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The Dread Taboo, Human Sacrifice, and Pearl Harbor
The Dread Taboo, Human Sacrifice, and Pearl Harbor RDKHennan The word taboo, or tabu, is well known to everyone, but it is especially interesting that it is one of but two or possibly three words from the Polynesian language to have been adopted by the English-speaking world. While the original meaning of the taboo was "Sacred" or "Set apart," usage has given it a decidedly secular meaning, and it has become a part of everyday speech all over the world. In the Hawaiian lan guage the word is "kapu," and in Honolulu we often see a sign on a newly planted lawn or in a park that reads, not, "Keep off the Grass," but, "Kapu." And to understand the history and character of the Hawaiian people, and be able to interpret many things in our modern life in these islands, one must have some knowledge of the story of the taboo in Hawaii. ANTOINETTE WITHINGTON, "The Dread Taboo," in Hawaiian Tapestry Captain Cook's arrival in the Hawaiian Islands signaled more than just the arrival of western geographical and scientific order; it was the arrival of British social and political order, of British law and order as well. From Cook onward, westerners coming to the islands used their own social civil codes as a basis to judge, interpret, describe, and almost uniformly condemn Hawaiian social and civil codes. With this condemnation, west erners justified the imposition of their own order on the Hawaiians, lead ing to a justification of colonialism and the loss of land and power for the indigenous peoples. -
Theories of Sacrifice and Ritual
UC Davis UC Davis Previously Published Works Title Inventing the Scapegoat: Theories of Sacrifice and Ritual Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/055689pg Journal Journal of Ritual Studies, 25(1) Author Janowitz, Naomi Publication Date 2011 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Inventing the Scapegoat: Theories of Sacrifice and Ritual No figure appears in studies of sacrifice more often than the scapegoat. Numerous societies, the argument goes, have a seemingly innate need to purge sins via an innocent victim. The killing of this victim constitutes the core of sacrifice traditions; explaining the efficacy of these rites outlines in turn the inner workings of all sacrifices, if not all rituals. I do not believe, however, that the enigmatic figure of the scapegoat can support a universal theory of sacrifice, especially if the general term “scapegoat” turns out refer to a variety of rituals with very different goals. Rene Girard’s extremely influential theory of the scapegoat includes a biological basis for the importance of the figure (Girard, 1977). According to Girard, humans are naturally aggressive, a la Konrad Lorenz. This innate aggression was channeled into an unending series of attacks and counterattacks during the earliest periods of history. A better outlet for aggression was to find a scapegoat whose death would stop the cycle of retribution (p. 2). For Girard, Oedipus was a human scapegoat, placing this model 2 at the center of Greek culture in addition to Biblical religious traditions (p. 72). Jonathan Smith’s observations on Girard’s model in “The Domestication of Sacrifice” are both simple and devastating (1987). -
The Qanon Conspiracy
THE QANON CONSPIRACY: Destroying Families, Dividing Communities, Undermining Democracy THE QANON CONSPIRACY: PRESENTED BY Destroying Families, Dividing Communities, Undermining Democracy NETWORK CONTAGION RESEARCH INSTITUTE POLARIZATION AND EXTREMISM RESEARCH POWERED BY (NCRI) INNOVATION LAB (PERIL) Alex Goldenberg Brian Hughes Lead Intelligence Analyst, The Network Contagion Research Institute Caleb Cain Congressman Denver Riggleman Meili Criezis Jason Baumgartner Kesa White The Network Contagion Research Institute Cynthia Miller-Idriss Lea Marchl Alexander Reid-Ross Joel Finkelstein Director, The Network Contagion Research Institute Senior Research Fellow, Miller Center for Community Protection and Resilience, Rutgers University SPECIAL THANKS TO THE PERIL QANON ADVISORY BOARD Jaclyn Fox Sarah Hightower Douglas Rushkoff Linda Schegel THE QANON CONSPIRACY ● A CONTAGION AND IDEOLOGY REPORT FOREWORD “A lie doesn’t become truth, wrong doesn’t become right, and evil doesn’t become good just because it’s accepted by the majority.” –Booker T. Washington As a GOP Congressman, I have been uniquely positioned to experience a tumultuous