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University Microfilms International 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 USA St. John's Road, Tyler's Green High Wycombe, Bucks, England HP10 8HR 77-31,938 MUTH, Marcia Finley, 1945-< ELIZABETHAN PRAISE OF THE QUEEN: DRAMATIC INTERACTION IN ROYAL PANEGYRIC. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1977 Literature, English

University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, Michigan48ioe

© Copyright by

Marcia Finley Muth

1977 ELIZABETHAN PRAISE OF THE QUEEN:

DRAMATIC INTERACTION IN ROYAL PANEGYRIC

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

By

Marcia Finley Muth, B.A., M.A.

******

The Ohio State University 1977

Reading Committee Approved By

Robert C . Jones

David O. Frantz

Edwin W.\Robbins ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I have incurred many obligations during these final years of my doctoral program. My advisor, Professor

Robert C. Jones, has been sensitive and humane throughout.

His counsel has always been honest and helpful and his questions provocative. I am particularly grateful that he has allowed and respected my independent growth as a scholar and that he has taught me, by his example, much about teaching and scholarship. My committee members.

Professors David 0. Frantz and Edwin W. Robbins, have given my work careful and prompt reading. Their valuable stylistic and substantive suggestions have been one measure of my good fortune in working with them. My research has been assisted greatly by the staff and facilities of The

Ohio State University Library. In particular, I wish to thank the staffs of the English and Speech Graduate Library and of the Special Collections whose curator, Robert A.

Tibbetts, generously has allowed me to duplicate otherwise inaccessible items. Through the patience of the Microform

Room staff, I have learned not to be intimidated by the machinery of the twentieth century as it allows access to the literature of the sixteenth, especially the invaluable

Early English Books 1475-1640 microfilm series from ii University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan. My greatest debt is the most difficult to acknowledge satisfactorily here. My husband, Rodney, has helped me in many ways, but his affection, solace, and encouragement have made all the difference. VITA

August 7, 1945. . . , . Born - South Bend, Indiana

1967...... B.A. , Pomona College, Claremont, California

1971...... M.A., Claremont Graduate School, Claremont, California

1972-1973 ...... Teaching Associate, Department of English, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

1973-19 74 ...... N.D.E.A. Title IV Fellow, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

19 74-19 75 ...... Teaching Associate, Department of English, The Ohio State Univer­ sity, Columbus, Ohio

1975...... Distinguished Teaching Award, Department of English, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

Spring 1977 ...... Lecturer, Part-time, Division of Comparative Literature, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: English Literature

Renaissance Literature. Professor Robert C. Jones

Medieval Literature. Professor Walter Scheps

Nineteenth Century American Literature. Professor Julian Markels

The Novel. Professor Arnold Shapiro TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... ii

VITA ...... iv

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT ...... 1

II. IDEALIZATION: THE ADORATION FROM A DISTANCE . . 34

III. EXHORTATION: THE PATTERNS FOR SOVEREIGN AND PEOPLE ...... 62

IV. PERSONALIZATION: THE INDIVIDUAL FOCUS ...... 99

V. DRAMATIZATION: THE ABSORPTION INTO FICTION . . 126

VI. ACTUALIZATION: THE FUSION OF FICTION AND REALITY ...... 177

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 230

V CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT

On September 10, 1533, a royal newborn was carried to the Friars Church at Greenwich where "the Child was brought to the font, and christned; and that done, Garter chiefe King of Armes cryed aloud, 'God of his infinit goodnesse send prosperous life and long to the high and mightie Princesse of England ELIZABETH!*"^ Despite the trumpets and torches, the rich gifts and the ceremonious processional, this child was a disappointment, and her father did not attend her christening. Neither Henry VIII nor anyone else could anticipate the events which would transmute an account of this inauspicious beginning to a prophetic anticipation of an English golden age. Eighty years later when the reenactment of this occasion concluded

Henry VIII, the infant's godfather, Archbishop Cranmer, predicted a glorious era to her father:

Let me speake Sir, For Heauen now bids me; and the words I vtter, Let none thinke Flattery; for they'l finde 'em Truth. This Royall Infant, Heauen still moue about her; Though in her Cradle; yet now promises Vpon this Land a thousand thousand Blessings, Which Time shall bring to ripenesses She shall be, (But few now liuing can behold that goodnesse) A Patterne to all Princes liuing with her. 2

And all that shall succeed: Saba was neuer More couetous of Wisedome, and faire Vertue Then this pure Soule shall be. All Princely Graces That mould vp such a mighty Piece as this is, With all the Vertues that attend the good. Shall still be doubled on her. Truth shall Nurse her. Holy and Heauenly thoughts still Counsell' her: She shall be lou'd and fear'd. Her owne shall blesse her; Her Foes shake like a Field of beaten Come, And hang their heads with sorrow: Good growes with her. In her dayes, Euery Man shall eate in safety, Vnder his owne Vine what he plants; and sing The merry Songs of Peace to all his Neighbours. God shall be truely knowne, and those about her. From her shall read the perfect way of Honour, And by those claime their greatnesse; not by B l o o d . 2

When the prophetic Cranmer played his part, he eulogized

the Queen of a decade past, already of "famous memory."

His speech, however, drew heavily on panegyric themes prevalent during her lifetime. In the eyes of her devoted

contemporaries, Queen Elizabeth I reigned as God's special blessing on England, a pattern to princes and people alike.

Personified virtues attended her and loyal subjects blessed

her. She was adored, idealized, and dramatized in the-

literature and arts of her time.

The works of her best known and most extensively

studied poet, Edmund Spenser, will not be considered

directly here in order to allow a fuller examination of

the hundreds of other vernacular works that praised Queen

Elizabeth during her lifetime. In this literature, the

Queen is cast in a variety of roles as a literary subject

and character, interacting in different ways with her writers and her audience. She is idealized by the humble poet, a societal spokesman who invites his audience to join in her adoration. Her praise becomes the occasion for religious, political, or personal attempts by earnest and presumptuous writers to influence her behavior and that of the audience.

Her double role as literary subject and audience is fully exploited in those works in which she assumes a fictional or active role, dramatized and managed by her writers, observed and celebrated by her audience. In her presence, as a literary figure derived from the actual world, distinctions between reality and fiction fade. As she is drawn into a created role or realm, her actions reflect on those of her living, historical counterpart, just as her people and her audience see themselves similarly mirrored in fictional characters and their actions. She remains the Queen, but becomes a subject's literary subject.

In order to extol the Queen, the Elizabethan writer

faced a number of complex literary decisions. He could adjust his distance from the Queen, viewing her from afar,

speaking directly to her, or stepping behind the scene to

stage her fictional or actual appearance in his work. He might assume a particular attitude or his own speaking role

or manipulate his characters to speak or enact her praise.

He could admit or conceal his creative control as he shaped

Elizabeth's literary manifestation. He might select his

stance in relation to his audience, merely parading his claims for his Queen, directly soliciting emotional accord, forcefully urging changes in behavior, or artfully elicit­ ing and obliging commitment to his assertions and to his literary construct. His choices, like those of any writer, took account of subject matter and audience. Yet he faced additional restrictions because his subject was a living person, his sovereign. To avoid tactless or embarrassing excesses and failures, he had to align his fictional portrayal of the Queen with accepted opinions and expecta­ tions or elevate his subject beyond the normal restrictions and standards of reality. His manipulation of the literary

Queen was scrutinized by a double audience— the living

Elizabeth and her reading or viewing subjects. Either audience might be directly addressed, recognized, or ignored, further complicating the ways in which the literary creation might admit its relationship with the outside world, attempt to draw the actual world within its fictional bounds, or itself creep into reality.

Because the Elizabethan writer might rely on such a range of tactics, his praise of Elizabeth cannot be dismissed as simple flattery, devoid of literary interest.

In fact, the Queen's praise serves as a selective prin­ ciple through which the question of the complex literary relationships of author, living monarch, and audience can be focused and investigated in the worst, and the best, of Elizabethan writers. Although the inherent limitation of occasional literature— its inability to outlive its moment or its original subject and audience— is often apparent, the praise of the Queen does not intrinsically or necessarily require historical empathy of the modern reader. In the hands’^of a great, or even a skillful, writer, the literary Elizabeth transcends her time and place. A Ralegh or a Sidney or a Lyly brings to her praise the same genius apparent elsewhere in his writing. In her honor, a Davies or a Drayton or a Gascoigne may sparkle, and a Churchyard may enliven an occasion, extending its lifetime beyond the moment of production. And, although he does not transcend his historical context when he attempts to approach and relate to his Queen and audience, even the drudge provides a useful perspective on the accomplishments of his contemporaries. Within this body of literature, broader issues are not only apparent but central, for the praise of the Queen illuminates the writer's manipulation and control of his material and his audience, the possible range and variety of literary interactions and relationships within the restrictions of occasion and propriety, and the implications of literary connections and encounters between fiction and reality.

To consider these questions— to attempt to understand why and how Elizabethan panegyric operated— remains a

challenge for the modern student of the works that praise

Queen Elizabeth. Our forerunners, the literary critics and historians of the last centuries, frequently admitted

only current standards of decorum and thus assailed both

Elizabeth and her literary men: "Not less vain, it has been

said, of her person than her accomplishments, encomiastic

harangues drawn from the topics of youth or beauty, were

offered and received with an equal impropriety 3

Enduring though this legacy may be, recent scholarship

encourages a more sympathetic attitude toward royal panegyric. The charge of flattery no longer impedes

investigation of the Renaissance tactics of praise. Yet

to appreciate most readily the literary processes at work

in the English praise of Queen Elizabeth during her

lifetime, we must begin with an overview of the

Elizabethan context— the foundations accepted by author and audience alike, the traditions, conventions, and proprieties so fully exercised by the Elizabethans.

The Tudor world was governed by God's earthly vice­ regent, a monarch limited by law but subject only to divine judgment. Although the prince was expected to rule

in accord with the laws of God and the commonwealth and to behave as an exemplar of public and private virtues, even tyrannous abuses did not justify the disobedience of subjects.^ The 1562 Preface to the newly revised Edwardian homilies maintains this close linkage of religious and civil obligations: "... the word of GOD, which is the onely foode of the soule, . . . should at all conuenient times be preached vnto the people, that thereby they may both learne their duety towards God, their Prince, and their neighbors, according to the mind of the holy Ghost, expressed in the Scriptures. . . .1,5 This text includes separate sermons, devoted to topics such as obedience, to be read and reread in proper sequence on Sundays and holy d a y s .

Since the right and ability of any woman to rule was a subject for serious debate, complicated by the accessions of three queens who polarized religious differences in

England and Scotland, divine sanction was an especially important claim for a female monarch.4* Although Elizabeth ruled as absolutely as her father or grandfather, she capitalized on the intense religious fervor of her

Protestant subjects to legitimize and consecrate her authority further, an enthusiasm sparked by Foxe's Actes and Monuments. Receiving instruction from men who were certain not only that God was English but that he held opinions which matched their own was a small price for their personal loyalty and religious devotion.^

This convergence, of political and religious sanctions

in the person of the monarch was aptly expressed in 1586 by John Ferne:

But, concerning this regall estate, and dignitie of Kings, it is of two manners, the one is Imperial or Supreme, such a one is our soueraigne Lady Elizabeth, by the grace of God Queene of England, France, and Ireland: which soueraigne Queene holdeth 8

her Empire and Kingdomes with her people and subiects, immediately of the Lord of heauen and earth, without any other meane segneorie, or attendancie of corporall or bodely seruice or allegeance to any other wordly Prince or Potentate, maugre the head of either her forreine enimies, or intestine and homeborne trayterous vassals: and also, from her sentence (she and we all her faithfull and loyall subiects, acknowledging to her estate no superior) lieth no appeale. . . . And that we may (as duty is) both with reuerence, and dutifull feare, discerne and iudge the office and function of our Soueraigne, to be most holy and sacred, let vs see, with what honors a soueraigne king (such a one as is her Maiesty) is illustrated, and made redoubted to his subiects. First, what great maiesty, honor, power, and glory is intended, by setting a crowne vpon her head: for in the reuerend and maiesticall action of corona­ tion, she is first anointed, then blessed, after that, consecrated, to signify vnto her, and vnto vs, that she is of God, that her power is from Christ, and that she is to rule ouer Christian people. The crowne set on her head, is called triumphant, and it is of gold, to signify her excellent Maiesty.

