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Untversl^ Micrdrilms Intemadcsnal Aoon.Zmbftowl Annartxir,MI48106 INFORMATION TO USERS This reproduction was made from a copy of a document sent to us for microfîlmmg. While the most advanced technology has been used to photograph and reproduce this document, the quality of the reproduction is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help clarify markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or “target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is “Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with agacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark, it is an indication of either blurred copy because of movement during exposure, duplicate copy, or copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed. For blurred pages, a good image of the page can be found in the adjacent frame. If copyrighted materials were deleted, a target note will appear listing the pages in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photographed, a definite method of “sectioning” the material has been followed. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand comer of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again-beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. For illustrations that cannot be satisfactorily reproduced by xerographic means, photographic prints can be purchased at additional cost and inserted into your xerographic copy. These prints are available upon request from the Dissertations Customer Services Department. 5. Some pages in any document may have indistinct print. In all cases the best available copy has been filmed. Untversl^ Micrdrilms Intemadcsnal aOON.ZMbFtowl AnnArtxir,MI48106 8225564 HOSTETTER, PHILIP ALAN THE INTERPRETATION OF FASCISM BY AMERICAN SOCIAL SCIENTISTS The American University PH.D. 1982 University Microfilms internstional »>N.z«i>Rii.d.Aiii>Aibo>.Mi«iK Copyright by HOSTETTER, PHILIP ALAN Ail Rights Reserved THE INTERPRETATION OP FASCISM BY AMERICAN SOCIAL SCIENTISTS by Philip A. HOBtetter Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The American University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In Sociology Signatures mmlt Chairmant Dean of the college 3 ^ ^ / / / ^ . Date 1982 The American University Washington, D.C. 20016 JffliiitBiciH w n s B s m i i B B m THE INTERPRETATION OF FASCISM BY AMERICAN SOCIAL SCIENTISTS BY Philip A. Hostetter ABSTRACT The intent of this dissertation is to systematically investigate the body of social scientific research on Euro­ pean fascism that has been produced in America. The project's organization grows out of the author's perception that emigre scholars seem to have produced more significant studies of fascism than have their American-born contempo­ raries. Explanation for the apparent paucity of contribu­ tions from American social scientists Is sought In the American “conditions of Intellectual production,“ thus making the dissertation an exercise in the sociology of knowledge. of conditions in the American academic environment likely to affect research on fascism, social scientific specialization was singled out as a focal point. It was hypothesized (a) that each of five disciplines— psychology, economics, political science, history, and sociology— would tend to generate a unique approach to the interpretation of 11 fasclsmr and (b) that within each discipline the interpreta­ tions of American-born “mainstream" scholars would differ from those of émigrés and dissenting (“radical") Americans. A "test" of these hypotheses was undertaken using a method of qualitative content analysis. Works on fascism were compared in the areas of analytical scope, methodology, and research conclusions. The first hypothesis was well supported. Only main­ stream historians failed to exhibit a marked tendency to interpret fascism in a manner peculiar to their discipline. The second hypothesis, however, was strongly supported only within the disciplines of psychology and sociology, where mainstream scholars tended to produce much more limited, one-sided interpretations than did emigres or dissenting Americans. Expectations were confounded in part by the pleasantly surprising discovery that many excellent studies of fascism were generated in the 1930s and 1940s by main­ stream American social scientists, some of whom conducted research in Italy and Germany. These works deserve more attention from contemporary scholars. It seems that specialization has adversely affected American scholarship on fascism, although this disserta­ tion's research design could not fully demonstrate it. The effect is probably greater at the level of problem selection than in the actual interpretation of fascism. Once fascism is chosen as a topic, social scientists are usually forced to shed their disciplinai blinders in order to understand it. ill To Mom and Dad— Paul R. and Almeda W. Hostetter ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people I wish to thank for their roles in bringing this dissertation to fruition. Foremost is my wife, Stephanie, who deserves much credit for putting up with the unforgiveably long duration of my graduate education. My four-year-old daughter, Jena, constantly competed (usually successfully) for my time and helped me keep all things in perspective. My committee, Samih Farsoun, Gert Mueller, and Jurg Siegenthaler, deserves praise for remaining intact all these years. Written communications from Arno J. Mayer and Walter Goldfrank were helpful. Finally, thanks are due my typist, Jo Thornton, for returning to my dissertation so quickly after a serious automobile accident; and to my old friend, Larry Cornish, for helping me survive Viet Nam in one piece. I adhered in this dissertation to a policy of allowing the publications analyzed to speak for themselves as much as possible. I am grateful to those persons or publishers con­ trolling copyrights who have allowed me to include quotations. iv CONTENTS CHAPTER I. FASCISM AND AMERICAN SOCIAL SCIENCE . 1 CHAPTER II. A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF FASCISM RESEARCH ............................... 8 CHAPTER III. PSYCHOLOGY ..................... 26 CHAPTER IV. ECONOMICS..................................65 CHAPTER V. POLITICAL SCIENCE ....................... 137 CHAPTER VI. HISTORY . ...................... 230 CHAPTER VII. SOCIOLOGY.......... 332 CHAPTER VIII. RESEARCH CONCLUSIONS.................... 403 CHAPTER IX. TOWARD A SOCIAL SCIENTIFIC THEORY OF F A S C I S M ............. .. ............ 416 CHAPTER X. CONCLUSION ......... ................... 459 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................. 463 CHAPTER 1 FASCISM AND AMERICAN SOCIAL SCIENCE A. The Problem Some of the moet difficult intellectual challenges of this or any other century are posed by the phenomenon gener­ ally known as "fascism." What was it? Why did it come about? How did the fascist movements achieve power? Such questions must inevitably be addressed as part of any attempt to understand the flow of history since 1900. Yet social scientists, who presume to have the expertise to deal with such matters, to this day have not produced a satisfac­ tory general theory or model of fascism as a unique social and political form. This fact is bemoaned in the introduc­ tions to countless recent volumes on fascism.^ Seeming­ ly, the only point of agreement shared by the authors and editors of these works is that fascism is an important problem. Topical examples include A. James Gregor, Interpretations of Fascism (Morristovm, N.J.: General Learning Press, 1974) / p. H i ; Henry A. Turner, Jr., ed., Reappraisals of Fascism (New York: New Viewpoints, 1975), p. X; and S. J . Woolf, ed.. yie Nature of Fascism (New York: Vintage Books, 1969), pp. 3-T^ Many persons today no doubt believe that fascism is dead— that Intellectuals are misdirecting their energies in trying to understand it. However, there are at least two reasons vAiy it deserves our continued interest. First, fascism merits our attention as a purely historical problem. Even if we conclude that it has now disappeared as a real entity, fascism must still be treated as an important key to the genesis of our present world political-economic situa­ tion. Second, and more importantly, fascism may justifiably be viewed as a particular expression of a longer term poli­ tical trend having implications for the future. Those persons %Aio are concerned to avoid the recurrence of simi­ larly inhumane regimes will be well served by serious inquiries into the nature of "classical" fascism. The subject of this dissertation is not fascism itself but the attempts of social science to interpret it. The author, an American sociologist interested in the problem of fascism, came to consider the following questions* How did American social scientists analyze the phenomenon of fascism during the years of its international ascendance? Was there a uniquely American contribution to its understanding? What were the strengths and weaknesses of the various American analyses? Upon searching through the Dissertation Abstracts it was discovered that no American sociologist (or any social scientist, for that matter) has produced a doctoral dissertation dealing with fascism as a generic
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