two years on Capitol Hill. I voted to end the longest government shut down in history, was on the floor during impeachment, read the Mueller Report, governed during the COVID-19 pandemic, officiated a same-sex wedding (first sitting GOP congressman to do so), and eventually became the only Republican Congressman to speak out on the floor against the encroaching and insidious digital virus of conspiracy theories related to QAnon. Certainly, I can list the various theories that nest under the QAnon banner. Democrats participate in a deep state cabal as Satan worshiping pedophiles and harvesting adrenochrome from children. President-Elect Joe Biden ordered the killing of Seal Team 6. -
Conflict Between Science and Superstition in Medical and Dental
Preprints (www.preprints.org) | NOT PEER-REVIEWED | Posted: 25 January 2021 doi:10.20944/preprints202101.0502.v1 Conflict between science and superstition in medical and dental practices Donat Uwayezu (1), Eustache Ntigura (1), Agnes Gatarayiha (1), Sarah Erem (2), Anwarul A. Majumder (3), Mainul Haque (4) & Mohammed S. Razzaque (1, 2, 5) 1Department of Preventive & Community Dentistry, University of Rwanda School of Dentistry, Kigali, Rwanda 2Department of Pathology, Saba University School of Medicine, Saba, Dutch Caribbean 3Medical Education, Faculty of Medical Sciences, Cave Hill Campus, University of the West Indies, Barbados 4Unit of Pharmacology, Faculty of Medicine and Defense Health, Universiti Pertahanan Nasional Malaysia (National Defense University of Malaysia), Kem Sungai Besi, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia 5Department of Pathology, Lake Erie College of Osteopathic Medicine, Erie, PA, USA Address of correspondence: Mohammed S. Razzaque, MBBS, PhD, Department of Pathology, Lake Erie College of Osteopathic Medicine, 1858 West Grandview Boulevard, Room: B2-306, Erie, PA 16509, USA. E-mails: [email protected] 1 | P a g e © 2021 by the author(s). Distributed under a Creative Commons CC BY license. Preprints (www.preprints.org) | NOT PEER-REVIEWED | Posted: 25 January 2021 doi:10.20944/preprints202101.0502.v1 Abstract Superstition is a belief that is not based on scientific knowledge. Traditional healers usually use superstition in their practices to manage human health problems and diseases; such practices create a conflict with the medical profession and its evidence- based practices. Medical professionals confirm that this kind of practice is not safe to human health as it is done by untrained people (e.g., tradition healers) utilizing unsterilized instruments within unhygienic environments. -
A Qualitative Analysis of Superstitious Behavior and Performance: How It Starts, Why It Works, and How It Works
Western Washington University Western CEDAR WWU Graduate School Collection WWU Graduate and Undergraduate Scholarship Spring 2015 A Qualitative Analysis of Superstitious Behavior and Performance: How it Starts, Why it Works, and How it Works Alexandra A. Farley Western Washington University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://cedar.wwu.edu/wwuet Part of the Health and Physical Education Commons Recommended Citation Farley, Alexandra A., "A Qualitative Analysis of Superstitious Behavior and Performance: How it Starts, Why it Works, and How it Works" (2015). WWU Graduate School Collection. 408. https://cedar.wwu.edu/wwuet/408 This Masters Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the WWU Graduate and Undergraduate Scholarship at Western CEDAR. It has been accepted for inclusion in WWU Graduate School Collection by an authorized administrator of Western CEDAR. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Qualitative Analysis of Superstitious Behavior and Performance: How it starts, why it works, and how it works By Alexandra Farley Accepted in Partial Completion of the Requirements for the Degree Masters of Science Kathleen L. Kitto, Dean of Graduate School Advisor Committee ___________________________ Chair, Dr. Linda Keeler ___________________________ Dr. Michelle Mielke ___________________________ Dr. Keith Russell Master’s Thesis In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a master’s degree at Western Washington University, I grant to Western Washington University the non-exclusive royalty-free right to archive, reproduce, distribute, and display the thesis in any and all forms, including electronic format, via any digital library mechanisms maintained by WWU. -
Contag 100 011