• * • 8

Clearly any literature about the Queen would reflect the foundations of her authority as well as its proper expression in ceremony and r i t u a l . ^ Given this political and religious context, a devout Englishman of the time might well write of Elizabeth in apparently hyperbolic terms yet stoutly maintain that this mode of address was well within the bounds of propriety and decorum. John

Davies argues this point in A private mans potion:

Therefore 0 England, let thy yoong men and maides, old men and babes, thy beasts and cattell, thy fish & foule, thy mountaines and hils, thy riuers & welles, thy plants and trees, thy corne and grasse, thy fieldes and meades, thy citties and townes, thy woodes and groues, thy downes and dales, each in their kinds laude and praise the Lord; for giuing vs such a Queene, in and by whom 9

we are so happy; for S thrugh whome we are blessed, and in whom as in a streame of Maiestie and princely magnanimity, all the gifts and graces which God bestoweth vpon the children of men doo swim, and to his praise and hir perpetuall renown (with out fault or imperfection) doo superabound. 0 but some will saie (if so they durst) Sir you are too too extreame in hir commendation: you infringe the bounds of trueth, whereby it seemeth you aime at hir fauour by the leuell of flatterie. Shee is not so endowed with giftes and graces as you vainlie and most vntruely affirme. Neither is she so faultlesse and praiseworthie, as you make hir. Indeed, did not hir deserts merite my praises, my flatterie were too too palpable, but being no more then hir proper right, the repetition thereof (I know) is vtterly repugnant to hir pleasure, and therefore they are deceiued, whiche imagine, that I (poore snake and contemptible worm) aime at so high a marke, with so grosse a shaft* But for that which first I did attribute vnto hir, besides hir zealous forwardnesse, in the execu­ tion of Gods will, and the matter of hir and our soules welfare, hir exact k. owledge of the toongs, hir deepe sight in the sciences, hir quicke capacitie, hir swift vnderstanding, hir mercie to offenders, hir care of hir subiectes and hir peaceable regi­ ment, doo, plainely manifest: All whiche and manie other such like, as inuincible arguments doo proue mine assertion. To the second, be it graunted, that she is not vtterly faultlesse, and therefore not vtterly blamelesse, I replie: she is (though a most gratious Queene as I said) a mortall creature, framed of the same substance that we be, and therefore subiect to those passions and infirmities that we are. But so was Dauid of whome GOD saide, I haue chosen a man according to mine own heart. . . . who can then be so malitious to entwite hir maiesty with that which is proper to all in generall?10

Religious zealot, humanist, and mere loyal Englishman alike wrote and spoke with religious and political fervor of a Queen so grudgingly granted mortality. Duty buttressed conviction; praise was the accepted humanistic method by which a responsible subject might persuade a 10 monarch to act as represented.H Besides political and religious confidence in the monarchy— and Queen Elizabeth in particular— writers professed considerable faith in the power of, literature to move men. For all learning, according to Sidney, "vnder what name soeuer it com forth, or to what immediat end soeuer it be directed, the final end is to lead and draw vs to as high a perfection as our degenerate soules, made worse by theyr clayey lodgings, can be capable of . " ^ Even evil men can be moved to virtuous action, for they "will be content to be delighted, which is al the good felow Poet seemeth to promise; and so steale to see the forme of goodnes (which seene they cannot but loue) ere themselues be aware, as if they took a medicine of Cherries" (p. 173). Poetry surpasses history and philosophy in drawing men to virtue, "beeing the most familiar to teach it, and most princelie to moue towards it" (p. 175).

In his dedication of A President for a Prince to

Elizabeth, Anthonie Rushe links the moral potency of literature to the proper roles of monarch and subject:

If Ptolome Kinge of AEgypt, beyng exhorted by Demetrius Phalareus a pleasant Orator, to buye Bookes endyted of Princelie prowesse: for that he might read therein those lessons, of the whych his friends or subiects durst not put him in remembraunce: tooke that his counsell in very good parte, rendring thankes for that his gentle admonition, promising to followe his request in that behalfe: the one sufficientlye aunswering hys function in exhorting: the other in obeying and yelding to the same.^ 11

In this spirit, Rushe offers his volume to the Queen:

In the which your Maiestie may reade suche lessons, not only to ciuill, but also to heauenly policie and practise directed, as I (being a very blunt and vnskilful Oratour) eyther for want of audacitie, shall not be able before your dreadfull countenance to vtter and set forth, or your grace through magnanimitie and loftynesse of minde, shall of them in good part, after my meaning, not vouchesafe to conceyue: Dumbe and dead letters standing in no awe or note of bashfulnesse, presenting thSselues freely and frankly, wythout any copie, or chaunge of color: prest persons and humble subiects through weaknesse of mind, & boldning courage, at the presence of the Prince trembling and quaking, and in discharging their tale stumbling and staying. (sigs. Alv-A2r )

When authors present their works to a prince, "partly they witnesse them selues to be greatly indebted to his royall estate, partly also by such occasion he is allured to the study of wisdom" (sig. A2r). Rushe recommends several virtuous models for Elizabeth to follow until "as on your grace all eyes shall be fixed, as on a mirror or motion of wisdome" (sig. Blv). The moral potential of literature operates in a double fashion— the Queen, literary subject or audience, may move or be moved to virtuous action.

This power of literature is turned to compliment specifically the Queen whom the author of The Arte of

English Poesie addresses:

But you (Madame) my most Honored and Gracious, if I should seeme to offer you this my deuise for a discipline and not a delight, I might well be reputed of all others the most arrogant and iniurious, your selfe being alreadie, of any that 12

I know in our time, the most excellent Poet; forsooth by your Princely purse, fauours, and countenance, making in maner what ye list, the poore man rich, the lewd well learned, the coward couragious, and vile both noble and valiant: then for imitation no lesse, your person as a most cunning counterfaitor liuely representing Venus in countenance, in life Diana, Pallas for gouernement, and Iuno in all honour and regall magnificence.14

The manner in which poets traditionally speak of princes is treated theoretically later in his treatise.

Tragedy is a proper means to condemn the wicked prince, posthumously of course, so that his misdeeds "might worke

for a secret reprehension to others that were aliue,

liuing in the same or like abuses" {p. 36). Similarly, virtue should be commended in "the great Princes aboue

all others with honors and praises, being for many

respects of greater moment to haue them good & vertuous

then any inferior sort of men" (p. 36). In that princes

differ from ordinary men (even legally consisting of two bodies— natural and politic— indivisibly united in a

living monarch), ^ certain decorum is essential to express

the "reuerence . . . due to their estates" (p. 178).

Behind these Elizabethan convictions lay venerable

rhetorical and literary traditions which defined forms of 1 praise or blame and designated classical models. When

Elizabeth visited Warwick in 1572, the city Recorder

reminded her of the history and effects of panegyricae:

"The manner and custome to salute Princes with publik Oracions hath bene of long tyme usid, most 13

excellent and gracious Souereigne Ladie, begonne by the Greeks, confirmed by the Romaynes, and by discourse of tyme contynued even to thies our daies: and because the same were made in publike places and open assemblies of senators and counsaillors, they were callid both in Greek and Latyn panegyricae. In thies were sett fourth the qommendaemons of Kings and Emperors, with the sweet sound whereof, as the ears of evil Prynces were delightid by hearing there undeservid praises, so were good Princes by the pleasaunt remembrance of their knowen and true vertues made better, being put in mynde of their office and govern­ ment.

Elizabeth's characteristic response to this portion of the Recorder's speech indicates the extent to which all parties understood the assumptions and conventions it invoked. After his oration and the accompanying ceremonies of welcome,

. . . she called Mr. Aglionby to her, and offred her hand to him to kisse, withall smyling, said, •Come hither, little Recorder. It was told me that youe wold be afraid to look upon me, or to speak boldly; but you were not so fraid of me as I was of youe; and I now thank you for putting me in mynd of my duety, and that should be in me.' And so thereupon shewing a most gracious and favourable countenance to all the Burgesses and company, said again, 'I most hartely thank you all, my good People.' (I, 315-16)

This exchange illustrates the remarkable accord of the

Elizabethans as they honored their Queen; like other similar interactions, it is informed by the political, religious, and moral motives that legitimized her praise as a mode distinguished from flattery.

Popular celebrations and entertainments, as well as other fine arts, shared the values of serious literature. I4 Traditional pageants, such as the royal entry, relied on visual symbols with brief verbal explications to communicate with the sovereign. Conventional behavior, proper to their roles, was expected of the prince and the general audience; appropriate relationships were practiced by the community representatives and the honored guest and simulated in the tableaux vivants which lined or spanned the streets along the procession route. In addition to the entries and other conventional welcoming ceremonies, cities and distinguished hosts frequently commissioned special entertainments to honor Elizabeth when she toured the countryside on a summer progress.^-® Early in her reign, motifs which recall earlier Tudor celebrations recur, just as later entertain­ ments allude to threads of plots and characters familiar froin previous shows. Transitory though the moment of presentation might be, such linking devices, as well as published "scripts" and reportorial accounts, reenforced the underlying political, religious, and moral responses which sustained the praise of Elizabeth. Her celebration crossed all generic lines and involved Peele, Bacon, Sir

John Davies, and other competent authors in writing and producing such shows. In turn, elements of these entertainments were absorbed into the works of men such as

Sidney, Spenser, and Shakespeare.19

Besides their connections with other literary kinds, pageants and entertainments illustrate the historical roots 15 of public tribute to a monarch. The marriage of

Elizabeth’s uncle, Prince Arthur, and Katherine of Aragon was celebrated with an elaborate London entry, six pageant scenes thematically interlaced by the life of virtue as the means to honor. Her fashionable father "masked" at

Twelfth-night. Her aunt and her mother were complimented by the Judgment of Paris motif, familiar in Peele's

Elizabethan version. Her immediate predecessor, her

Catholic sister Mary, was represented in Respublica as the divinely guided goddess Nemesis.2® But the fullest celebration of a Tudor was reserved for Elizabeth, an endowment that her Stuart successors could not secure.

Even Jacobean cultivation of the masque as a serious literary statement could not replace Elizabeth's rich symbolic significance.21

Portraits of Elizabeth, like the literature praising her, rely on standards other than verisimilitude; symbolic rather than realistic details predominate. Her elaborate costumes and jewelry, the "props" which surrounded her, and even her features and stance were intended to convey her role and status, her special virtues and accomplish­ ments. The charge of flattery is irrelevant; nationalism and Protestantism were simply well served by convention, idealization, and symbolism, applied to the person of a monarch willing and able to carry such an iconographic burden.22 In the famous "Rainbow" portrait (ca. 1600) at

Hatfield House, for example, the Queen is portrayed with youthful features, fitted with an elaborate headpiece, bejeweled with massive pearls, and costumed in a lowcut

dress decorated with an entwined serpent, as she stands holding a rainbow. The artist's intention is obviously not

the replication of the Queen's actual physical appearance;

according to Graziani, complex though the symbolism may be,

Elizabeth is here portrayed as a metaphorical bride, the

personification of the Anglican church, who holds the

rainbow promising covenant with God. The carefully

selected details of appearance, dress, and setting reen­

force the central meaning: outer features represent

vibrant spiritual youth, the headdress derives from a

costume book design for the "bride of Thessalonica" and is

worn over the traditional cascading hair of an Elizabethan

bride, the jewelry reiterates virginity, and the dress is

cut for an unmarried woman and carries the sign of the

Redeemer on the left sleeve reserved for the beloved.23

Difficult as unchallengeable interpretation may be, the

general intention is evident. Elizabeth's artists, like

her poets, fully understood that "... she beareth two

persons, the one of a^ most royall Queene or Empresse, the

other of a most vertuous and beautifull Lady. . . .";24

her royalty, virtue, and beauty are their constant themes. 17 Other arts are animated by this intense devotion to

Elizabeth. In addition to their symbolic uses to embody

internal attributes of rank or character in portraits and public appearances, clothing and jewelry were appropriate presents to Elizabeth. During her progresses, a literary

device frequently framed the presentation and clarified any

special significance of a gift.25 Architecture expressed the courtier-host*s service to his Queen; his house was 2 G designed to entertain her, even to enshrine her.

Musicians, like actors, were supported for her personal entertainment and to provide appropriate ceremony for her court. Elizabeth played the virginals just as she wrote poetry; poet and musician united for her honor in the 1601

Triumphs of Oriana.2?

Even the ancient martial arts centered on the Queen; the annual celebration of St. George's day by the Knights of the Garter, the mock assaults and contests contrived as progress entertainments, and the elaborate impresa and costumes of the courtier-knights who met festive challenges are evidence of the Elizabethan revitalization of chivalric 2 ft survivals. ° Tilts and tournaments were typical features of occasions such as Elizabeth's Accession Day celebra­ tions, in addition to bell-ringing, bonfires, sermons, 2 Q plays, and pageants. * John Howson, introducing his sermon preached at Oxford November 17, 1602, "thought it a part both of my duety to God, and loyalty to my soveraigne 18

Mistres, to vndergoe the defence of the festivities of our

Church, which haue their adversaries at home among vs, as of the celebration of the day of her most blessed inauguration into this kingdome, which hath found some maligners both at home and abroad. . . ."30 jn his response to Catholic critics, Howson speaks as a staunch

Anglican when he chooses Psalm 118.24 as his text: "This is the day which the Lord hath made, we will reioice and be glad in it" (sig. Alr). Elizabeth, the apple of God’s eye (sig. D2V), perfectly illustrates Howson's definition of the divine and supernatural qualities of kings.

The Elizabethan political and religious assumptions, bolstered by didactic and symbolic artistic and popular traditions, form the social and cultural context for the acclaim of Elizabeth. Whether or not the vernacular praise of the living Queen examined here aimed at flattery for some personal gain, it nevertheless expressed the deepest beliefs of contemporary society. The duty of a loyal subject and the moral responsibility of the poet were simultaneously accomplished in the literary exaltation of

Elizabeth. Her virtues were apparent, as were her histor­ ical accomplishments, and fully warranted adoration, idealization, and imitation. England's survival and ascendancy was an historical miracle; naturally the revelation of Elizabeth's transforming powers and active I virtues was an appropriate topic for a writer. These 19 shared values allowed the praise of Elizabeth to be taken

seriously by writers and audiences; moreover, this earnest intention drew vitality from the Elizabethan penchant for self-dramatization.

Dramatic experience with interludes, civic and religious pageantry, and other ceremonial occasions primed a Tudor audience for a responsive, participatory role.

