The Situation in Galkayo, Briefing Paper prepared by Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), Holland May 2004

The Netherlands Government has decided to repatriate Somali asylum seekers. MSF-Holland is concerned about the impact of such an action and we have chosen to speak out on this issue based on our direct experiences in Somalia. This paper includes quotes from residents of Galkayo representing different clans, as well as quotes from MSF national and international staff. The quotes are shown in italics.

MSF’s Presence and Experience in Galkayo

MSF-Holland has been working continuously in Galkayo since 1997. Support has been provided to Galkayo General Hospital, the principal referral hospital for Puntland, with more than 20,000 patients treated annually. While private health facilities have started activities in recent years, this hospital remains the only area health facility offering reliable, quality care that is free (making it accessible to the most vulnerable groups, mainly minorities and the internally displaced). MSF also supports a hospital in the south part of Galkayo. It is necessary to support two hospitals in the same town because Galkayo is split into two by a "Green Line" dividing two warring clans. Consequently, people from one side of the line cannot safely cross to the other side. MSF’s team comprises 10 expatriate medical staff based in Galkayo.

The security situation in Puntland has not improved during 2004. It cannot be said to have altered in a fundamental, durable and effective way to justify the policy of forced returns. In 2003, Galkayo Hospital treated 961 victims of violent trauma, the majority of whom suffered gunshot injuries. Of these cases, 210 people required inpatient care and 67 or 7 % were children under five years of age.

MSF’s Concerns

MSF-Holland’s team in Galkayo is confronted daily with the extremely fragile security situation and the conflict’s victims. Based on our daily experiences, we do not share the conclusions and analyses contained in the latest Ambtsbericht (Algemeen Ambtsbericht Somalie Maart 2004).

(Ambtsbericht pagina 53) In het eigen gebied is de (sub)clan in staat tegen dergelijke daden bescherming te bieden. Indien het eigen clangebied is gelegen in het crisis- of overgangsgebied kan hij/zij echter wel te vrezen hebben voor algehele onveiligheid als gevolg van conflicten met andere clans of banditisme. In het overgangs- en conflictgebied is de veiligheid vooralsnog onvoldoende gegarandeerd. In het ‘relatief veilige gebied’ van Somalië zijn de lokale en regionale besturen in het algemeen in staat de openbare orde te handhaven. Leden van de , , Issaq en Dir clanfamilies (de nomadische clanfamilies) kunnen zich in het algemeen veilig vestigen in het gehele woongebied van de eigen clanfamilie in het relatief veilige deel van het land, tenzij sprake is van ernstige, gewapende conflicten (elders in Somalië) in het heden of recente verleden binnen de clanfamilie. Ook kunnen zij zich in het algemeen veilig vestigen in gebieden waar andere clanfamilies de meerderheid uitmaken of politiek overheersen, tenzij sprake is van ernstige, gewapende conflicten (elders in Somalië) in het heden of verleden tussen betrokken clanfamilies.86 Bescherming door de eigen clan(familie) is dus niet in alle gevallen noodzakelijk. Als Somali zich vestigen in een gebied waar de eigen clan niet overheerst, wordt wel van hen verwacht dat zij zich aanpassen aan de bestaande machtsverhoudingen en dat zij zich niet politiek of economisch profileren.

Although traditionally, Somali society consisted of clan groupings based on patrilineal descent from a common ancestor which supported each other in war and peace (i.e. economically); we believe that the disintegration of the Somali Republic and a decade of civil war have substantially transformed these relationships. The large-scale displacement of people within and beyond the boundaries of the former state has deeply modified the structure of clan kinship and clan ownership has lost importance in favour of control over resources.

“Clan warfare...(in Somalia) offers few avenues of escape.… Denying that one belongs to a clan or that one shares that clan’s ambitions, is not possible.” (ICRC Somalia Country Report 1989, page 4).

“Alliances between families and subclans shift so often that, in the words of a clan elder in Galkayo ‘You don’t know today who will be your enemy tomorrow.’” MSF Local Staff Member

Among the Darot/Majerteen there are many subclans. The clans make alliances. Those alliances often shift. For example, the Majerteen/Issa Mahamoud clan in Central Puntland used to be an ally of Abdullahi Yusuf (Majerteen/Omar Mahamoud). When Jama Ali Jama (Majerteen/Osman Mahamoud) fought for power, they wanted to share power with him. After Abdullahi Yusuf restored order in Puntland, the Issa/Mahamoud became allied with Abdullahi Yusuf again. Alliances always shift due to interests and power.