UB-INNSBRUCK FAKULTATSBIBLIOTHEK THEOLOGIE Z3 CONTAG 100 011 VOLUME 11 SPRING 2004 EDITOR ANDREW MCKENNA I LOYOLA UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO ADVISORY EDITORS REN£ GIRARD, STANFORD UNIVERSITY JAMES WILLIAMS, SYRACUSE UNIVERSITY EDITORIAL BOARD REBECCA ADAMS CHERYL K3RK-DUGGAN UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME MEREDITH COLLEGE MARK ANSPACH PAISLEY LIVINGSTON £COLE POLYTECHNIQUE, PARIS MCGILL UNIVERSITY CESAREO BANDERA CHARLES MABEE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA ECUMENICAL THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, DETROIT DIANA CULBERTSON KENT STATE UNIVERSITY JOZEF NIEWIADOMSKI THEOLOGISCHE HOCHSCHULE, LINZ JEAN-PIERRE DUPUY STANFORD UNIVERSITY, £COLE POLYTECHNIQUE SUSAN NOWAK SYRACUSE UNIVERSITY PAUL DUMOUCHEL UNIVERSITE DU QUEBEC A MONTREAL WOLFGANG PALAVER UNIVERSITAT INNSBRUCK ERIC GANS UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES MARTHA REINEKE UNIVERSITY OF NORTHERN IOWA SANDOR GOODHART WHITMAN COLLEGE TOBIN SIEBERS UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN ROBERT HAMERTON-KELLY STANFORD UNIVERSITY THEE SMITH EMORY UNIVERSITY HANS JENSEN AARHUS UNIVERSITY, DENMARK MARK WALLACE SWARTHMORE COLLEGE MARK JUERGENSMEYER UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, EUGENE WEBB SANTA BARBARA UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON Rates for the annual issue of Contagion are: individuals $10.00; institutions $32. The editors invite submission of manuscripts dealing with the theory or practical application of the mimetic model in anthropology, economics, literature, philosophy, psychology, religion, sociology, and cultural studies. Essays should conform to the conventions of The Chicago Manual of Style and should not exceed a length of 7,500 words including notes and bibliography. Accepted manuscripts will require final sub- mission on disk written with an IBM compatible program. Please address correspondence to Andrew McKenna, Department of Modern Languages and Literatures, Loyola University, Chicago, IL 60626. Tel: 773-508-2850; Fax: 773-508-2893; Email: [email protected]. Member of the Council of Editors of Learned Journals CELJ © 1996 Colloquium on Violence and Religion at Stanford ISSN 1075-7201 Cover illustration: Pieter Bruegel the Elder, Envy, 1557. -
Faces of Mongolian Fear: Demonological Beliefs, Narratives and Protective Measures in Contemporary Folk Religion*
Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics 14 (1): 49–64 DOI: 10.2478/jef-2020-0004 FACES OF MONGOLIAN FEAR: DEMONOLOGICAL BELIEFS, NARRATIVES AND PROTECTIVE MEASURES IN CONTEMPORARY FOLK RELIGION* ALEVTINA SOLOVYEVA Junior Research Fellow Department for Estonian and Comparative Folklore University of Tartu Ülikooli 18, 50090 Tartu, Estonia Leading Research Fellow Institute for Oriental and Classical Studies National Research University Higher School of Economics Myasnitskaja 20, 101000 Moscow, Russia e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT This article looks at the perceptions of fear and ‘the frightening’ in contemporary Mongolian demonology. In the article, I discuss beliefs concerning both human and supernatural – what is supposed to be frightening for humans and what is supposed to be frightening for spirits, ghosts and demons. In daily interaction with the supernatural this mutual ‘fright’ can be regarded as an important part of communication. In this article, I discuss what is believed to be the most frightful for humans and for supernatural agents, what kinds of image this fear relates to and what the roots of these beliefs are, as well as the popular ways to confront and defend against ‘frightening’ in Mongolian folklore. My research is based on fieldwork materials collected during annual expedi- tions in different parts of Mongolia (2006–2017) and Mongolian published sources such as Mongolian newspapers and journals, special editions of stories about encounters with the supernatural. KEYWORDS: Mongolian folklore • narratives • rites • fears • socialist past and contemporary period. * This article is a continuation of my paper, presented at the Anthropology of Fright: Per- spectives from Asia international conference (Aarhus University, May 18–19, 2017), inspired and developed with the support of event organisers Stefano Beggiora (Ca’ Foscari University of Venice, Italy), Lidia Guzy (University College Cork, Ireland), Uwe Skoda (Aarhus University, Denmark). -
Indian Superstitions & Omens
