Robert Nozick’s Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974), along with John Rawls’s A Theory of Justice (1971), radically changed the landscape in analytic political philosophy. For much of the preceding half-century, under the influence of logical positivism’s heavy emphasis on empirical verifiability, much of moral philosophy was taken up with meta-ethics (e.g., the semantics of moral discourse)—with little attention given to normative moral theories. Moreover, to the extent that normative theories were considered, utilitarianism was the center of attention. This all changed with the publication of Rawls’s articulation and defense of liberal egalitarianism and Nozick’s libertarian challenge to the legitimacy of anything more than the night-watchman state. At the core of Nozick’s book are two arguments. One is that a night-watchman state (which protects only against violence, theft, fraud, and breach of contract) could be legitimate, even without the consent of all those to be governed. The other is that nothing more extensive than the night-watchman state is legitimate, except with the consent of all. The argument is complex, and Nozick often inserts long—and very interesting—digressions. Below I shall focus only on his core argument. I shall thus not address his discussions of Rawls’ theory of justice (Ch.
    [Show full text]
  • Philosophers' Brief
    CAPITAL CASE No. 18-6135 In the Supreme Court of the United States ________________ JAMES K. KAHLER, Petitioner, v. STATE OF KANSAS, Respondent. ________________ On Writ of Certiorari to the Supreme Court of Kansas ________________ Brief of Philosophy Professors as Amici Curiae in Support of Petitioner ________________ EUGENE R. FIDELL (Counsel of Record) Feldesman Tucker Leifer Fidell LLP 1129 20th St., N.W., 4th Fl. Washington, DC 20036 (202) 256-8675 [email protected] Counsel for Amici Curiae QUESTION PRESENTED Do the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments per- mit a State to abolish the insanity defense? i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Interest of the Amici ................................................. 1 Summary of Argument ............................................. 1 Argument .................................................................. 2 I. THE MENTAL STATE ELEMENTS OF CRIMES ARE INSUFFICIENT FOR RESPONSIBILITY .............................. 2 II. SANITY IS NECESSARY FOR RESPONS- IBILITY AND SO ESSENTIAL TO BOTH THE DETERRENT AND RETRIBUTIVE AIMS OF CRIMINAL PUNISHMENT ........ 6 III.PRINCIPLES OF TOLERATION DO NOT SUPPORT DEFERENCE TO STATES THAT CHOOSE TO PUNISH THE MENTALLY ILL ......................................... 12 Conclusion ............................................................... 14 Appendix (List of Amici Curiae) ............................. 1a iii TABLE OF AUTHORITIES Cases: Durham v. United States, 214 F.2d 862 (D.C. Cir. 1954) .................................................... 14 Ford v. Wainwright,
    [Show full text]
  • PETER VALLENTYNE (January 4, 2021)
    PETER VALLENTYNE (January 4, 2021) Department of Philosophy Vallentynep at missouri dot edu University of Missouri Philosophy Dept.: (573) 882-2871 Columbia, MO 65211-4160 Fax: (573) 884-8949 PERSONAL Dual citizen of Canada and U.S.A. General proficiency in French, limited working proficiency in Italian and Spanish, elementary proficiency in modern Greek. EDUCATION Ph.D.: University of Pittsburgh, 1984. MA: University of Pittsburgh, 1981. BA: McGill University, 1978. Fellow of the Society of Actuaries (completion of professional exams), 1976. INSTRUCTIONAL POSITIONS Florence G. Kline Professor of Philosophy, University of Missouri: 2003- Visiting Professor, Xiamen University, China, summer school (2017) Visiting Professor, “Justice: Theory and Applications”, Summer University, Central European University, Budapest, Hungary (2011, 2013). Full Professor, Virginia Commonwealth University: 2000-2003 Associate Professor, Virginia Commonwealth University: 1990-2000. Assistant Professor, Virginia Commonwealth University: 1988-1990. Assistant Professor, University of Western Ontario: 1984-1988. ADMINISTRATIVE POSITIONS AND EXPERIENCE Director of Graduate Studies in Philosophy, U. Missouri (Fall 2018, Spring 2012, 2005- 2010) Director of Undergraduate Studies in Philosophy, U. Missouri (2012-14) Director, Philosophy, Virginia Commonwealth University: 1999-2000. Chair, Philosophy and Religious Studies, Virginia Commonwealth University: 1988-1999. Harvard Management Development Program (3 weeks): 1994. Administrative Associate to the President, Virginia Commonwealth University: Fall 1992 Actuarial Supervisor, Financial Forecasting Department, Great West Life Assurance Company: 1973-75. AWARDS AND GRANTS Faculty Award, University of Missouri-Columbia, Mizzou Alumni Association, 2019. Graduate Faculty Mentor Award, University of Missouri-Columbia, 2012-13. Liberty Fund contract ($44,500) for colloquium on liberty, self-ownership, and the right to property, 2002. Schalkenbach Foundation publication grant ($10,000 for research leave), 1999.