Lyric poets dramatized the speaking voice as did writers addressing their patrons. The growth of popular drama itself is sufficient illustration of the Elizabethan theatrical energy, but this energy vitalized other literary

forms as well. Only a fine line separated reality from play. Dramatic potential existed everywhere; all levels of society, acting individually and collectively, had parts to play.3-*- The execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, amply illustrates how well one might play a final scene. Even the English accounts of her death show Mary's mastery of her role, keeping a full house waiting, carrying the trappings of martyrdom— crucifix, rosary, and prayerbook, upstaging the Protestant Dean of Peterborough, and finally commending herself, "In manus tuas."33

In this histrionic society, the most prominent actress was, of course, Elizabeth.33 As she curtly informed a

Parliament which pressed for Mary Stuart's execution:

". . . w e Princes, I tel you, are set on stages, in the sight and viewe of all the world duely observed: The eies 20 of many beholde our actions: A spot is soone spied in our garments: A blemish quickely noted in bur doings.1’34 From the moment during her London coronation entry when she received an English Bible from Time's daughter# Truth, kissed it, and laid it on her breast "to the great comfort of the lookers-on,1,3^ she understood that her relationship with her people was an active one, requiring careful attention to her actions and lines, as well as elaborate costuming and staging. In every show or entertainment presented before her, her physical presence automatically recast her as an actor as well as a spectator. At Lambeth

Palace in 1573, for example, when Elizabeth heard a Lenten sermon from the upper galleries, "The people from below divided their attention between her Majesty and the preacher."3® Plays and entertainments were staged with similar attention to her position as primary audience and main attraction.37 Her success in her complex role is evident in the panegyric literature in which she plays an object of adoration, a model of virtuous and regal behavior, and an agent of transformation whose presence or action resolves a fictional plot. She is observed, discussed, directly addressed, and cast in walk-on and speaking parts. She is simultaneously audience and actor at entertainments, audience and literary subject for printed works dedicated or devoted to her. She remains malleable in the hands of hundreds of Elizabethan writers, 21 performing for actual spectators as well as a literary audience.

Prom Elizabeth's ability to absorb and represent popular values and to play the part required of one vested with such political and religious consequence grew the mythic Queen of contemporary literature who answered to

Judith, Deborah, Eliza, Elisa, Diana, Laura, Cynthia,

Gloriana, and Belphoebe.38 By whatever name, Elizabeth appears in contemporary vernacular works in a series of dramatic relationships with her panegyrists.

They most simply observe her from a distance, posed and idealized, a fit subject for the secular and religious adoration of poet and audience. This distant and static

Elizabeth awes, but does not interact; she is unchangeable, regal, and celestial. Her writer is humble and reverent, perhaps sharing in reflected glory as an observer and recorder of her stature and merits. He entices the audience to join him in the emotional adoration of the Queen, even speaking as a communal representative. His characteri­ zation of the Queen is forceful, but he restricts its impact to emotional, rather than physical, terms.

Venerable and distant though a Tudor monarch might be,

Elizabeth appears in a second series of roles characterized by her capacity to promote virtuous action. She is the pattern for other princes and for her people; similarly, she is tactfully presented with advice or instruction on 22 which to model her own actions. Many of these works por­ tray the proper relations between monarch and populace to inculcate the responsibilities of both parties. Her writer is certain of his mission, functioning as a community conscience and leading, even exhorting, his double audience, Queen and subject, to their respective duties.

A third group of works presents her as a potentially active agent. Writers frequently speak directly to the

Queen, assuming her power to grant requests, to benefit the commonwealth and an author by protecting a work dedi­ cated to her, and even to transform or inspire the lyric poet. She plays the beneficent monarch, the primary audience for a presumptuous poet who claims a personal relationship with her. She is within his reach, at least as a reader, and he trades on the empathy and sympathy of his unacknowledged larger audience to secure his position.

As the writer manipulates his pose or speaking voice, the usual distinctions between reality and fiction begin to blur.

Those works that provide a role for Elizabeth within a fictional setting further break down the boundaries between the real and the created worlds. Here, the Queen is fully absorbed into her writer's literary material.

Even her historical actions are dramatized, and fictional characters allude to her as if she belonged in their 23 realm. Although poets and characters frequently describe her influence on them and their worlds, Elizabeth can be presented directly before her reading audience as a literary character without the distancing of report, allusion, or secondhand description. Her fictional roles even extend to her visual representation or impersonation in drama.

Finally, when the Queen's physical presence at a » celebratory occasion is managed by a writer, she commands, controls, and transforms the poetic world, often mirroring her actual roles in entertainments in which the fictive and real worlds merge. Her mere presence reforms character and resolves a quandary on stage or humbles the pagan gods and savage men roaming an English estate. The more active her relationship with actual or fictional events, the more complex her simultaneous roles as literary subject and audience. Increasingly complex responses are required of the reading or observing audience which must likewise simultaneously respond to the events of the real and the created worlds manipulated and directed by the poet.

The age dramatized and heightened the relationship between sovereign and subjects. Her poets and writers played their parts and managed both. Yet it was Elizabeth who accepted and sustained a mythic role that epitomized all that was dear to her countrymen. The historical and artistic context encouraged her celebration: political and religious assumptions justified her praise; symbolic and didactic traditions shaped it. Thus the literature in her honor elucidates central Elizabethan tendencies as well as larger literary questions of distance, stance, dramatic interaction, and the relationship between fiction and reality. 25

NOTES

^ "Birth and Christening of Ladie Elizabeth," in John Nichols, ed., The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth (1823; rpt. New York: AMS Press and Kraus, n.d.), I, 2. All quotations from primary materials follow the spelling and punctuation of the original or modern edition cited, with the exception of the long f which has been modernized to s ; occasional idosyncratic or apparently careless variations in type have not been duplicated or indicated. Subsequent references immediately following the original citation of a work are indicated parenthet­ ically in the text. In both the notes and the bibliography, many titles of primary works have been shortened, and many typographical idiosyncrasies, such as running capitals and italics, ignored.

2 ThQ Famous History of the Life of King Henry the Eight in Charlton Hinman, ed., The First Folio of Shakespeare (1623; New York: Norton^ 1968F7 13T. ”3384-3409.

3 Thomas Park, ed., A Catalogue of the Royal and Noble Authors of England, Scotland, and Ireland, by Horace Walpole, enl. edn. (London: John Scott, 1806), I, 109. A. L. Rowse, "Queen Elizabeth and the Historians," History .Today, 3 (1953), esp. 640-41, reviews anachronistic moral- ism in the works of Victorian historians; Conyers Read, "Good Queen Bess," American Historical Review, 31 (1926) , 647-61, briefly examines her reign, her success as a monarch, and her reputation.

^ Useful explanations of the tenets of Tudor monarchy, especially as they relate to literature, are available in W. A. Armstrong, "The Elizabethan Concept of the Tyrant," RES, 22 (1946), 161-81; Franklin Le Van Baumer, The Early Tudor Theory of Kingship (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1940) ; Anne Righter, Shakespeare and the Idea of the Play (London: Chatto & Windus^ 1962), esp. ch. 5, "The Player King"; Edward O. Smith, Jr., "The Elizabethan Doctrine of the Prince as Reflected in the Sermons of the Episcopacy, 1559-1603," HLQ, 28 (1964), 1-17; and Frances A. Yates, "Queen Elizabeth as Astraea," JWCI, 10 (1947), 27-82, who thoroughly investigates Tudor imperial symbolism. J. W. Allen, A History of Political Thought in the Sixteenth Century (1928; rev. 1957; rpt. London: Methuen, 1961), esp. pp. 121-24, carefully distinguishes Tudor assertions about monarchy from the later doctrine of "divine right."

® Certaine Sermons or Homilies Appointed to be Read in Churches In the Time of Queen Elizabeth I (1547-1571); 26

A Facsimile Reproduction of the Edition of 1623, ed. Mary Ellen Rickey and Thomas B . Stroup (1623; facsimile rpt. Gainesville, Florida: Scholars' Facsimiles & Reprints, 1968), sig. a2*\

6 James E. Phillips, Jr., “The Background of Spenser's Attitude Toward Women Rulers," HLQ, 5 (1942), 5-32, analyzes the parties and issues in this controversy; his "The Woman Ruler in Spenser's Faerie Queene," HLQ, 5 (1942), 211-34, summarizes the debate and applies it to a literary text.

^ William Haller, The Elect Nation: The Meaning and Relevance of Foxe's Book of Martyrs (New York: Harper & Row, 1963) thoroughly assesses Foxe's work and its impact; Frances Yates, "Foxe as Propagandist," Encounter, 27, No. 4 (1966), 78-86, briefly reviews Foxe's purposes, particu­ larly in relation to Tudor imperialism.

8 John Ferne, The Blazon of Gentrie, The English Experience, No. 513 (T586; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1973), pp. 140-41.

9 T. N. Marsh, "Elizabethan Ceremony in Literature and in the Wilderness," English Miscellany, 10 (1959), 27-42, argues that ceremonies were so essential to an Elizabethan sense of propriety and completeness that even unobserved explorers secured clear title to new lands with symbolic rituals. Similarly, Righter, Shakespeare, p. 114, maintains that ceremony embodies kingship. A. P. Rossiter, English Drama from Early Times to the Elizabethan (London: Hutchinson, 1950), pp. 17-18, suggests the larger ritual of order motivates kingship rituals.

10 John Davies, A private mans potion, for the health of England (1591; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Micro- "films, STC reel 880, n.d.), sigs. E8v-F2r .

H This point recurs in David Bevington, Tudor Drama and Politics: A Critical Approach to Topical Meaning (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968); G. K. Hunter, John Lyly: The Humanist as Courtier (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962); and Stephen Orgel, The Illusion of Power: Political Theater in the English Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), esp. pp. 40-41.

12 sir Philip Sidney, An Apologie for Poetrie (London, 159 5), in Elizabethan Critical Essays, ed. G. Gregory Smith (1904; rpt. London: Oxford University Press, 1971), I, 160. 27

13 Anthonie Russhe, A President for a Prince (1566; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 469, 1951), sigs. Alr-Alv .

14 George Puttenham (?), The Arte of English Poesie (London, 1589) , in Essays, ed. Smith, IX, 4-5.

For an explanation of the legal situation, see Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King * s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (1957; rpt. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 19 70), especially his intro­ ductory section.

16 Thorough examinations of these traditions are available in James D. Garrison, Dryden and the Tradition of Panegyric (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975); O. B. Hardison, Jr., The Enduring Monument: A Study of the Idea of Praise in Renaissance Literary Theory and Practice (1962; rpt. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973); Barbara Lewalski, Donne's Anniversaries and the Poetry of Praise: The Creation of a Symbolic Mode ([Princeton, N.J.]: Princeton University Press, 1973); Ernest William Talbert, "The Interpretation of Jonson's Courtly Spectacles," PMLA, 61 (1946), 454-73, and his The Problem of Order: Elizabethan Political Commonplaces and an Example of Shakespeare's Art (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1962), esp. pp. 83-84, which reviews the most frequently cited primary documents.

17 Corporation of Warwick, The Black Book, in Nichols, Progresses, I, 311.

For an introduction to these forms, see David M. Bergeron, English Civic Pageantry 1558-1642 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 19 71); his Twentieth- Century Criticism of English Masques, Pageants, and Entertainments: 1558-1642 (San Antonio, Texas: Trinity University Press, 1972) is a useful bibliography. Alice V. Griffin, Pageantry on the Shakespearean Stage (New Haven, Conn.: College and University Press, 1951), assembles many provocative examples of connections between pageantry and drama, as does Glynne Wickham, Early English Stages 1300 to 1660, 3 vols. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1959-72). Nichols, Progresses, and Robert Withington, English Pageantry: An Historical Outline (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1918), are sources of descrip­ tions and accounts of pageants and entertainments. Several of the essays in Frances A. Yates, Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 19 75) , investigate contemporary Continental practices, 28 as does George R. Kernodle, "Renaissance Artists in the Service-of the People: Political Tableaux and Street Theaters in Prance, Flanders, and England," Art Bulletin, 25 (1943), 59-64.

19 For fine studies of Sidney's connections with these works, see James Holly Hanford and Sara Ruth Watson, "Personal Allegory in the Arcadia: Philisides and Lelius," MP, 32 (1934), 1-10; Roy C. Strong, "The Popular Celebra­ tion of the Accession Day of Queen Elizabeth I," JWCI, 21 (1958), 86-103; and Frances A. Yates, "Elizabethan Chivalry: The Romance of the Accession Day Tilts," JWCI, 20 (1957), 4-25. Spenser has been very thoroughly studied in this regard, frequently with implications for the general understanding of these materials. See, for example, Charles Read Baskerville, "The Genesis of Spenser's Queen of Faerie," MP, 18 (1920-21), 49-54; Louis S. Friedland, "A Source of Spenser's 'The Oak and the Briar,'" PQ, 33 (1954), 222-24; Richard Terrell Goode, Spenser's Festive Poem: Elizabethan Royal Pageantry and The Faerie Queene, Diss. University of Texas at Austin 1973 (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, 1975); Edwin Greenlaw, "Spenser's Fairy Mythology," SI?, 15 (1918), 105-22; Ray Heffner, "Spenser's Allegory in’ Book I of the Faerie Queene," SP, 27 (1930) , 142-61; Howard W. Hintz, "The Elizabethan Entertainment and The Faerie Queene," PQ, 14 (1935), 83-90; Lawrence Rosinger, "Spenser's Una and Queen Elizabeth," English Language Notes, 6 (19 68), 12-17; Ivan L. Schulze, "Spenser's Beige Episode and the Pageants for Leicester in the Low Countries, 1585-86," SP, 28 (1931), 2 35-40, and his studies of tournaments; and Walter F. Staton, Jr., "Spenser's 'April' Lay as a Dramatic Chorus," SP, 59 (1962), 111-18. Shakespeare, especially Midsummer Night's Dream, is studied from this perspective by C. L. Barber, Shakespeare's Festive Comedy (1959; rpt. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Pr ess, 19 72), pp. 121-23, 148; Maureen Duffy, The Erotic World of Faery (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1972), esp. ch. 8; Griffin, Pageantry, pp. 139-42, 165; and Enid Welsford, The Court Masque: A Study in the Relationship between Poetry £ the Revels (1927; rpt. New York: Russell & Russell, 1962), pp. 341-42.