(Ambtsbericht pagina 45) In de Somalische cultuur wordt de afstamming langs de vaderlijke lijn bepaald en gaat de vrouw na het huwelijk bij de familie van de man wonen. Conform de islam mag de Somalische man met vier vrouwen gehuwd zijn. In de Somali clanfamilies werden huwelijken traditioneel gearrangeerd door oudere verwanten van de betrokkenen, maar 'samen vluchten' (ten minste de afstand die een kameel in drie dagen kan afleggen) is altijd veel voorgekomen. In de steden kiezen individuen tegenwoordig meer en meer hun eigen partner. De vrouw blijft na het huwelijk behoren tot de clan van haar vader, terwijl haar kinderen behoren tot de clan van haar man (hun vader). Na haar huwelijk staat de vrouw onder de zorg en bescherming van haar man en zijn clan, maar de banden met de eigen clan (en vooral de broer) blijven voor haar en haar kinderen belangrijk. In het geval de man overlijdt, wordt de vrouw gezamenlijk beschermd door haar broer en het nieuwe hoofd van de familie waartoe zij door huwelijk behoort. Traditioneel is het de plicht van de naaste mannelijke verwant van de overledene de vrouw te huwen (dumaal is de term voor een dergelijk huwelijk) en de verantwoordelijkheid voor de kinderen over te nemen. Huwelijken zijn in het algemeen instabiel en scheidingen komen veel voor. Gescheiden vrouwen hertrouwen veelal.

(Ambtsbericht pagina 59) De in Somaliland en Puntland aanwezige minderheidsgroepen worden niet vervolgd en in het algemeen is hun veiligheid niet in gevaar. Wel is hun sociaal- economische situatie vaak hachelijk, dit wil zeggen dat zij vaak onvoldoende inkomen kunnen verwerven om in hun voedselbehoefte te voorzien, en worden zij gediscrimineerd, onder meer op het vlak van werk en toegang tot voorzieningen. Zij slagen er evenwel in het algemeen in om in hun levensonderhoud te voorzien door flexibel in te spelen op de lokale arbeidsmarkt en door allerlei soorten werk aan te pakken. Een aantal van hen is in staat relatief zelfstandig met hun vak een inkomen te verwerven 100. Nieuwkomers vinden veelal aansluiting bij leden van de desbetreffende minderheid indien die in enige getale aanwezig zijn.

According to pre-war traditional rules and customs, unaligned people, including minority groups not belonging to any of the fighting clans, should be left unharmed. Another important traditional rule was the immunity given to women and children during fighting. They were protected by their own clan members.

However, the civil war in Somalia unleashed unprecedented levels of violence and destruction that undermined the roots and power of religious beliefs and cultural values. A generation of former child-soldiers who grew up in an environment where weapons are the only law and the strongest rule, are now the new elders and war lords. This has led to the demise of rules or traditional customs in favour of chaos and brutality in which civilians are systematically targeted.

According to ICRC Country Report for Somalia 1989: “In the last decades have come face to face with a new, unfamiliar kind of war – a war without limits and rules that has devastated their families and dismembered their nation. Clan warfare as practised by the warlords-backed militias has created a virtual draquet that has swept up civilians alongside combatants, leaving a trail of broken lives and shattered families.” (ICRC Somalia Country Report, 1989, page 4)

In our hospital in Galkayo we experience the systematic and continuous targeting of women and minorities:

“In the minorities’ settlements around the airport (of Galkayo) this is the time in the day militia groups pass by and start what they call ‘an open festival’: they ask the husbands to bring their wives, 10-15 women on the same line and they rape them, there, one after the other. At the end of the line, they start again from the beginning. Police is there all time, but what they can do? The militia is from the same clan of the police and they go and come back: it is like a tennis game, they go and come back, without rights.” MSF Expatriate Midwife, Saturday 22/05/04 at 20.30

Oji Ahmed Nur, MSF-Holland Health Advisor for the Bantu community in Galkayo reported, “Before seven days, May 17 2004 at 2200h, one Majerteen man came to the old maize factory ‘Warshada Galayda’ (IDP camp). Then he took one woman while on the same time he put a bayonet from his AK-47 in the head of her husband. He raped the woman. The community evacuated the compound after they saw the husband lying on the floor. We have treated the woman in the hospital in the maternity ward, we have given her some medicine. After that she has gone home. The husband was given dressing. He did not want to stay at the hospital because he was afraid that there his things would get stolen. Nobody can do anything. The rapist is a Majerteen and the police are Majerteen. So they will not respond.”