    [Show full text]
  • Libertarianism Karl Widerquist, Georgetown University-Qatar
    Georgetown University From the SelectedWorks of Karl Widerquist 2008 Libertarianism Karl Widerquist, Georgetown University-Qatar Available at: https://works.bepress.com/widerquist/8/ Libertarianism distinct ideologies using the same label. Yet, they have a few commonalities. [233] [V1b-Edit] [Karl Widerquist] [] [w6728] Libertarian socialism: Libertarian socialists The word “libertarian” in the sense of the believe that all authority (government or combination of the word “liberty” and the private, dictatorial or democratic) is suffix “-ian” literally means “of or about inherently dangerous and possibly tyrannical. freedom.” It is an antonym of “authoritarian,” Some endorse the motto: where there is and the simplest dictionary definition is one authority, there is no freedom. who advocates liberty (Simpson and Weiner Libertarian socialism is also known as 1989). But the name “libertarianism” has “anarchism,” “libertarian communism,” and been adopted by several very different “anarchist communism,” It has a variety of political movements. Property rights offshoots including “anarcho-syndicalism,” advocates have popularized the association of which stresses worker control of enterprises the term with their ideology in the United and was very influential in Latin American States and to a lesser extent in other English- and in Spain in the 1930s (Rocker 1989 speaking countries. But they only began [1938]; Woodcock 1962); “feminist using the term in 1955 (Russell 1955). Before anarchism,” which stresses person freedoms that, and in most of the rest of the world (Brown 1993); and “eco-anarchism” today, the term has been associated almost (Bookchin 1997), which stresses community exclusively with leftists groups advocating control of the local economy and gives egalitarian property rights or even the libertarian socialism connection with Green abolition of private property, such as and environmental movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse
    John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Faculty Research Working Papers Series Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse Nov 2003 RWP03-044 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. All works posted here are owned and copyrighted by the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism1 Mathias Risse John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University October 25, 2003 1. Left-libertarianism is not a new star on the sky of political philosophy, but it was through the recent publication of Peter Vallentyne and Hillel Steiner’s anthologies that it became clearly visible as a contemporary movement with distinct historical roots. “Left- libertarian theories of justice,” says Vallentyne, “hold that agents are full self-owners and that natural resources are owned in some egalitarian manner. Unlike most versions of egalitarianism, left-libertarianism endorses full self-ownership, and thus places specific limits on what others may do to one’s person without one’s permission. Unlike right- libertarianism, it holds that natural resources may be privately appropriated only with the permission of, or with a significant payment to, the members of society. Like right- libertarianism, left-libertarianism holds that the basic rights of individuals are ownership rights. Left-libertarianism is promising because it coherently underwrites both some demands of material equality and some limits on the permissible means of promoting this equality” (Vallentyne and Steiner (2000a), p 1; emphasis added).
    [Show full text]
  • Educational Rights and the Roles of Virtues, Perfectionism, and Cultural Progress
    The Law of Education: Educational Rights and the Roles of Virtues, Perfectionism, and Cultural Progress R. GEORGE WRIGHT* I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................... 385 II. EDUCATION: PURPOSES, RECENT OUTCOMES, AND LEGAL MECHANISMS FOR REFORM ................................................................ 391 A. EDUCATIONAL PURPOSES AND RIGHTS LANGUAGE ...................... 391 B. SOME RECENT GROUNDS FOR CONCERN IN FULFILLING EDUCATIONAL PURPOSES ............................................................. 393 C. THE BROAD RANGE OF AVAILABLE TECHNIQUES FOR THE LEGAL REFORM OF EDUCATION ............................................................... 395 III. SOME LINKAGES BETWEEN EDUCATION AND THE BASIC VIRTUES, PERFECTIONISM, AND CULTURAL PROGRESS ..................................... 397 IV. VIRTUES AND THEIR LEGITIMATE PROMOTION THROUGH THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM ...................................................................... 401 V. PERFECTIONISM AND ITS LEGITIMATE PROMOTION THROUGH THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM ...................................................................... 410 VI. CULTURAL PROGRESS OVER TIME AND ITS LEGITIMATE PROMOTION THROUGH THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM .............................................. 417 VII. CONCLUSION: EDUCATION LAW AS RIGHTS-CENTERED AND AS THE PURSUIT OF WORTHY VALUES AND GOALS: THE EXAMPLE OF HORNE V. FLORES ............................................................................................ 431 I. INTRODUCTION The law of education
    [Show full text]
  • Quong-Left-Libertarianism.Pdf