20 studies of early pageantry often include compara­ tive allusions to Elizabethan practices; especially useful works include Sydney Anglo, "The Evolution of the Early Tudor Disguising, Pageant, and Mask," Renaissance Drama, N.S. 1 (1968), 3-44; his "The London Pageants for the Reception of Katherine of Aragon: November 1501," JWCI, 26 (1963), 53-89, which I follow in discussing the Arthur- Katherine pageants; his Spectacle Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 19 69); and David M. 29

Bevington, "Drama and Polemics under Queen Mary," Renaissance Drama, 9 (1966), 105-24, which analyzes Respublica. Anne Wilfong Baldwin, "Thomas Berthelet and Tudor Propaganda," DA, 28 (1968) , 5005-6A (University of Illinois), suggests in her abstract that the treatment of Henry in literature may anticipate the praise of his daughter.

2*- Many recent studies of the Jacobean masque retrospectively illumine Elizabethan materials; see, for example, Jonas A. Barish, Ben Jonson and the Language of Prose Comedy (1960; rpt. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967); Dolora Cunningham, "The Jonsonian Masque as a Literary Form," ELH, 22 (1955), 108-24; Stephen Orgel, The Jonsonian Masque (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965); and his "The Poetics of Spectacle," New Literary History, 2 (1971), 367-89.

22 From a literary point of view, particularly useful studies of Elizabethan art include Erna Auerbach, Tudor Artists (London: Athlone Press, 1954), esp. ch. 5; John Buxton, Elizabethan Taste (London: Macmillan, 19 63); Marianna Jenkins, The State Portrait: Its Origin and Evolution, Monographs on Archaeology and Fine Arts, No. 3 (n.p.: College Art Association of America, 1947); Eric Mercer, English Art, 1553-1625 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962); D. Piper, The English Face (n.p.: Thames & Hudson, 1957), ch. 3; John Pope-Hennessey, The Portrait in the Renaissance (New York: Bollingen Foundation, 1966); and Ellis Waterhouse, Painting in Britain: 1530-1790 (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1953), pt. 1. John M. Steadman, "Icon­ ography and Renaissance Drama: Ethical and Mythological Themes," Research Opportunities in Renaissance Drama, 13- 14 (1970-71), 73-122, reviews the utility and limits of iconographic materials for literary interpretation. Portraits of Elizabeth are studied by Freeman M. O'Donoghue, A Descriptive and Classified Catalogue of Portraits of Queen Elizabeth (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1894) ; and Roy C. Strong, Portraits of Queen Elizabeth 1_ (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), who pays special attention to symbolism and portraiture theory.

23 I summarize here the detailed argument of Rene Graziani, "The 'Rainbow Portrait' of Queen Elizabeth I and Its Religious Symbolism," JWCI, 35 (1972), 247-59, which incorporates the conclusions of Frances A. Yates, "Boissard's Costume-Book and Two Portraits," JWCI, 22 (1959) , rpt. in Yates, Astr a e a , pp. 220-21. Yates studies this and other portraits in "Allegorical Portraits of Queen Elizabeth I at Hatfield House," Hatfield House 30

Booklet, No. 1 (1952), rpt. in Astraea, pp. 215-19; and in "The Triumph of Chastity," in Astraea, pp. 112-20.

2 ^ Edmund Spenser, "A Letter of the Authors . . . to . . . Sir Walter Raleigh," in Spenser: Poetical Works, ed. J. C. Smith and E. De Selincourt (1912; rpt. London: Oxford University Press, 1969), p. 407.

25 m . C. Bradbrook, Shakespeare and Elizabethan Poetry: A Study of his Earlier Work in Relation to "the Poetry of the Time (New York: Oxford University Press, 1952) , appendix on "Significant Costume," reviews jewelry, clothing, colors, flowers, and so on; Mary E. Hazard, "Tin Essay to Amplify 'Ornament': Some Renaissance Theory and Practice," SEL, 16 (1976), 15-32, illustrates her inter­ esting theoretical discussion with many references to Elizabeth's portraits and public appearances. For the political and financial implications of gift-giving, see J. E. Neale, "The Elizabethan Political Scene," Proceedings of the British Academy, 34 (1948), 97-117; and Lawrence Stone, "The Anatomy of the Elizabethan Aristocracy," Economic History Review, 18 (1948), 1-53. A. Jefferies Collins, Jewels and Plate of Queen Elizabeth JE: The Inventory of 1574 Edited from Harley MS. 1650 and Stowe MS. 555 in the British Museum (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1955), reprints the inventory items following a full introduction which includes the utility and sources of the royal collection.

26 Buxton, Elizabethan Taste, pp. 49-50, quotes correspondence of Burghley and Hatton on this point. Elizabethan architecture in relation to the Queen is also discussed by Ian Dunlop, Palaces and Progresses of Elizabeth 1^ (London: Jonathan Cape, 1962); Frederick Hard, "Princelie Pallaces: Spenser and Elizabethan Architecture," Sewanee Review, 42 (1934), 293-310; and John Summerson, ""Architecture in Britain: 1530-1830 (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 195^), pt. 1.

27 Dorothy E. Mason, Music in Elizabethan England (Washington, D. C.: Folger Shakespeare Library, 1958), briefly introduces this field; Morrison Comegys Boyd, Elizabethan Music and Musical Criticism (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 194 0), is a more thorough study. Gerald M. Pinciss, "The Queen's Men, 1583-1592," Theater Survey, 11 (1970), 50-65, reviews Elizabeth's support of entertainers. Roy C. Strong, "Queen Elizabeth I as Oriana," Studies in the Renaissance, 6 (1959), 251-60, traces the origins and development of the Oriana volume. 31

® For the literary significance of the tournament form, see George R. and Portia Kernodle, "Dramatic Elements in the Medieval Tournament," Speech Monographs, 9 (1942), 161-72. Ivan L. Schulze, "Elizabethan Chivalry and the Faerie Queene’s Annual Feast," MLN, 50 (1935), 158-61; "Notes on Elizabethan Chivalry and The Faerie Queene" SP, 30 (1933), 148-59; "Reflections of Elizabethan Tournaments in The Faerie Queene, 4.4 and 5.3," ELH, 5 (1938) , 278-84, studies tournaments as they particularly relate to Spenser's works. 29 For studies of the Accession Day celebrations, see E. K. Chambers, The Elizabethan Stage (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1923), I, 18 and 141; J. E. Neale, "November 17," in his Essays in Elizabethan History (London: Jonathan Cape, 1958), 9-20; Strong, "Popular Celebration"; and Yates, "Elizabethan Chivalry."

Iohn Howson, A Sermon Preached at S*~. Maries in Oxford, the 17. Day of November, 1602. in defence of the Festivities of the Church of England, and namely tEat of her Majesties Coronation (1602; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 1072, n.d.), [preliminary sig. 2V ) . 31 These tendencies are discussed in relation to drama and the theater by Bradbrook, Shakespeare, esp. pp. 89-93, and "Shakespeare and the Structure of Tudor Society," Review of National Literatures, 3, No. 2 (1972) , 90-105; Marion Jones, "The Court and the Dramatists," Elizabethan Theatre, ed. John Russell Brown and Bernard Harris, Stratford-upon-Avon Studies, No. 9 (London: Edward Arnold, 1966), pp. 169-95; and Righter, Shakespeare, passim, who traces the stage metaphor for life and the kingship "role." George R. Kernodle, "Seven Medieval Theatres in One Social Structure," Theatre Research, 2 (1960), 26-36, examines the dramatic legacy of medieval- social occasions. The traditional "role" of the audience in the interlude is discussed by T. W. Craik, "The Tudor Interlude and Later Elizabethan Drama," Elizabethan Theatre, ed. John Russell Brown and Bernard Harris, Stratford-upon-Avon Studies, No. 9 (London: Edward Arnold, 1966), pp. 37-57; Robert Carl Johnson, "Audience Involvement in the Tudor Interlude," Theater Notebook, 24 (1970), 101-11; and Robert C. Jones, "Dangerous Sport: The Audience's Engagement with Vice in the Moral Interlude's," Renaissance Drama, N.S. 6 (1973) , 45-64. Walter R. Davis, Idea and Act in Elizabethan Fiction (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), highlights the assumption of roles to test ideas in experience; his main propositions are outlined on pp. 53-54. 32

Lewalski, Donne, esp. pp. 19-20, analyzes the self­ characterization and stance of poetic speakers.

33 James Emerson Phillips, Images of a Queen: Mary Stuart in Sixteenth-Century Literature "^Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964), chs. 5 and 6, outlines and analyzes the English accounts of her execution as well as the reports of her sympathizers.

33 Elizabeth is discussed by Bergeron, Civic Pageantry, esp. pp. 63-64; Bevington, Tudor Drama, ch. 13, "The Triumph of Devotion"; Muriel C. Bradbrook, "Drama as Offering: The Princely Pleasures at Kenelworth," Rice Institute Pamphlet, 46 (I960), 57-70” and The~Rise of the Common Player: A Study of Actor and Society in Shakespeare1s England (London: Chatto & windus, 19 62), ch. 11, "Drama as Offering"; and Stephen J. Greenblatt, Sir Walter Ralecjh: The Renaissance Man and His Roles (New Haven: Yale Univer­ sity Press, 1973), esp. pp. 51-55; Biographies such as Mary M. Luke, Gloriana: The Years of Elizabeth JE (New York: Coward, McCann & Geoghegan, 1973); J. E. Neale, Queen Elizabeth 1^: A Biography (19 34; rpt. New York: Doubleday Anchor, 1957); and Lacey Baldwin Smith, Elizabeth Tudor: Portrait of a Queen (Boston: Little, Brown, 19 75), make similar points.

34 Elizabeth's November 12 answer to a petition from Parliament is printed in R[obert] C[ecil], comp., The Copie of a Letter to . . . the Earle of Leycester (1586; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 212, n.d.), p. 16.

The Passage of our most drad Soveraigne Lady Quene Elyzabeth through the Citie of London to Westminster, the daye before her Coronation, Anno 1558-9 (London, 1559)” in Nichols, Progresses, I, 60.

36 Nichols, Progresses, I, 325.

37 G. K. Hunter, Lyly and Peele (London: Longmans, Green for The British Council and The National Book League, 1968), p. 23, and his Lyly, esp. p. 106, reviews court staging around the monarch, as do Or gel. Illusion, pp. 9-16, and Wickham, English Stages, I, 249-50, and Appendix H, and II, Pt. 2, 179. W. D. Robson-Scott, German Travellers in England: 1400-1800 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1953) , ch. 2, discusses Elizabeth as a tourist attraction for foreign visitors. 38 I list here the names used as chapter divisions by Elkin Calhoun Wilson, England's Eliza, Harvard Studies in 33

English, No. 20 (1939; rpt. New York: Octagon Books, 1966). Wilson's work has been an extremely useful bibliographic source for most of my references to works that praise Elizabeth. M. C. Bradbrook, comp., The Queen * s Garland (London: Oxford University Press, 1953); and Alan Glover, comp., Gloriana's Glass (n.p., England: Nonesuch Press, [1953]) , collect panegyric selections in honor of Elizabeth's namesake's accession to the British throne. Elizabeth is studied under a single name by Yates, "Astraea," and Strong, "Oriana," in addition to numerous studies of her characterizations in Spenser's works. CHAPTER II

IDEALIZATION: THE ADORATION FROM A DISTANCE

The celebration of Elizabeth operates most simply in those works which idealize her from a distance. As a static figure, regarded by an awe-stricken writer and audience, Elizabeth is praised for her personal attributes* and for the happy state of her realm. In these works her virtues draw intense emotional and intellectual responses from the observing author and audience, but her virtues produce little active transformation of poet, audience, or world. The historical circumstances of her reign are often the beginning point for this idealization of Elizabeth.

Their adaptation to her praise illustrates the extent to which events seemed to warrant the Elizabethan interpre­ tation of the Queen's special role and the degree to which history, literature, and rhetoric intermingled with mythology.

The literary relationship between Elizabeth and an adoring or idealizing writer relied upon conventionalized roles which defined the distance between the parties in­ volved as well as the stance each assumed. The Queen is portrayed as a remote figure, imbued with virtues of character and spirit. Her attributes inherently defy full 34 35 description or adequate admiration, so the poet is free to pose her as he wishes, to select those features or aspects most appropriate for his work. The disparity between the roles of poet and Queen predominates; his attitude toward her is humble and reverent. The poet often speaks directly of his limitations before her, thereby strengthening and further defining his role as obeisant observer. The Queen affects his emotions and attitudes, and the poet may directly define his mission as that of drawing a similar response from his audience. The audience members stand behind the poet's shoulder, or even surround him as their spokesman. The poet guides, and even assumes, the audi­ ence's reaction to Elizabeth although their interaction with the Queen is limited to ecstatic emotional responses before her awesome powers. Elizabeth is an elevated

figure, unapproachable but able to embody communal values,

to unify and focus communal responses.