INDIAN SUPERSTITIONS & OMENS Although superstitions are passed down from generation to generation, I started a new one. I told my family that bay leaves are lucky. As soon as I said that, my sons stopped complaining about finding one in their soup. Knocking on wood is meant to be good luck because benevolent spirits were thought to live in trees and thus knocking on anything made of wood is meant to protect you from misfortune. Crossing your fingers is meant to be good luck because you make the sign of the cross and thus prevent evil spirits from harming you. However, I have no idea why a robin flying into your house is meant to be lucky - unless it's an excuse for poor housekeeping. In ancient Egypt the goddess Bast was in the form of a female, black cat. When the Christian priests wanted to remove all traces of other religions, they asked their followers to destroy black cats. Unfortunately, those who had black cats were thought to be witches and were destroyed too. I think that proves black cats are unlucky. Before gallows were invented, criminals were hung from the top rung of a ladder and their spirits were believed to linger underneath. That's why it's meant to be unlucky to walk under a ladder. I disagree. I think it's unlucky to climb a ladder and more than 222,000 people agree with me. That's how many people a year go to emergency rooms because of ladder accidents - and that's not counting the women who hit their heads on glass ceilings when trying to climb ladders. -
GLOBAL BURDEN of ARMED VIOLENCE 2011 ISBN 978-1-107-60679-1 Takes an Integrated an Takes 2011
he Global Burden of Armed Violence 2011 takes an integrated approach to the complex and volatile dynamics of armed GENEVA T violence around the world. Drawing on comprehensive country- DECLARATION level data, including both conflict-related and criminal violence, it estimates that at least 526,000 people die violently every year, more than three-quarters of them in non-conflict settings. It highlights that the 58 countries with high rates of lethal violence account for two- thirds of all violent deaths, and shows that one-quarter of all violent GLOBAL deaths occur in just 14 countries, seven of which are in the Americas. New research on femicide also reveals that about 66,000 women GLOBAL BURDEN VIOLENCE and girls are violently killed around the world each year. 2 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 This volume also assesses the linkages between violent death rates and socio-economic development, demonstrating that homicide rates are higher wherever income disparity, extreme poverty, and hunger are high. It challenges the use of simple analytical classifications and policy responses, and offers researchers and policy-makers new tools for studying and tackling different forms of violence. of ARMED VIOLENCE o f ARMED BURDEN Photos Top left: Rescuers evacuate a wounded person from Utoeya, Norway, July 2011. © Morten Edvarsen/AFP Photo Lethal Centre left: Morgue workers transport a coffin to be buried along with other unidentified bodies found in mass graves, Durango, Mexico, June 2011. © Jorge Valenzuela/Reuters Encounters Bottom right: An armed fighter walks past a burnt-out armed vehicle in the Abobo 2011 district of Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire, March 2010. -
Infanticide [Dictionary Entry] M
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Theology Faculty Research and Publications Theology, Department of 11-1-2011 Infanticide [Dictionary Entry] M. Therese Lysaught Marquette University Published version. "Infanticide [Dictionary Entry]," in Dictionary of Scripture and Ethics. Eds. Joel B. Green, Jacqueline E. Lapsley, Rebekah Miles, and Allen Verhey. Grand Rapids, Mich: Baker Publishing Group, 2011. Publisher Link. Used with permission. © 2011 Baker Publishing Group. No print copies may be produced without obtaining written permission from Baker Publishing Group. Inequality See Equality Infanticide Infanticide refers to intentional practices that cause the death of newborn infants or, second arily, older children. Scripture and the Christian tradition are un equivocal: infanticide is categorically condemned. Both Judaism and Christianity distinguished themselves in part via their opposition to wide spread practices of infanticide in their cultural contexts. Are Christian communities today like wise distinguished, Of, like many of their Israel ite forebears, do they profess faith in God while worshiping