    The Journal of Political Philosophy: Volume 19, Number 1, 2011, pp. 64–89 Symposium: Ownership and Self-ownership Left-Libertarianism: Rawlsian Not Luck Egalitarian Jonathan Quong Politics, University of Manchester HAT should a theory of justice look like? Any successful answer to this Wquestion must find a way of incorporating and reconciling two moral ideas. The first is a particular conception of individual freedom: because we are agents with plans and projects, we should be accorded a sphere of liberty to protect us from being used as mere means for others’ ends. The second moral idea is that of equality: we are moral equals and as such justice requires either that we receive equal shares of something—of whatever it is that should be used as the metric of distributive justice—or else requires that unequal distributions can be justified in a manner that is consistent with the moral equality of persons. These twin ideas—liberty and equality—are things which no sound conception of justice can properly ignore. Thus, like most political philosophers, I take it as given that the correct conception of justice will be some form of liberal egalitarianism. A deep and difficult challenge for all liberal egalitarians is to determine how the twin values of freedom and equality can be reconciled within a single theory of distributive justice. Of the many attempts to achieve this reconciliation, left-libertarianism is one of the most attractive and compelling. By combining the libertarian commitment to full (or nearly full) self-ownership with an egalitarian principle for the ownership of natural resources, left- libertarians offer an account of justice that appears firmly committed both to individual liberty, and to an egalitarian view of how opportunities or advantages must be distributed.
    [Show full text]
  • If Not Left-Libertarianism, Then What?
    COSMOS + TAXIS If Not Left-Libertarianism, then What? A Fourth Way out of the Dilemma Facing Libertarianism LAURENT DOBUZINSKIS Department of Political Science Simon Fraser University 8888 University Drive Burnaby, B.C. Canada V5A 1S6 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.sfu.ca/politics/faculty/full-time/laurent_dobuzinskis.html Bio-Sketch: Laurent Dobuzinskis’ research is focused on the history of economic and political thought, with special emphasis on French political economy, the philosophy of the social sciences, and public policy analysis. Abstract: Can the theories and approaches that fall under the more or less overlapping labels “classical liberalism” or “libertarianism” be saved from themselves? By adhering too dogmatically to their principles, libertarians may have painted themselves into a corner. They have generally failed to generate broad political or even intellectual support. Some of the reasons for this isolation include their reluctance to recognize the multiplicity of ways order emerges in different contexts and, more 31 significantly, their unshakable faith in the virtues of free markets renders them somewhat blind to economic inequalities; their strict construction of property rights and profound distrust of state institutions leave them unable to recommend public policies that could alleviate such problems. The doctrine advanced by “left-libertarians” and market socialists address these substantive weaknesses in ways that are examined in detail in this paper. But I argue that these “third way” movements do not stand any better chance than libertari- + TAXIS COSMOS anism tout court to become a viable and powerful political force. The deeply paradoxical character of their ideas would make it very difficult for any party or leader to gain political traction by building an election platform on them.
    [Show full text]
  • Libertarianism and the State Peter Vallentyne Classical Liberalism Emphasizes the Importance of Individual Liberty and Contempor
    Libertarianism and the State Peter Vallentyne Classical liberalism emphasizes the importance of individual liberty and contemporary (or welfare) liberalism tends to emphasize some kind of material equality. The best known form of libertarianism—right-libertarianism—is a version of classical liberalism, but there is also form of libertarianism—left-libertarianism—that combines the classical liberal concern for individual liberty with the contemporary liberal concern for a robust concern for material equality. In this paper, I shall assess whether libertarianism in general—and left-libertarianism in particular—can judge a state to be just without the universal consent of those it governs. Although Robert Nozick has argued, in Anarchy, State, and Utopia1, that libertarianism is compatible with the justice of a minimal state—even if does not arise from universal consent— few have been persuaded.2 Libertarianism holds that individuals have very strong rights of non- interference and all non-pacifist versions thereof hold that they also have strong enforcement rights. Given that these rights are typically understood as protecting choices, it is very difficult to see how a non-consensual state could be just. Those who have not consented to the state’s powers retain their enforcement rights, and the state violates their rights when it uses force against them to stop them from correctly and reliably enforcing their rights. I will outline a different way of establishing that a non-consensual libertarian state can be just. I will show that a state can—with a few important qualifications—justly enforce the rights of citizens and extract payments from wrongdoers to cover the costs of such enforcement.