The Queen appears in this literature as she does in

her "Procession to Blackfriars" portrait.^* There she sits

in a litter, borne on the shoulders of half a dozen

countrymen. Though the portrait was painted about 1600,

her face is youthful, even transcendent, and her costume

is impressive and ornate. The litter is elevated so that

she sits at nearly shoulder level, above even those

officials and courtiers who move in procession with her.

A slight space exists between her seat on the litter and 36 the people around her; the litter bearers merge with the litter poles and canopy to distance her and frame her in the midst of the gathering. Other figures gesture, walk, or look about, but the Queen is motionless even as she is carried through the streets. A row of halberds marks a slight separation between the procession and the assembly which watches in an orderly fashion. Figures in the upper corner crowd windows to watch, and one gestures toward the

Queen, guiding the observer's eye back to the picture's emotional center. The controlled emotion of the street throng is released in the attitudes of these peripheral viewers so that one senses a slight tension between the decorous and orderly ranks surrounding the Queen and the less controlled emotional excitement rippling at the edges. As in the idealizing literature, the Queen is elevated above a respectful and unified community with which she does not directly interact, but from which she elicits strong emotional responses.

The Queen's distant and exalted position is frequently articulated in political or religious hyperbole. For instance, although James Sandford dedicated his Houres of

Recreation to Sir Christopher Hatton, he devoted a large portion of the dedicatory epistle to praises of the Queen.

Elizabeth, as a student of philosophy, fulfills Plato's prescription for the ruler of a flourishing commonwealth.

She is blessed and defended by God, and her wisdom is 37

Solomon*s. Her virtues are such that:

As Christ our Sauiour did earst take flesh of a Virgine for our saks: so is to be hoped, that as hir highnesse hath bene a mightie piller of Gods Church, she shall also waxe mightier in power and spirite, to the vtter confusion of Anti­ christ, and be a peerelesse virgin in these dayes, that shall doe greater things. . . .

Sandford explains "why I continue thus farre hir

Maiesties praises" (sig. A7V); he is "sure your worship, with others, take plesure to heare the praises of none so much as of hir Maiestie: and I delite to write of none so much as of hir Grace, who is the best knot in this Garden, that holdeth Englishmen togither: who is the sweetest floure in this Garden" (sig. A7V). He answers charges of flattery here also: . -Is it flattery to speake the truth, to confesse and put in writing the vertues of a moste noble Princesse, and to say that the sun giueth light to the world?" (sig. A7V). Sandford argues, as her

Blackfriars portrait graphically illustrates, that

Elizabeth's emotional centrality for her people warrants high praise. Her merit requires and enforces their reverence and adoration; both her attributes and their emotional force are suitable, even delightful, concerns of the artist.

Similarly, Thomas Tymme numbers among God's special blessings on England "Elizabeth, our dread soueraigne & gracious Queene, the Nurse of Gods Church, the ioy of her commons, the peace and prosperitie of England, and the 38

Mirror, the Starre, and onely pearle of the world.Even the Queen of Sheba would journey to see this Queen who has most notably returned England "from superstition, to

Religion: from Idolatrie to true worship: from bondage, to libertie: and as it were, from hell to heaven" (sig. A3r).

Such a monarch poses a difficult task for a writer.

The poet's respectful distance from his Queen and his limited ability to praise her justly are epitomized by

Thomas Campion in his Observations in the Art of English

Poesie. His iambic dimeter "example Lyrical" begins

"Greatest in thy wars, / Greater in thy peace,regret­ fully concluding that:

Fayning poesy could Nothing faine at all Worthy halfe thy fame. (p. 340, 11. 8-10)

Yet the Queen's virtues ought to be recorded for her own time and for the future, as John Derricke argues:

O giftes of rare varietie, adornyng Princes grace: Stande vp eternall memorie, Elizas fame to blaze. O perfect magnanimitie, thy fame continue euer: As doeth the Sonne in circled Skies, whose light decreaseth neuer.5

Just as she had made her father "thrice famous," her own

"worthie fame,/doeth liue and raigne for ever" and her

"noble name,/can bee defaced neuer" (sig. Blv ) .

Florio's First Fruits, a parallel text introduction to Italian, includes this dialogue, a fulsome description 39 of Elizabeth's excellence:

What think you of the queene?

As for the queene, to tel you the plaine truth, no tongue is sufficient to prayse her yenough, for she is in liberalitie, magnificence, curtesie, vertue, prudence, beautie, nobilitie, and in doctrine, gentilitie, wysedome, one onely in the world, adorned with al those■good vertues, that appertayne vnto a queene: shee may rather be called celestiall, then terrestrial: shee is learned, wyse, gentle, courteous, noble, prudent, liberal, fayre, louyng, vertuous: shee is gal­ lant, mercyfull: shee is not hautie, proude, couetous, cruell, eger, furious, vnnoble, but as X haue tolde you before, shee is woorthye for to enioye any great thing: shee is the last refuge, defense, and bulwarke of al banished vertues.

Certainly you tell me a great thing, almost not to be beleued.

I can not neither tel, neither expresse, neither almost thinke the great vertues wherewith shee is adorned.

Certis you make me rest almost astonied to heare you prayse her so much.

The more I prayse her, the more shee deserues.^

Besides being a thorough exercise in the adjective, this exchange reiterates the Queen's distance from those who would praise her. Although she is a remote and unapproach­ able subject for a writer because her virtues awe and even intimidate, struggling to record her merit is a suitable task. After he introduces her lineage, her virtues, and her accomplishments, Richard Vennard analyzes the inherent challenge in praising the Queen:

But, as an eie, that all farre of beholdeth An excellence it can not comprehend: Yet what conceit in secret sense vnfoldeth. It hath a will in wonder to commend: 40

Yet, when it speakes, it wincketh at the light, As though too weak to speake of such a sight.

Yet, though mine eie can touch nor Sunne nor Moone, Shall I not praise the cleerenesse of the Skie? And, though my morning be an afternoone. Shall I still sleepe, as though I had no eie? No: give mee leave to say the Sunne is bright, Although mine eies but dimly see the light.7

The sun metaphor is frequently applied to the Queen, a tribute to her position as monarch. Here, however, this image defines not only her status and splendor, but also her distance from those who would praise her and the effects of her radiance. Though his heart's eye is dazzled by the Queen, the poet accepts his restricted vision as a proper manifestation of his limitations and her transcend­ ence. He is physically distant from the elevated, even blinding, Queen. Yet his role is still that of a "seer," simultaneously allured and overpowered by the Queen's light. Wonder draws the poet's will to the Queen as a literary subject, though some may find "their wits too weake/ To equall will, in writing of their wonder" (III,

539). Yet to all she brings

A louely day, faire may it ever last, A sunne-shine day, whose beames are heavenly bright. Cleere may they shine, and never overcast With any clowde, that may obscure the light: That, in hir height of brightnesse not declining, England may ioy to see hir ever shining.

Oh, could I flie with such an eagle's wings As could be soaring in the sunnie light; Or, could I heere but what that Angel1 sings That never poet had the power to write: 41

Then should my spirit and my penne not cease To write hir praise, that now must hold my peace. (Ill, 540)

The poet's rapture in her presence is extended to England and thus encompasses his audience; he speaks for himself and for all whom she irradiates. Her heavenly light brings joy to England but bittersweet regret to the poet who can­ not follow her beams upward, as an eagle might, toward angelic inspiration.

The conventions which govern this particular literary approach to the Queen accomplish several things. The more awesome her virtues, the more she deserves praise, yet the more difficult she is to praise. She is complimented as an elusive poetic subject in a way she could not be if her virtues were entirely comprehensible and describable. Her poet is exempt from blame and criticism because he has chosen a subject which cannot be fully or sufficiently developed— language and human wit fail before the Queen.

In this relationship, the humble and reverent writer is ineluctably drawn to praise a distant and ineffable Queen.

In return for his frustration, however, the poet gains certain freedoms. Because the Queen cannot be compre­ hended entirely, he may choose to emphasize her religious significance, her personal characteristics, the state of her realm, or whatever limited aspects suit his central thesis. He may even turn her praise to his own ends and interests. 42

Thomas Watson, for example, comforting Elizabeth at the loss of her Meliboeus (Walsingham), addresses her as

Diana whose iust praises haue no end. Ah but my Muse, that creeps but on the ground, begins to tremble at my great presume, For naming hir, whose titles onelie sound doth glad the welkin with a sweet perfume.

As loues high Oaks orelook Fans slender reeds, so boue all praising flies thine excellence. Yet lest my homespun verse obscure hir worth, sweet Spencer let me leaue this taske to thee, Whose neuerstooping quill can best set forth such things of state, as passe my Muse, and me.°

Watson simultaneously compliments the Queen and Spenser, while sustaining his role as modest and devoted poet.

A poet may even criticize contemporary society while using the Queen's distance from himself and other ordinary men to exonerate her from blame. Donne's "Satyre V," for instance, attacks legal abuses, but exempts the Queen from . criticism:

Greatest and fairest Empresse, know you this? Alas, no more than Thames calme head doth know Whose meades her armes drowne, or whose corn o'rflow.9

In fact, she is responsible for appointing one "whose righteousness ,she loves" (1. 31) "To know and weed out this enormous sinne" (1. 34) ; she is distant enough to remain blameless, but powerful and virtuous enough to recognize and rectify injustice.

The standard attitudes of the writers who elevated and idealized Elizabeth from a devout distance are thoroughly developed by Maurice Kyffin. The Blessednes of Brytaine, 43 or A Celebration of the Queenes Holyday, first published in

1587 and continued the next year, is devoted to the cele­ bration of Elizabeth. Kyffin assesses the poetic merit of his dogged iambic pentameter and his often predictable a b ci b £ c rhymes just as exactly as he defines his atti­ tude toward his poetic subject. In his dedication to Essex he records his desire

. . . To publish, vnder your favourable protection, these my vnpolished verses, of her Maiestie: wherein, though 1^ haue but showen my leaden skill, in a Golden Cause, yet hath the same proceeded from such ardent desire, and deuotion in me, as thereby it may seeme, in some meane, to merit Tolleration, especially, sith it carrTeth a dutifull remembrance, of her Majesties most prosperous and peaceable raigne ouer vs; which haumg run the full, and Blessed Course, of Nyne and Twentie yeeres; doth now, begin the Thirtieth, to the great ioy, £ inspeakeable comfort of this her royall Kingdome.~ I .10

The Queen's poet cannot hope to celebrate his subject adequately, nor can he adopt any attitude but humility and modesty in the face of his artistic challenge. Yet, as the

commemorative verses in this volume reiterate, a bold venture may secure great gain. Just as the fame of Cyrus,

Achilles, and Alexander reflects on their poets, so J. H. observes,

Though skilfull Muses notes, come short to sound this Princes prayse, Her Princely giftes, her Justice mylde, her Peacefull lasting dayes: Yet Kyffins Muse in stately stile, hath shot so neare the same, That by resounding worthie praise, himself deserueth same. (1587; sig. A2V) 44

D.P. more succinctly informs the reader that "The Author of this booke, deserues a during fame,/ Who chose a good

Ground, for his worke, and wrought well on the same" (1587?

sig. A2V). Although the Queen is a challenging poetic topic, her poet can hope for shared glory through her fit praise.

Her praise also mandates extra consideration for the poet from the reading audience. Kyffin pleads for "Toller-

ation" from Essex in that his work has grown from an

"ardent desire, and deuotion" (15 87; sig. A2r) which pre­

sumably should excuse any poetic shortcomings. Yet to those "Who list to see her Noble deeds displaid,/ Whose golden gifts eche creature doth adore," T. L. L. commends this work "As may Reioyce, eche loyall subjects hart,/ To heare and see; which hidden had bin Ruthe" (1587; sig. A2V).

The audience's proper response is emotional and

intellectual— the reader's heart is to "Rejoice" and

perhaps to react with even greater fervor:

Adore we God who lends vs still her lyfe; Adore we her, whom God hath plas'd in Powre: Adore we him in her that Stints our Strife: Adore we Both, Respectiuelie, eche howre: The one in Heav'n Directs vs by his Grace: The other here on Earth, supplieth his place. (1588; sig. C 2V )

Kyffin here assumes the role of community spokesman;

he exhorts a passionate response from an audience which

presumably shares his view of the Queen and her special

stature. The proper attitude of the reader is gratitude and humility before such an awesome monarch. Elizabeth is distant from both the poet and the audience— an object of adoration and idealization. Kyffin generally implies the translation of these attitudes into action when he urges

"All Faithful Subiects, serue your Royall Queene" (158 8; sig. D2r). Only when he concludes the 15 87 poem does he present the active manifestations of the people's relation­ ship with their Queen and, because the particular festivity described is Elizabeth's Accession Day and the occasion of his poem, his account remains essentially reportorial and celebratory. The audience is to be moved to honor the

Queen appropriately, but the holiday events do not include interaction with her. The respectful poet, and his loyal

English audience, burst from awed reverence into lively enthusiasm, but their Queen remains the distant object of

adoration she has been throughout the poem:

Adore Nouembers sacred *Sev'nteenth Day, Wherein our Second Sunne began her Shine: Ring out lowd sounding Bels; on Organs play; To Musikes Mirth, let all Estates incline; Sound Drumes, £ Trupets, renting Ayre & Ground Stringd Instruments, strike wxth MelodXous sound. (1587; sig. B3V)

Kyffin urges each class to its appropriate festivities—

knights to "Tylt, & Turnay" (1587; sig. B3V ), country folk

>lLow(^ Carols" and "Sporting Games, with Daunce, and

rurall Ryme" (1587; sig. B4r ) , poets to "Royall Song" (1587

sig. B4r) to record Elizabeth's lineage and her praises.