Molech? Infanticide in Scripture Infanticide stands as an almost universal practice across history and culture (Williamson). Primary justifications often cite economic scarcity or popu lation control needs, although occasionally infan ticide flourished in prosperous cultural contexts (Levenson) . Infanticide or, more precisely, child sacrifice forms the background of much of the OT. Jon Levenson argues that the transformation of child sacrifice, captured in the repeated stories of the death and resurrection of the beloved and/or first born son, is at the heart of the Judea-Christian tradition. The Israelites found themselves among peoples who practiced child sacrifice, particularly sacrifice of the firstborn son. In Deut. 12:31 it is said of the inhabitants of Canaan that "they even burn their sons and their daughters in the fire to their gods" (d. -
Why Every Theory of Luck Is Wrong
NOUSˆ 50:3 (2016) 490–508 doi: 10.1111/nous.12076 Why Every Theory of Luck is Wrong STEVEN D. HALES Bloomsburg University There are three theories of luck in the literature, each of which tends to appeal to philosophers pursuing different concerns. These are the probability, modal, and control views. I will argue that all three theories are irreparably defective; not only are there counterexamples to each of the three theories of luck, but there are three previously undiscussed classes of counterexamples against them. These are the problems of lucky necessities, skillful luck, and diachronic luck. I conclude that a serious reevaluation of the role of luck in philosophy is called for. The proper understanding of luck has far-reaching implications for many philo- sophical projects, including issues surrounding epistemic luck, moral luck, luck egalitarianism, luck and free will, and serendipitous science. Luck is often taken as an undefined primitive. It is only within the literature of the past 20 years or so has there been any effort to develop theories of luck, but even so these are largely nascent. Before the great machinery of philosophy is fully engaged and be- gins to churn out ever more refined and detailed theories, I aim to throw a wrench into the works. The reigning theories are so fundamentally flawed, along so many dimensions, that a radical rethinking of luck is called for. There are three theories of luck in the literature, each of which tends to appeal to philosophers pursuing different concerns. These are the probability, modal, and control views. I will argue that all three theories are irreparably defective; not only are there counterexamples to each of the three theories of luck, but there are three classes of counterexamples against them. -
The Curse of Fortune; Responding to Luck Objections in an Uncooperative World
Pepperdine University Pepperdine Digital Commons Featured Research Undergraduate Student Research Spring 2015 The Curse of Fortune; Responding to Luck Objections in an Uncooperative World Kyle Morgan Pepperdine University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/sturesearch Part of the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Morgan, Kyle, "The Curse of Fortune; Responding to Luck Objections in an Uncooperative World" (2015). Pepperdine University, Featured Research. Paper 93. https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/sturesearch/93 This Senior Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Student Research at Pepperdine Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Featured Research by an authorized administrator of Pepperdine Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. 1 The Curse of Fortune; Responding to Luck Objections in an Uncooperative World. The Curse of Fortune; Responding to Luck Objections in an Uncooperative World. Kyle Morgan Pepperdine University 2 The Curse of Fortune; Responding to Luck Objections in an Uncooperative World. Abstract The consensus scientific view holds that our world is indeterministic at the micro level, but practically deterministic at all other levels. In an indeterministic world, live alternative possibilities at the moment of decision render it impossible for agents to guarantee what they will choose; regardless of their personality and deliberative processes. Critics of indeterminist free will argue that this lack of a necessary connection between mental state and choice makes the ultimate decision fundamentally a matter of luck. As such, indeterminism opens free will up to potential problems of present luck.