    [Show full text]
  • Left-Libertarianism and Global Justice
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Missouri: MOspace Left-Libertarianism and Global Justice Nicolaus Tideman (Economics, Virginia Polytechnical and State University, [email protected]), and Peter Vallentyne Human Rights in Philosophy & Practice edited by Burton M. Leiser and Tom Campbell (Ashgate Publishing, 2001): 443-457. Abstract: We defend a version of left-libertarianism, and discuss some of its implications for global justice (and economic justice among nations in particular). Like the better known right-libertarianism, left-libertarianism holds that agents own themselves. Unlike right-libertarianism, left-libertarianism holds that natural resources (land, oil, air, etc.) are owned in some egalitarian sense and can be legitimately appropriated by individuals or groups only when the appropriations are compatible with the specified form of egalitarian ownership. We defend the thesis of self-ownership on the grounds that it is required to protect individuals adequately from interference in their lives by others. We then defend a particular conception of egalitarian ownership of natural resources according to which those who appropriate unappropriated natural resources must pay competitive rent (determined by supply and demand) for the rights that they have claimed. We then go on to apply the principles to issues of global justice. We defend the view that countries owe payments to a global fund for the value of unimproved natural resources that they have appropriated, and that this fund is to be divided on some egalitarian basis among the citizens of the world. We disagree, however, on whether the global fund is to be divided equally among all (so that no net rent is paid if one appropriates only a per capita share) or to be divided so as to promote effective equality of opportunity for a good life.
    [Show full text]
  • A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy
    A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy Blackwell Companions to Philosophy This outstanding student reference series offers a comprehensive and authoritative survey of philosophy as a whole. Written by today’s leading philosophers, each volume provides lucid and engaging coverage of the key fi gures, terms, topics, and problems of the fi eld. Taken together, the volumes provide the ideal basis for course use, representing an unparalleled work of reference for students and specialists alike. Already published in the series: 20. A Companion to Analytic Philosophy Edited by A. P. Martinich and David Sosa 1. The Blackwell Companion to Philosophy, 21. A Companion to Genethics Second edition Edited by Justine Burley and John Harris Edited by Nicholas Bunnin and Eric Tsui-James 22. A Companion to Philosophical Logic 2. A Companion to Ethics Edited by Dale Jacquette Edited by Peter Singer 23. A Companion to Early Modern Philosophy 3. A Companion to Aesthetics Edited by Steven Nadler Edited by David Cooper 24. A Companion to Philosophy in the Middle 4. A Companion to Epistemology Ages Edited by Jonathan Dancy and Ernest Sosa Edited by Jorge J. E. Gracia and Timothy B. Noone 5. A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy (2-volume set), Second edition 25. A Companion to African-American Edited by Robert E. Goodin, Philip Pettit and Philosophy Thomas Pogge Edited by Tommy L. Lott and John P. Pittman 6. A Companion to Philosophy of Mind 26. A Companion to Applied Ethics Edited by Samuel Guttenplan Edited by R. G. Frey and Christopher Heath Wellman 7. A Companion to Metaphysics Edited by Jaegwon Kim and Ernest Sosa 27.
    [Show full text]
  • Traces of a Libertarian Theory of Punishment
    TRACES OF A LIBERTARIAN THEORY OF PUNISHMENT ERIK LUNA* I. Libertarians love free markets. An individual's right to exchange his property by mutual agreement with others is considered a first principle of libertarianism and the basis for the creation of wealth and the achievement of social prosperity. In fact, there are very few circumstances in which consensual deals among rights-holders would be impermissible. When problems arise in business dealings, libertarians find attractive the voluntary settlement of conflicts in lieu of legal action, possibly through mechanisms of alternative dispute resolution. Litigation is costly and unproductive, impeding free-market transactions and interposing the judgments of those who have no rightful claim over the dispute. Given the backlog in courts and a general distaste for centralized decision making, "it makes sense to try to work problems out without having a third party impose a solution."' The same arguments would seem to apply in the arena of criminal justice and, in particular, to plea bargaining, the dominant means of resolving criminal cases in America today. Plea bargains are preferable to mandatory litigation... because compromise is better than conflict. Settlements of civil cases make both sides better off; settlements of criminal cases do so too. Defendants have many procedural and substantive rights. By pleading guilty, they sell these rights to the prosecutor, receiving concessions they esteem more highly than the rights surrendered.2 * Hugh B. Brown Chair in Law and Professor of Law, University of Utah S.J. Quinney College of Law. Co-Director, Utah Criminal Justice Center. My thanks to Troy Booher, Timothy Lynch, Alice Ristroph, and conference participants for their comments, to Bethany Rabe for research assistance, and to Michael O'Hear and Andrea Schneider for inviting me to participate in Marquette University Law School's plea bargaining conference.
    [Show full text]