Even the natural world is urged to echo her fame, a brief 46 suggestion of Elizabeth's transforming powers more fully developed in other works.

The foous of this joyful celebration, and of Kyffin's poem, is the Queen herself. She is

A Monarch Mayden Queene adorned rare, With Regall Heauenly dowres, of diuers kinde; In whome, who list dame Natures Workes compare, With those rich Thewes, & Vertues of her Minde, Shall much admire, at such a Myrrour sheene, At such a Prince, at such a Peereles Queene. {1587? sig. A3^)

She is learned and wise, a "Hater of Wrong, high Refuge eke for Right,/ Concord, and Peace, continuing by her Might"

(1587; sig. A3V ). Although her virtues are traditional—

"lustice, Prudence, Temprance, Fortitude" (1587; sig. A3V )-

Kyffin rejects comparisons with classical figures, "For to compare the Great, with simple small,/ Is^ thereby, not to praise the Best at all" (1587; sig. A3V). Besides, as the marginal note points out, "Reciting strange and Hethenish

Names" is "inconuenient," a tedious filling of paper, and a "beaten high way" shunned by the author (1587; sig. A3V ).

England's "Second Sunns" (1587? sig. A4r) has supported true religion, purified currency, armed the realm, and encouraged religion, learning, and just law during her peaceful reign. Only beasts ensnared by the Circe of Rome threaten her, but God miraculously protects her and will allow her to rule, so Kyffin hopes, "Thrise three times

Ten" (1587; sig. B4V ). 47

Just one more year was sufficient to move Kyffin to a second poem. In that thirtieth year of Elizabeth's reign,

1588, he found special cause for jubilation:

This was the yeere, wherein by Fire and Sword, Our Foes forethought, to woork this Kingdoms wrack: (1588; sig. c T T

Which hugie Fleete, full fraught with Murdring Mindes Meaning Massacre to our Natiue Soyle: Being furnisht furth~^wXth Ships of sundry kindes, To geue the Fall: Receiv'd them selues the Foyle. (1588; sig. C 4 ^)

God's special care of England is apparent in the historical events of the year:

Who than can Doubt, or deeme in Double Harte, But God hath wroght great wonders b^ our Queene? Whereof (All partiall Censures, put a parte:) Abundant Proofs and Precedents be seene. Whereon, a sure Conclusion sound doth sort, That God will still her Royall State support. (1588; sig~ D3V)

Even in the year of Elizabeth's death, similar senti­ ments recur in John Norden's A Pensive Soules delight. Its title page accurately introduces the contents of its three sections: 1.

The Pensiue soule recounteth in this place, Elizaes troubles, and Elizaes grace. 2 .

Here are expressed the strategems of foes, Elizaes conquests, and their falls that rose. 48 3.

Here is set forth Elizaes lenitie, And Locust-Catholickes superbitie.11

In his dedication to the Countess of Warwick, Norden further explicates his title through a series.of paired questions like these:

And againe, can any, but reioyce, and delight to see her still blessed & defended, and the practizers still found out, censured and con­ demned? And who seeth without pensiuenesse and sorrow, her Maiesties natiue subiects, our owne country-men, brethren and kindred, to become Traytors. . . . (sigs. A3r-A3v )

Because many other books are too expensive or learned for ordinary men, he aims, in his work, "to put the inferiour multitude in minde, in this kinde of writing, what causes they haue to sighe and to sing, to grieue and reioyce: And that with mee they may haue all will, as they haue cause, to pray for the continuance of the true causes of our reioycing, the maintenance of Religion, and preseruation of her highnesse" (sig. A4r). Like Kyffin, Norden intends to write as a community spokesman with the primary aim of voicing for his audience proper attitudes toward the Queen.

Elizabeth first appears here as the Protestant princess, miraculously preserved to act her part as Queen:

But happy Henry, and truthes Edward gone. The gracefull guides, and pillers that vp=staid Religions frame, a third arose anon, That brake the building that these gracefull layd, She pul * d it downe, and did erect the stage Whereon was plaid the tragedy of rage: It stoode not long, the Actors partes were done, And they went out, Elizaes part begun, And all applaud her, and her equipage, (sig. B4V) 49

Elizabeth continues to play her role through the religious confrontations of her reign. Despite the assassination plots of traitors, she hopes

. . . to pull downe the stage Whereon they act their enuies stratagemes: And that the prompter of their practises Might see the firmenesse of her diademes. . . . (sig. F2V )

Norden's work is firmly rooted in historical and religious struggles of the sixteenth century; his metaphors present

Elizabeth as a dramatic figure playing a role, and his adjectives reverently describe her as divinely guided and specially blessed.

The Queen's elect role is a central theme of other works also. Throughout A compendious Register, a commemora­ tive poem reviewing in chronological order the demise of each Marian martyr, the refrain repeats some version of

"We wished for our ELIZABETH." This early poem (1559) records that, at last,

GOD sent us our ELIZABETH! Our wished wealth hath brought us peace.

Our joy is full; our hope obtained; The blazing brands of fire do cease, The slaying sword also restrained. The simple sheep, preserved from death By our good Queen, ELIZABETH. -*-2

The ardent conviction that Elizabeth was God's special blessing, preserved for Protestant England, continues throughout her reign. Thomas Lupton maintained that

Elizabeth kept her covenants as King Asa did and abolished 50 13 idolatry as Jehoshaphat did. In a detailed comparison with her sister, the Catholic Mary is proven to "not muche excell oure Queene Elizabeth, (vnlesse in crueltie and burning hir harmlesse subiects)" (sig. Blr). Even Drayton's

Lady Jane Grey, as she bids a final farewell to her husband, is grateful that their martyrdom will spare them Mary's reign and prophesies:

*But she to faire ELIZABETH shall leave it, Which broken, hurt, and wounded shall receive it: And on her Temples having plac'd the Crowne, Root out the dregges Idolatry hath sowne; And Sions glory shall againe restore, Laid ruine, waste, and desolate before.14

For God, according to Hooker, "caused in the depth of dis­ comfort and darknes a most glorious starre to arise, and on hir head setled the Crowne, whome himselfe had kept as a 15 lambe from the slaughter of those bloudie times." Else­ where Elizabeth is compared with St. George for she "hath

(as an instrument appointed by diuine prouidence) bene vsed to performe the part of a valiant champion."1^ Regardless of Elizabeth's private religious opinions, she was cast in this literary role again and again throughout her long reign.

Using extensive Biblical and classical comparisons,

Lodowick Lloyd urges that "England leap, and laugh aloud for Queene e n i o y d " - ^ when Elizabeth again escapes a treasonous plot through divine protection. Philip's elegy for Sidney repeats the sentiment: 51

So vnto all that haue true subiects beene, Her highnes shall a comforter be found, Such loue from God to vs shall still abound.

Triumph you then all trustie English hearts, Reioyce in God, extoll and praise his name. For he of loue, and not for your desarts hath giuen to you this royall princely Dame.-*-"

Elizabeth is a special blessing to be honored reverently, but ecstatically, by her subjects? her elect status has direct implications for the attitudes and opinions of a writer's audience.

The salutary reign of such a monarch is a second central theme. Even the conditions of ordinary commerce support and justify her literary idealization. Specific accomplishments are closely linked to her religious role; together they comprise one aspect of another significant justification for contemporary literary attitudes toward the idealized Queen. Sometimes an author stresses a par­ ticular accomplishment of Elizabeth's sovereignty which accords with the larger purpose of his work. Hakluyt, for instance, speaks of the traditional English interest in exploration which, under Elizabeth and with God's "speciall IQ assistance," has surpassed that of all other countries.

Because her explorers have extended the search for gold beyond the Indies to the "Northvveast parties," she is assumed to be the one "whome vndoubtedly God hath appoynted, not onely to be supreme Princesse ouer them, but also to be a meane that the name of Christ may be knowen vnto this 52 2 n • Heathenish and Sauage generation." In his Encomion of

Lady Pecunia, imitating Erasmus on folly, Barnfield claims

that his lady is the queen of hearts, but that for her gold

and silver attire she is indebted to the queen of diamonds, 21 Elizabeth, who has purified religion as well as coinage.

In Churchyard's account of the establishment of a paper mill, Elizabeth also receives "The glory then, and honor of

this deede."^ Her sanctified influence pervades even

these particular commercial and financial aspects of

Elizabethan life.

More general treatments of England's state frequently

contrast the peace and prosperity of the island kingdom

with the civil and religious strife in other countries.

John Harvey pinpoints England's unique advantage under

Elizabeth:

Not the like Virgin againe, in Asia, or Afric, or Europe, For Royall Vertues, for Maiestie, Bountie, Behauior.^T3

Edward Hake's 1575 Commemoration of Elizabeth's reign

reviews the turmoil in other countries and then contrasts

England's happiness:

Thine english People, Lord dwell safe: with them doth peace abide. With them doth liue a louing Queene who like a Mother raignes, And like a chosen sacred Impe immortall glory gaines.24

Churchyard's The Miserie of Flavnders, Calamitie of

Fraunce, Misfortune of Portugal1, Vnquietnes of Irelande, 53

Troubles of Scotlande: And the blessed State of Englande follows the same organizational plan, as its title indi­ cates. The work is dedicated to Elizabeth and indirectly compliments her as England's sovereign:

Here mercie rules, and mildenesse raigns, and peace greate plentie bryngs.2-*

Bacon reverses the order in his Certain Observations, first outlining England's improved condition under Elizabeth

("comparison of time") and then moving to a "comparison of place" in which he finds "cause of pity and compassion in some, but of envy or emulation in none."2^

Elizabeth is more than the cause of England's general good fortune; for John Weever her very name signifies her importance to the realm:

If that Elizium be no fained thing, Whereof the Poets wont so much to sing; Then are those faire fields in this Fafirie land. Which faire Eliza rules with awfull hand: By BAI th' Aegyptians signifie the soule, Which doth the bodies appetites controule, ETH signifies mans hart, from whence we know The fountaine of their vitall breath doth flow. E L I Z A giues this land the name: B A I soules hart ETH Name, soul, hart, of this land ELIZABETH. 27

As this analysis illustrates, even her name is not necessar­ ily distinguished from her public function as monarch.

Similarly, Meres describes her as "not only a liberal 2 8 patrone vnto Poets, but an excellent Poet herselfe," linking her public responsibilities with her personal talents. 54

Although divine sanction and the empirical evidence of a prosperous reign might in themselves warrant the aggrandizement of a monarch, Elizabeth's personal attri­ butes were closely connected to her religious and political position and encouraged the process of literary idealiza­ tion. Bacon's "Discourse in Praise of His Sovereign" anatomizes her qualities to demonstrate that she "planteth and nourisheth magnanimity by her example, love by her person, and knowledge by the peace and serenity of her times."2^ He highlights her queenly valor, her treatment of. subjects and troubled neighbors, and her personal attributes. Beneficence, for instance, is expressed in her purification of religion and currency. Her personal linguistic facility enables her to negotiate efficiently with ambassadors. Her "imperial virtues contend with the excellency of her person" (I, 143), as well as with her fortune and fame. She is "the honour of her times, the admiration of the world, the suit and aspiring of greatest kings and princes, who yet durst never have aspired unto her, but as their minds were raised by love" (X, 142). As private or public person, she is the idealized Queen who draws forth devotion, even as she is distantly contemplated by poet, subject, or even fellow monarch.

Elizabeth's personal virtues are manifested internally and externally. When Lodowick Lloyd writes of both aspects, he finds the former most awesome: 55

Behold Ei branche from Brutus line, whose vertuous praise to paint. My slender skill, my simple muse to thinke thereof doe faint. For had jC Virgills vaine in verse, and learned Homere skill, To write Demosthenes sugred stile, with noble Tullies quill. Ouercharged 1^ should be, her noble life to cite, Her galaunt giftes, her talentes rare,"Her vertuous all to write. If outward beautie moude the Goddes, what inward vertue can, Whose feutured forme if eyes might see, should maze the sight of man.3U

Her exemplary attributes deserve and defy appropriate recognition. The literary arts, and particularly the indi­ vidual artist, are unequal to the task of recording her abstract virtues which would dazzle any beholder, especial­ ly a discerning post-classical observer with proper moral judgment.

Since even visual representations of the Queen must meet this same challenge, Elizabeth’s portrait may be the vehicle for a poet's expression of this close connection between the Queen's beauty and virtue:

0 Pitty great alas to see, that Vertue shinyng so With Bewtie braue, must forced be at last away to go. 1

Underneath a woodcut portrait of Elizabeth appear these verses which even more forcefully link her physical appear­ ance to her spiritual and emotional qualities:

Loe here the pearle, Whom God and man doth loue;

Loe here the queene. Whom no mishap can moue 56

To chaunge her mynde From vertue's chief delight: Loe here the heart That so hath honored God. That, for her loue, We feel not of his rod.32

She is a unique, virtuous protectress whose devotion moves all loyal subjects. The verse accompanying another por­ trait claims little more for "Th' admired Empresse through the worlde applauded/ For supreme virtues rarest Imita­ tion. 1,33

In A Fig for the Spaniard, the reading audience is directly enjoined to share in this response to the Queen's inner and outer beauties. Printed under a portrait of

Elizabeth are verses celebrating God's defense of his chosen Protestant Queen which begin:

One thing remaines thee (Reader) yet vndone, Cast vp thine eyes, and see her splendent grace, Whome Graces so adorne that she hath wonne. From Monarkes all the first and highest place: And raicjnes on Earth like Goddesse sent from loue, In mercie, peace, prosperitie, and loue.^

In the literature which praises Elizabeth, her portrait, literary or literal, frequently inspires such reverent devotion. As a distant, essentially static, figure she awes and overwhelms her poets and their audiences. She moves her observers to respectful and timid humility as her A virtues are enumerated, virtues which confirm the justice of her religious, political, and personal ascendancy.