“Around May 20 an eight-months pregnant Bantu woman in the South of Galkayo came home after work. She was working with a Sa’ad family as a maid. She received her money, 300.000 Somali shillings (about US$15) as one-month salary. A man Hawiye/Haber Gedir/Sa’ad/Reer Nimahle followed her to know her home. In the nighttime, around midnight he came back to the home, killed the woman and took the money.” MSF Somali Medical Staff member, Galkayo, Monday 24/05/04

“Traditionally women should be left unarmed, but now everything changed. Before the war, rape was very rare in Galkayo, you will be killed by brother, father, but now it has become like a culture. They go even inside their shelter, wake them up even when husband is there, tell husband to go out and rape the woman. It is now becoming a culture, it will arrive soon or later to everybody, even to authorities, because it is becoming a culture. Before the war no clan was condoning the rape. I was in the Ministry of Education, I travelled around, no clan was condoning the rape, no clan. Now it’s different, is the result of children brought up with the gun. The women marry because they have to be safe, only for that, and the man has to be in the house, if he is away, the woman is not safe. But for the minority groups, there is no difference if the husband is there or not. Minorities they don’t even have houses.”

“Women living alone, it can’t exist absolutely, whatever clan, you are not safe. Even the women who are independent, working as teachers, she can’t stay alone, she has to marry because of protection and they marry rubbish, chat eaters. After 6 o’clock, even if completely covered (with burqa) I myself can’t go around. We had to stop evening classes, you can’t visit your family.” Director, Women Centre for Education Development, local NGO funded by NOVIB, Sunday 23/05/04, Galkayo

(Ambtsbericht Pagina 56) Hervestiging De beperkingen en mogelijkheden met betrekking tot hervestiging in Somalië voor specifieke clan(familie)s, zoals die op dit moment gelden, worden hieronder genoemd. Ook wordt ingegaan op de vestigingsgebieden van minderheden.

Hawiye Alle Hawiye-clans 92 hebben (een deel van) hun traditionele woongebied in de provincies Hiiran, of Galgadud 93. In Hiiran, Mudug en Galgadud kunnen zij veilig verblijven. In het noord-westelijk deel van Galgadud is verblijf vanwege de voortgaande confrontaties tussen de Dir en de Darod/Marehan minder veilig. Over het algemeen zal men bij hervestiging van elders naar de stad in het desbetreffende clangebied trekken, vanwege de grotere mogelijkheden om in het levensonderhoud te voorzien. Voor de Hawiye/Hawadle is dit Beled Weyn; voor de Hawiye/Murusade is dat El-Bur; voor de Hawiye/Habar Gedir/ Sa’ad de plaats Galkayo; de Hawiye/Habar Gedir/Ayr hebben Dusa Mareb.

According to our experience, Hawiye/Habar Gedir/Sa’ad cannot be resettled safely in Galkayo North. “During the past 3 months, 17 persons were killed from Sa’ad, by Majerteen, in Galkayo. If you cross the Green Line, doesn’t matter which clan you belong to, the Majerteen could just kill you because you are from the Haber Gedir/Sa’ad, the opposite side.” MSF Somali Staff Member, Galkayo, 23/05/04 Darod Ten aanzien van de Darod/Marehan clan moet een onderscheid worden gemaakt. ………… Marehan-subclans wier (voor)ouders afkomstig zijn uit Gedo, anderzijds, kunnen zich echter wel veilig vestigen in Puntland.

According to our experience Marehan and Marehan sub-clans cannot resettle safely anywhere in Puntland.

“At independence there was no friction between Marehan and Majerteen. Marjerteen was leading the country. Then there was the assassination of the Majerteen president and the Marehan came up with their president, . After the Ogaden war there was a failed coup attempt from the Majerteen against Siad Barre. Barre killed many important Majerteen men but some escaped and started fighting against Marehan. Since then Marehan and Majerteen have become enemies. Important persons from Gedo (Merehan) are not safe here because they are well-known.