Here, the relationships between sovereign, poet, and audience are clear and simple. The poet humbly, though 57 unsuccessfully, attempts to capture and convey Elizabeth's idealized nature, apparent in her religious, political, and personal attributes. His audience, observing her along with the poet, is to join him in a communal adoration of the Queen. Their just and decorous adulation redounds on both. The poet, who formulates her praise, shares in her glory, and the audience, which experiences the empirical manifestations of her merit in the real world, shares the emotional satisfaction and release of appropriate recogni­ tion. The task remains for other works to translate the literary Queen from an emotional force into a potentially or dramatically realized active agent. 58

NOTES

*** Strong, Portraits, reprints this work as Plate XIX; he discusses the traditions about it and identifies most of the Garter Knights in it on pp. 86-87. Buxton, Elizabethan Taste, p. 50, suggests that Elizabeth appears here "like the Virgin Mary in a religious procession.”

2 lames Sandford, Houres of Recreation (1576; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 245, n.d.), sigs. A4v~A5r. Elizabeth's absorption of characteristics of the Blessed Virgin Mary is suggested by Wilson, England1s Eliza, ch. 5, passim; Strong, Portraits, chs. 6 and 7, passim; and Buxton, Elizabethan Taste, pp. 49-50. 3 Thomas Tymme, A Preparation against the prognosticated dangers of this yeare, 1588 (1588; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 718, 1957), sig. A2V.

4 Thomas Campion, Observations in the Art of English Poesie (London, 1602), in Essays, ed. Smith, II, 339, 11. 32-34.

John Derricke, The Image of Ireland (1581; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 922, n.d.), sig. B2r .

[John] Florio, His firste Fruites , The English Experience, No. 95 (1578; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1969) , sigs. C 3 r-c 3v. n Richard Vennard, "The Miracle of Nature," in The Right Way to Heaven (London, 1601), in Nichols, Progresses, III, 536-37. E. M. W. Tillyard, The Elizabethan World Picture (1943; rpt. N. Y.: Vintage Books, n.d.), esp. chs. 6 and 7, outlines the typical correspondence between sun and monarch which is suggested here. g Thomas Watson, An Eglogve Vpon the death of the Right Honorable Sir Francis Walsingham (London, 1590), in Thomas Watson, Poems, English Reprints, No. 21, ed. Edward Arber (London, 18 70), p. 173. 9 John Donne, "Satyre V," in The Satires, Epigrams and Verse Letters, ed. W. Milgate (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967), p. 23, 11. 28-30; see also p. 166, 1. 29 n. 59

10 Maurice Kyffin, The Blessednes of Brytaine, or A Celebration of the Queenes Holyday (1587; Ann Arbor, Michigan': University Microfilms, STC reel 346, 1948; and 1588; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 254, n.d.), 1587 edn., sig. A2r. Subsequent references in the text will include date and signature.

Iohn Norden, A Pensive soules delight (1603; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 1283, n.d.), sig. A2r. 1 7 T. Brice, A compendious Register (n.p., 1559), in An English Garner, ed. Edward Arber, IV (London and Birmingham: E. Arber, 1882), 169.

Thomas Lvpton, A Persuasion from Papistrie (1581; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 408, 1949), sigs. A4V and D4V .

Michael Drayton, Englands Heroicall Epistles (London, 1619), in The Works of Michael Drayton, ed. J. William Hebei, II (Oxford: BasTl Blackwell, 1932), 300. 15 Richard Hooker, Of The Lawes of Ecclesiasticall Politie, The English Experience, No. 390 (1594; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1971), p. 209. 16 . Gerrard De Malynes, Saint George for England, Allegorically described (1601; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 812, n.d.), sigs. A2v-A3r. 1 7 L[odowick] L[loyd], Certaine Englishe Verses, pre­ sented vnto the Queene& most excellent Maiestie, by a Courtier T1586; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 573, 1954), sig. A2r.

[John Philip] , The Life and Death of Sir Phillip Sidney (1587; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 902, n.d.), sig. Blr.

19 Richard Hakluyt, The Principall Navigations, Voiacres and Discoveries of the English nation (15 89; facsimile rptT Cambridge: University Press for the Hakluyt Society and the Peabody Museum of Salem, 19 65), I, sig. *2V . 2 0 T[homas] N[icholas], trans., The Pleasant Historie of the Conquest of the Weast India, now called new Spayne, rpt. as Francisco Lopez de Gomara, The Conquest of the Weast India (1578), introd. Herbert Ingram Priestley (1578; facsimile rpt. New York: Scholars' Facsimiles & Reprints, 1940), sig. aiiv. 60

21 Richard Barnfield, The Encomion of Lady Pecunia; or The praise of Money (London, 1598), in Poems. 1594-1598, ed. Edward Arber, The English Scholar's Library, No. 14 (Birmingham, Eng.: n. pub., 1882), pp. 90-91.

22 Thomas Churchyard, A Description and playne Dis­ course of Paper, published with A Sparke of Friendship- and Warme Good-Will (London, 1588), Tn Nichols, Progresses, II, 597.

2 3 Quoted in Three Proper, and wittie, familiar Letters (London, 1580), in Spenser, ed. Smith and De Selincourt, p. 627.

2^ Edward Hake, A Commemoration of the most prosperous and peaceable Raigne of our gratious and deere Soueraigne Lady Elizabeth ([1575TT Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 546, 1953), sig. A7^.

25 Tholmas] Churchyarde, The Miserie of Flavnders, Calamitie of Fraunce, Misfortune of Portugal!," Vnquiethes of Irelande, Troubles of Scotlande: And the blessed State of Englande (1579; Huntington Library Microfilm Photostat, 1947), sig. E2r.

2^ Francis Bacon, Certain Observations made upon a Libel published this present year, 1592, in The Letters and the Life of Francis Bacon including all his Occasional Works, ed. James Spedding, I (London: Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts, 1861), 160. Spedding collates eight manuscript copies to produce his edition of the text. 2 7 Iohn Weeuer, Epigrammes (1599; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 1160, n.d.), sig. Blv.

29 Francis Meres, Palladis Tamia. Wits Treasvry, introd. Don Cameron Allen (1598; facsimile rpt. New York: Scholars' Facsimiles & Reprints, 1938), fol. 284v.

29 Francis Bacon, "Mr. Bacon's Discourse in the Praise of his Sovereign," in Letters, ed. Spedding, I, 126. Spedding, I, 119-21, suggests that this piece may have been part of a 1592 Accession Day entertainment sponsored by Essex. 30 Lodowicke Lloid, The pilgrimage of Princes (n. d.; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfxlms, STC reel 335, 1945), fols. 217r-217v . 61

31 "ovt of the Poemes of M. Gvalter Haddon" in Timothe Kendall, F l o w e r s of Epigrammes (1577; rpt. n.p. : The Spenser Society, 1874) , P- 200.

32 o'Donoghue, Portraits, Engraving 45, pp. 46-47, apparently quoted from Henry Huth, Ancient Broadsides and Ballads (Philobiblon Society, 1867).

33 o'Donoghue, Portraits, Engraving 161, p. 72.

34 [g . B.], A Fig for the Spaniard, or Spanish Spirits (1591; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 711, 1957), sig. A4r . CHAPTER III

EXHORTATION: THE PATTERNS FOR

SOVEREIGN AND PEOPLE

As a literary subject, Elizabeth had powers that extended far beyond eliciting emotional responses, potent though they might be. She could not only charm men's minds but also potentially change their behaviors, especially when presented as a specific behavioral model or when her praise occasioned a more general lecture on duty. Such persuasive patterns or models characterize a second group of works which praise Elizabeth in verse and prose. Here, writers treat the proper relationship between sovereign and-subject as well as the appropriate behaviors of each separate party.'*' The audience is exhorted to obedience and duty, commonly through the negative examples of traitors.

Even the Queen is given direct advice, although she is more tactfully addressed than her people. She is portrayed as a virtuous example for them and for other princes, and the threat of her loss, through God's righteous wrath at his disobedient people, is a recurring theme. The respective obligations of prince and subjects are firmly buttressed by religion, and brief prayers for Elizabeth's welfare are the most frequent expression of a loyal subject's duty. 62 63 All of these variations assume the didactic powers of literature: reading or hearing about virtuous action pro­ motes its imitation. Exhorting prince or people can significantly alter their actions. As a result, writers are less likely to profess humility than to speak, albeit respectfully toward the Queen, with full moral certitude.

The relationship between reality and literature is close, especially since the arguments of the writer are assumed to be able to influence actual events and actions. Except insofar as the age still accepted events as historical in accord with medieval rather than modern standards, past and present or reality and fiction are not blurred or confused in these works. Recurring types, however, reenforce the arguments which advise certain courses of action and specify consequences for actions. Behind the faith in these types lies the conviction that God watches over

England as his new Israel and the Queen as his chosen representative. He will continue to do so unless the Queen fails in her obligations or unless the English people force him to their just chastisement, as recently happened when their godly prince, Edward VI, was taken from them. Thus the proper relationships between monarch and subject, based in religious sanction, are essential to ensure not only the harmonious daily functioning of the state, but also its safe continuance. A writer's special obligation was to incite or lead

his double audience, prince and people, to understand and

practice that duty so essential to the well-being of the

community as a whole. The writer thus functions essenti­

ally as a community conscience, speaking simultaneously

for, about, and to his audience, goading its members toward

responsibility through the positive reenforcement of praise

and the negative threat of punishment and guilt. His

distance from the Queen is less reverent than that in the works which idealize her. Her inspirational and exemplary

qualities, however, more directly pertain to the lives of

the audience members to and for whom he speaks. On all

sides, the monarch-writer-audience relationship is struc­

tured to support a series of social and political

relationships.

John Aylmer's Harborovve for Faithfvll and Trevve

Svbiectes justifies Elizabeth as a woman ruler and intro­

duces a range of exhortations to proper behavior. Rulers

hold their offices because "God so careth for the

preseruacion of this godly and comly frame of his, the

world: that he will not leaue it without meanes of order,

where by it may contynew." The magistrate is a person,

like those he governs, but his office and majesty are God's.

The proper attitude of the governed is gratitude for the

ruler's protection and care, especially since it is "not for

their own pleasure, but for our commoditie" (sig. M3r). 65

Obedience to the ruler includes inner feelings as well as outward forms:

For it is not inough to paye them their due, as a man payeth his hirelinge, or his miller for grindinge his corne: but he muste also yelde him his due honoure, whyche muste firste come from the harte, and then be vttered in outwarde humblenes. (sig. M3V)

When the heart is "framed and brought into the circle of obediSce," then "Thy knee shall bowe, thy Cap shall of, thy tonge shall reuerently speake of thy soueraign, whs and wher thou oughtest" (sig. M4r).

Not surprisingly, given this work's sponsorship,

Aylmer cautions subjects to leave certain matters, such as marriage, "to God, who hath the hartes of rulers in his handes" (sig. L4V). Although a subject's prerogative to advise and guide a monarch may be limited, his failure in obedience may drastically alter the ruler's behavior. Bad subjects "prouoke Gods wrath"— to inflict disease and damnation, "or to send vs a tirat, in stead of a louing

Quene and mother to raigne ouer vs: or by turning the hart of the prince through our vnkindnes, churlishnes, & rebel­ lion, from vs" (sig. Q3V ) . Not only that, "If thou beiste not thanckfull to God, and liberall to thy Quene and

Country: the poore pezante of Fraunce, shall enioye thy wealthe ..." (sig. P4r). Thus the best insurance against tyranny and conquest is obedience. And obedience brings other direct benefits: 66

Our land shall haue Raine and sunne shine in dewe season, our cornes and frutes shall prosper, our cattell and goodes shall encreace, oure bodies shalbe without diseases, our myndes quiet with out crosses, our wiues shall not be barrS, our childrS no vnthriftes, our seruauntes no loyterours, nor pickers, our neighbours not enuious but louinge, oure counsellours wyse and prudSt, our men of warre couragious, our preachers faithful and not lordlyke, our lawyers not couetous, our iustices no bribares, oure lordes and noble men no fooles, our officers no hadmakers, and our gouernors no tyrauntes. (sig. Rlr)

Each class has its particular obligations to assist the

Queen financially (sigs. 04r-P3r ) and to secure her throne

through prayer (sig. 12r) .

Although all monarchs derive their authority from God,

Elizabeth just happens to be a monarch who particularly

deserves well of her subjects. Even as early as the first

year of her reign, Aylmer is able to recall several anec­

dotes which i-llustrate her exemplary behavior. Her

"sobrietie in aparel" (sig. Nlr) is evident in that she had

examined only once, and then unwillingly, the jewels and

attire inherited from her father. Her modest dress during

her brother's reign moved a lady of the court to refuse to wear a cloth of gold and velvet outfit given her by

Princess Mary. Aylmer observes, "See that good example,

is ofte tymes muche better, then a great deale of preach-

inge" (sig. Nlv). When Poxe retells these anecdotes,

apparently quoting Aylmer, he replaces this interpretation with an even more direct moral: 67

Let noble ladies and gentlewomen here learn, either to give or to take good example given; and if they disdain to teach their inferiors in well-doing, yet let it not shame them to learn of their betters.^

Neither Aylmer nor Foxe, nor most Elizabethan writers, were prepared to replace preaching with examples, yet they fully respected the power of a particular model to inspire virtuous action just as they expected learning to do the same. Aylmer's review of the Queen's education makes both points. He first observes ". . . that as she hath passed many of our kynges, and al our quenes in these good studies and Sciences: so she must nedes exceede them in the rest of her lyfe and gouern ment" (sig. N2V ) . According to her first schoolmaster, "I teach her wordes (quod he) and she me things. I teache her the tongues to speaker and her modest and maidenly life, teacheth me workes to do. For

(saith he) I think she is the best inclined and disposed of any in all Europe" (sig. N3r ; repeated by Foxe, VIII, 604).