In the first days that I arrived in Gaalka’yo (1997) I saw this episode: a doctor Marehan working in Galkayo hospital, 2 guys from Majerteen coming from the Ethiopian border arrived and took his watch and money from his pocket. Hundreds of people saw it in the hospital court. He cried. People were laughing. I asked: Why? They said: It’s Marehan!” MSF Local Staff Member, Galkayo, 23/05/05

(Ambtsbericht Pagina 57) Rahanweyn en Digil De Rahanweyn en Digil zijn tijdens de gewelddadigheden in de jaren ‘90 herhaaldelijk het slachtoffer geworden van moord, plundering en andere mensenrechtenschendingen. Vanaf juni 1999 verbeterde de veiligheidssituatie in hun traditionele woongebieden, met de verovering van de provincies Bay en Bakool door het RRA. Kort na de oprichting van het regionale bestuur van de State of Southwestern Somalia op 1 april 2002 is de situatie echter weer verslechterd (zie 2.3). Gezien de gewelddadige uitbarstingen blijkt het RRA niet in alle gevallen in staat de orde en veiligheid in Bay en Bakool te handhaven. In het noorden van Somalië verblijven duizenden Rahanweyn en Digil, waarvan de meesten in Puntland (aldaar dikwijls Eelay genoemd, naar één van de Rahanweyn-clans). Zij verblijven in Puntland (naar lokale maatstaven) onder povere omstandigheden (veelal in de ontheemdenkampen) doch zijn in staat in hun levensonderhoud te voorzien.

Veel vrouwen van deze clanfamilie hebben werk gevonden als huishoudster. Anderen doen ongeschoold werk of bedelen. Er zijn geen aanwijzingen van systematische bedreiging van deze groepen. Nieuwkomers kunnen zonodig een beroep doen op verwanten die reeds in het noorden verblijven. Hun positie is (iets) sterker dan die van andere ontheemden uit het zuiden, omdat ze althans gedeeltelijk onder de clanwetten vallen, zij het als minder ‘nobel’.

Even though Rahawein and Digil are not targeted, according to our experience, their women cannot resettle safely in Galkayo: “Rahawein and Digil women usually work as maids, but the work is slavery. Young boys in the house, jobless and chewing qat, who are they using? Their maid!” Director, Women Centre for Education Development, local NGO funded by NOVIB, Sunday 23/05/04, Galkayo

(Ambtsbericht Pagina 58) Bantu Naar schatting hebben enkele duizenden Bantu zich gevestigd in Somaliland en Puntland. Hier hebben zij vooral in de bouw werk gevonden 95 en zijn zij relatief beter af dan andere ontheemden uit minderheidsgroepen. Nieuwkomers kunnen een beroep doen op verwanten die er reeds verblijven. Er zijn zelfs gevallen van huwelijken met (arme) leden van de Somali clans.

According to our experience, Bantu people cannot resettle safely anywhere in Puntland:

“10 days ago a Bantu construction engineer was killed while living in the north. He fought over work positions. Bantu and displaced sometimes occupy some positions. Then the local person gets angry. They kill him to have that particular job themselves.” MSF Local Staff Member Galkayo, Sunday 23/05/04

MSF-Holland started a medical outreach programme amongst Bantu in Galkayo after MSF discovered that they had difficulty gaining access to the Galkayo General Hospital:

“If conflict starts between Somaliland and Puntland, the Bantu do not know where to go. No place will be safe. They are already internally displaced now. Originally they came from Baidoa, Mugadishu, Mustaxil (Ethiopia – region five).”

“For returnees it will be difficult to survive in Galkayo. They have no weapons, no leaders. Life is hard now, there is no work here.”

“For returnees is no land where they can live. The Bantu IDPs in Galkayo are renting some land from the Majerteen. The Majerteen will not allow them to rent more land. Sometimes the Bantu fight among themselves over the land. If the Bantu are not many, they are accepted. If the number is too big, the Majerteen will never accept.”

“Bantu are afraid to go to Galkayo Main Hospital (supported by MSF-Holland). In the outpatient department, the patients line up in the morning to see a doctor. But the Majerteen patients will not accept that Bantu will be helped before they see the doctor. At the end of the opening hours of the hospital the doctor will go home, while the Bantu are still waiting in the waiting room. Usually then the Bantu do not want to go back to the hospital. Within the community we talk about it and some of us have decided not to make use of the hospital and go for traditional treatment.”

“There are rape cases known of Bantu women. We have had some cases in the hospital. I cannot give you the details. If we go to the Bantu camps, people will fear to talk about it because it may result in more violence towards the people who give us that information.” MSF Somali Medical Worker, Galkayo, 23/05/04

“After a rape, then you don’t have where to denounce, where to go, you can’t defend yourself, Bantu elders are not listened to or they don’t feel safe to go to police. Last Friday, our admin person, Amina, went to the police station, took policemen went to Dahaia (IDP, settlement for Bantu & Shakal): at the beginning the man invited the girl, she refused, then rape. Two elders Bantu went to police station but they didn’t listen to them, they have been asked to pay, so Amina went herself to airport and took 2 policemen.”

This week a Bantu elder came and told us one of their women had been raped. I told him to go to Radio Galkayo and speak out, denounce and talk to people. To talk Islamically, because rape is not according to Islam. So he went to radio, he told the story, they didn’t let him speak directly to the radio, they told him: We are going to tell your story. They never did.”

“Bantu women fetch water to others, at the end of the day, they can’t reach back home, they got robbed and raped there.” Director, Women Centre for Education Development, local NGO funded by NOVIB, Sunday 23/05/04, Galkayo

(Ambtsbericht Pagina 60) Ajuraan De Ajuraan (zie 3.3.2) hebben zich hervestigd in het noorden van Somalië, met name in Galkayo en Bosasso (Puntland) en in Las Anod, Berbera, en Hargeisa (Somaliland). Het gaat hierbij zeker om enkele tienduizenden personen 101. De meeste Ajuraan zijn in 1994 uit Bay en Bakool gevlucht. 6000 van hen wonen in ontheemdenkampen.

Even though Ajuraan are not targeted, according to our experience, we don’t believe that Ajuraan women can resettle safely in Galkayo.

“The Ajuraan were chased away from the country (Somalia), today they can’t own property, marry outside their clan. They live as IDPs, their women are beautiful. Some months ago militia came to have (rape) ladies in Ajuraan camp, which is exactly on the Green Line. Afterwards MSF heard of the incident and went to the police and the police went to protect the camp, but too late.” MSF Somali Staff Member, Galkayo, 23/05/04

(AmbtsberichtPagina 53) De positie van een Somali die zich vestigt in het woongebied van een andere clan of clanfamilie is sterker indien hij/zij bijvoorbeeld via moeder of echtgeno(o)t(e) een relatie heeft met de overheersende clan. Somali die zich in het verleden politiek of militair hebben geprofileerd in conflicten tegen een bepaalde clan, kunnen problemen ondervinden bij vestiging in het woongebied van die clan. Terugkeer Somaliërs die terugkeren naar Somalië ondervinden geen problemen bij inreis of vestiging. Er bestaan diverse mogelijkheden om naar Somalië te reizen.

Only 15 % of the population in Galkayo is indigenous. The others belong to different clans. One of the MSF drivers, originally from Galkayo, can travel without restrictions. His house is right on the Green Line. Since he is one of the few people able to go everywhere, he is often asked to carry the dead bodies of people shot on the Green Line. He is one of the few people who can take bodies to families in the north or in the south.

“UNHCR cannot send to Somalia Sa’ad from/to the main airport in Galkayo North, because it is dangerous for a Sa’ad to travel from that airport.” UNHCR Field Officer, Galkayo, 24/05/04

“Sa’ad have no airport, so they need to cross the territory of the Majerteen if they want to make use of the Galkayo airport. Even the short path to go to the airport, it’s not safe for Sa’ad. The latest incident: a chat vehicle was taking chat from the airport to South. Majerteen attacked it on the road, one person was killed and one wounded. When such attacks happen, usually there is revenge: the revenge is planned and agreed among the gunmen of the victim clan. Elders or local authorities are not informed; it’s secret, they can’t control it. You try to damage the most important people of that clan, to cause big damage. Some returnees can really be a target. And they can be recognised quickly, like from which clan they are from. They can be killed as they have money. Everybody knows they are coming back, militias are informed by phone. They will have to travel to their clan area anyway so it is easy to attack them.” MSF Somali Staff member Galkayo, 23/05/04

(Ambtsbericht Pagina 14) Geografisch omvat Puntland de provincies Bari, Nugal en de noordelijke helft van Mudug. Puntland claimt ook zeggenschap over Sanaag en Sool, onder meer gebaseerd op de clansamenstelling in deze provincies. De Garowe Conferentie, de oprichtende vergadering van het autonome Puntland, nam in 1998 een Handvest aan voor een overgangsperiode van drie jaar, op grond waarvan een ‘president’, een kabinet van negen ministers en een parlement van 69 leden werden benoemd. Verschil in interpretatie over de definitieve inrichting van het bestuur leidde tot een crisis die gewapenderwijs werd uitgevochten tussen president Yusuf en zijn tegenstrever Ali Jama van de PSC (zie blz. 12). Ondanks de verzoening in mei 2003 tussen president Yusuf en de nieuwe leider van de PSC, generaal Ade, is onduidelijk wat, nu de overgangsperiode is afgelopen, de formele basis voor de positie van president Yusuf is, en van de diverse instellingen.

There are three political organisations in Puntland: SSDF (Darot/Majerteen, Abdullahi Yussuf), USP (Darot/Dulbehante and Darot/Warsangeli), SNDU (Ali Ismail, Ortoble, Lelcome), among the 50 political organisations recognised by UNOSOM. Puntland State was founded in 1998. The three organisations agreed on common defence on Puntland State. But when internal conflicts started, the SNDU refused to give assistance to Puntland State and SNDU was ignored and Abdullahi Yusuf took power.

Somaliland and Puntland are fighting about the Sool and Sanag issue. They are enemies. Former spokesman Mohamed Abdi Absado of Somaliland Parliament abandoned Somaliland after personal conflicts with the former President of Somaliland Igal. Absado then became Ministry of Interior Affairs in Puntland.

Galkayo North and South are in conflict: They aided the enemy of Abdullahi Yusuf, but after TNG, both allied with Ethiopia against TNG, supported by Ethiopia. These 2 groups have deeply rooted conflicts, because Abdullahi Yusuf is Daarod (Siad Barre) and Aideed is Hawyia.

“A clan elder of the south was killed in the north of Galkayo. For revenge, some policemen of the north killed somebody from the south on the Green Line. And this man was really working for peace, was fair, but never mind, he belonged to that clan, it’s enough to be killed. He was going to pray, no arms, nothing personal but only because belonging to opposite clan. And these were policemen in uniform, policemen from that station behind the hospital.”

“Five days ago 1 person from south (Sa’ad) was kidnapped in the north, because of a conflict on property, resources. However, he escaped and reached a village along the tarmac road at Abaarey. The villagers have the traditional obligation to protect an outsider. The kidnappers wanted him, the village didn’t want to hand him over, and they were ready to fight.

Police from north arrived and asked for the person. The villagers didn’t respond. They are responsible and didn’t trust the police. They gave the man directly to his family of the south.” MSF Somali Staff Member, Galkayo, 23/05/04

MSF is working in the hospital in Galkayo South. In the hospital there is no therapeutic feeding centre (TFC). The only way to assist mothers with malnourished babies is to transfer them to Galkayo Hospital in Galkayo North where MSF-Holland runs a TFC within the hospital premises.

“Whenever I refer patients to the Galgayo North Hospital, problems occur. Most of the women are not willing to cross the Green Line to reach the Galgayo North Hospital. They find it too dangerous. Some of them tell me very frankly that they rather keep the child at home where he dies, instead of risking their lives by crossing the Green Line.

Another problem, which often happens, is that in the case that the woman crosses the Green Line for treatment in the Galgayo North Hospital, she will not receive any support. Her husband or uncle or any relatives will not risk coming over to bring money or food items. Her resources will dry out within three days. The TFC programme takes at least one month. She won’t receive any support from the local community so she and her baby will go back to Galgayo South.” MSF Expatriate Medical Doctor, Galkayo South, 23/05/04

“Galkayo is not a welcoming place, returnees usually travel away to their own location. In southern Somalia, UNHCR has not provided projects for the returnees, since the project cannot be monitored. UNHCR staff cannot go to southern Somalia due to security problems. In Puntland we have a sort of administration, but it is weak. In the South there is not any form of administration.

Hawiye/Haber Gedir/sa’ad do not have access to the Galkayo General Hospital because the hospital is located in the area of the Majerteen.” Field Officer UNHCR Returnees Programme in Galkayo, 23/05/04

The experiences and information gathered by Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) teams in Puntland (Somalia) indicate that conditions are not conducive for the forced return of asylum seekers. MSF remains extremely concerned about the insecurity and worrisome humanitarian situation for the civilian population in Puntland. The current policy to forcibly return Somalis is objectionable since the area remains largely unstable and lacks the minimal conditions to facilitate sustainable livelihoods.