As the Queen exemplifies and inspires virtuous behavior, her subjects and her kingdom will directly benefit. In turn, obedient subjects ensure God's continued favor, a devoted and virtuous monarch.

Religion, the virtuous Queen, and the dutiful subject are also■closely connected by Whetstone. In his epistle to the nobility, preceding the first part of The English

Myrror, he outlines his purposes as a writer:

. . . the first, to shew the micfotye prouidence of Almightie God, in defending this little Realme 68

from sundrie the assaultes of so furious an enemie; the second, to inlarge,. or rather eternize the glorie of manie her Majesties peaceable victories against this bloodie Enuie; the third, to counsell her good subjects bjr waightie examples, to arme their happinesse with vertue, the onely meane to withstand the puissance of~Enuie^ They may hardly pleade ignorance, hauing the commandments of sacred scripture, the lawes of sage Philosophers, and policies of good common wealtEes men, to instruct euerie of them in the offices and duties of theyr vocation.4

When he dedicates his second section to English divines, he alludes to Elizabeth as "the liuely example of Dauids,

righteousnesse, Salomons wisedome, Augustus clemency, and what vertue so euer is els contained in a religious

gouernment" (p. 103) and reviews the scheme by which he has dedicated the whole work to the Queen and the respective

divisions to nobility, clergy, and magistrates, representing

the sword, grace, and fortress of good government.

Elizabeth's defeat of envy is documented from her early

days "as Daniel in the Lions den" (p. 130) during her

sister's reign, with special emphasis on the religious

conflict of the times. Parry's execution, for instance,

illustrates that "... Gods prouidence is wonderfully glori­

fied, the Popes inhumanitie, is proclaimed: and if examples may worke amendement, a number of false harted subiectes, by the myraculous preseruation of her Maiesty may be brought to a louing obedience" (p. 154). Northumberland's

suicide and the deaths of Throckmorton and other traitors

likewise lead whetstone to hope earnestly that 69 God graunt that her Maiesties good subiects may be alwayes worthy of this diuine prouidence, peace, & abundance of all good things, and that those that are not yet found may so profit (in amendment) by these examples, as they may detest treason, as the assured spoile of honour, losse of life, and (in many) the damnation of the soule, otherwise, (in seeking to pull downe a Prince whome God hath chosen to raigne ouer his people) in their confu­ sion they shall declare their owne folly, and Gods exceeding goodnesse, in preseruing of those whom he loueth. . . . (p. 172)

These selections from Whetstone and Aylmer delineate the central themes of many works which treat the proper relationships between monarch and populace, as well as the respective duties of each party. In order to examine these patterns more closely, it is useful to investigate first the most common and readily identifiable exercise of duty recurring in the literature that praises Elizabeth— the brief prayer for the Queen that generally appears as a work's conclusion.

When someone reads a description of the Queen's arms or sees them on public display,

. . . by & by he will know the same, and remember the reuerence therunto due: and not that onely, but wil breake out, and say, God saue the Queene, God saue her Grace. Whiche woordes so saide, and hearde of others, bringeth all the hearers in remembrance of their obedience, and duetie to her, being our most lawful Prince, and Gouernour.5

Even the briefest blessing of the Queen is a reminder of the whole set of religious and political duties which operat­ ed in Elizabethan England. Such prayers thus serve to unify the community and reenforce its proper functioning. 70

Prayers also allowed the loyal Englishman to promote actively his own and his country's happy condition by prolonging the life of the Queen. A godly prince, like

Elizabeth, well deserved the dutiful blessings of her people. For "... the good and godly prince, both by good example of life, and by sacred lawes, enciteth and winneth his people to the heauenly course, . . . thus manifesting himself as God's blessing. In return ". . . for whose long and prosperous raine, euery subiect is in dutie bound louingly, zealously, and faithfully, to pray vnto God" (fols. 3v-4r). These faithful prayers fulfill

Paul's injunction to Timothy to pray for magistrates and duly regard the evidence of daily experience when the

Queen's subjects

. . . pray for her Maiesties prosperous continuance amongst vs. Let vs make intercession for her perseuerance and going on, in her sacred dutie to God, as she hath begunne, and that hee will preuent the euils which her aduersaries maliciously pretend against her. And finally, let vs giue thankes for her so long comfortable being our nursing mother, that shee may so continue (if it please God) to the shutting vp, and finishing of all time vpon the earth, that she with vs, and we with her may meet our sauiour Christ Jesus to­ gether in the cloudes, when we shall enioy our absolute harts ease in heauen. (fols. 4v-5r)

Self-interest is at least as strong a motive as grati­ tude for any subject who considers the "perillous estate of our time" (fol. 5r), or fears that God, should she die, might forget a people who ignored his "benefite in her a

Dauid or a Saule" (fol. 5r), or sees the unhappy conditions 71 of England's foreign neighbors which "strike vs with ter- rour, least God for our sins should also tume our peace into warre, our plentie into wantf& our comfort in her, to miserie and trouble by forraine enemies" (fol. 5V ).

Following Enqlands Ioy, a poem on Elizabeth, Irish rebellion, and Spanish frustration, is an exhortation to all lords, ladies, and faithful subjects:

A1 faithfullSubiects of this blessed land, That serue the only Angel of a Queene: In whose true grace, & by whose gratious hand The heauenly substance of her sexe is seene. Let not your hearts, nor spirits cease to pray, For her liues blessed euerlasting day.

For in her life liues all your happinesse. She is the Sunne that lights your Element Her Maiestie, your wonders worthinesse, Her Vertue, your honours ornament. Her Fauour, your best loyalties regard: Her Grace, your seruice royallest reward.

Pray then, I say, and prayer neuer cease, Vnto the God of all eternall glorie: Her life, her health, her comfort to encrease, To Englands honour, neuer ending storie. That she may breathe an euerlasting breath, _ And they may pine in hell, that wish her death.

These verses assume the efficacy of prayer, summarize the

central arguments for brief blessings of the Queen—

Elizabeth's merit and England's self-interest in her con­

tinued reign— and suggest the themes recurring in many of

the short prayers for Elizabeth: wishes for a long life and

reign; the subject's obligation to pray for her; the close

connection between her situation and the country's; bless­

ings such as health, prosperity, comfort, wealth, peace, or 72 honor; her preservation, defense, or protection by God; and imprecation of her enemies. Dozens of works which include or conclude with blessings of Elizabeth reiterate these themes as they rehearse a duty central to the relationship p between sovereign and populace.0

A work rarely concludes with a mere "God save our g Queene Elizabeth." In fact, most blessings develop their theme or themes in several lines. Wishes for the Queen's longevity recur most frequently, often related to other major topics. John Aide links her long reign with England's continued happiness:

And also for our gracious Queene, That God long prosper her, and then Good dayes among us may be seene, Which unto us he graunt. Amen!10 whereas Stephen Peele emphasizes.the subject's duty:

And thus the Lorde preserve the Queene, Long space with us to live and raigne: As we are all bound incessantlie To desyre with prayr both night and day, God to preserve her majestie. Amen, let all her good subjects say.11

Tymme associates long life with the Queen's religious leadership and her future salvation, praying

. . . that shee On earth, may long remayne. To guyde the sterne of Christian barge With Oares of sacred lore: And afterwarde to rayne with Christ In blysse for euermore.1^

Formulaic though the wish for long life and reign may be, its flexibility is evident in these few illustrations as is I

73 the degree to which Elizabeth, England's safety and pros­ perity, and the true Protestant religion cohere in the

Elizabethan mind.

Although many blessings bear no organic relationship to the works they conclude, Baldwin reiterates the central theme of his several poems mourning King Edward VI, placing direct responsibility for Elizabeth's length of life on her people:

0 sleye not our Soverayne, our most noble Queen, Whose match in vertue hath seldome be seen, But pray the almighty her life to defend. Repent, recompence, pray, pay, and amend. For if our sins send her to her brother, , Swift vengeance wil folow, let none looke for other. 3

Likewise, A pleasant Poesie, or sweete Nosegay of fragrant

smellyng Flowers gathered in the Garden of heauenly Pleas­

ure , the holy and blessed Bible plucks its bouquets from

among well-known Biblical characters who have weathered

storms and showers. Its prayer hopes for the Queen's

safety and prosperous reign, drawing her into the figura­

tive garden of the title as it concludes:

That she may be to vs a bower, To kepe vs alway when *jLt doth showre; . I pray God saue that princly flower!

More typically, the blessing does not depend upon or

derive in any essential way from the work it concludes,

although most authors develop at least a minimal transition between the two. Sargent, for instance, recounts the feat

of Richard Ferris and his companions, a trip from London to 74

Bristow by boat. Although great wagers rode on the success of the trip, Sargent stresses God's guidance and the political-religious significance of the trip {"'Twill make the Spaniards' hearts wax cold!").^ His conclusion exhorts

Ferris to thank God, source of present and future personal successes, and then turns to the dependence of the larger community upon God for its welfare:

I end with prayers to the LORD, To save and keep our royal Queen 1 Let all true hearts, with one accord. Say, "LORD, preserve Her Grace from teen! Bless, LORD! her friends! confound her foes! For aye, LORD save our royal Rose!" (p. 166)

Although this ebullient prayer for the Queen could readily apply to another context, it does reenforce the religious and nationalistic fervor of the whole piece.

While the Queen's role as a national and religious symbol predominates in the blessings, her personal attrac­ tion for her people characterizes the conclusions of several works which plead for special interest groups. Elderton, for instance, fervently wishes for her visit:

God graunt that (once) her Maiestie Would come her Cittie of Yorke to see. For the comfort great of that Countree, as well as she doth to London. ®

Although it tactfully avoids direct criticism of Elizabeth by accusing her advisors, even The complaynt of a Catholike for the death of M. Edmund Campion concludes:

God saue Elizabeth our queene, God send her happie raigne, 75

And after earthly honors here, the heauenly ioyes to gayne. And all sutch men as heretofore haue misinformd her Grace, God graunt they may amend the same while here they haue the s p a c e . 17

These blessings illustrate some of the ways in which

the duty of prayer for the Queen might be used by writers

to conclude a wide variety of works appropriately and

propitiously. The large number of extant blessings clearly

indicates the importance of this form for writers who wished to exercise themselves or their audiences in proper

duty to the Queen. The particular wishes for Elizabeth

stress her religious and political significance for England.

Their expression by a writer, with his audience's implicit

accord, encourages not simply a certain attitude toward the

Queen, but a series of actions which give obedience and

loyalty concrete form. The prayers function to unify the

external audience and the writer in their relation to the

Queen and to involve, perhaps implicate, the reader in the

author's moral intention.

Plays follow the same pattern and even more strikingly

present the dutiful prayer for Elizabeth. As in other

literature, the concluding prayer may be essentially

unrelated to the content of the play. For example, although

the heroine's virtue in Apius and Virginia might readily

compliment the Queen, the playwright commends the example

to his audience and ends the epilogue simply and directly: Beseeching God as dutie is, our gracious Queen to s a u e , The Nobles, and the commons eke, with prosperous life I craue.18

In other instances, the play's theme is integrated in

the blessing. In Locrine's final scene. Ate turns the play's plot to a compliment:

And as a woman was the onely cause That ciuill discord was then stirred vp, So let vs pray for that renowned mayd. That eight and thirtie yeares the scepter swayd. In quiet peace and sweet felicitie, And euery wight that seekes her graces smart, wold that this sword wer pierced in his hart.1^

Although Edwards denies any topical significance in the

Prologue to his Damon and Pithias ("Wee talke of Dionisins

[sic] Courte, wee meane no Court but that", Eubulus

concludes the action in praise of true friendship:

A Gift so strange, & of such price, I wish all Kyngs to haue. But chiefely yet as duetie bindeth I humbly craue, True friendship, and true friendes full fraught with constant faith. The geuer of friends, the Lord grant her most noble Queene Elizabeth, (sig. H3V)

The final song further extends the application of the

play's theme to the Queen, wishing her true friends to

defend her desires and thus prolong her health.

That such blessings also functioned as models or pat­

terns for the audience is clear in the number of exhorta­

tions that urge the spectators to join in and the manner in

which writers speak as communal representatives. This

sense of communal participation operates particularly 77

strongly in those plays in which the concluding blessing ends the dramatic illusion and returns the actors from their parts on stage to their daily roles as English

subjects.

The transition from the world of the play back to reality occurs in stages at the conclusion of Disobedient

Child. After the stage action has ended, the play is

summarized and its moral applied to the audience. All the

actors gather on stage, kneel together, and alternately

speak the verses blessing the Queen:

And last of all to make an end, 0 God, to thee we most humbly pray, That to Queen Elizabeth thou do send Thy lively path and perfect way121

Elizabeth is wished health, long reign, and finally eternal life, and the prayer continues for religious and secular leaders. As it ends, actors and audience are united:

And that we thy people, duly considering The power of our queen and great auctority, May please thee and serve her without feigning. Living in peace, rest, and tranquillity, (p. 91)

The actors have verbally rejoined the audience. Their part

as community spokesmen is further reenforced by the sharing of these final lines— as each actor speaks as part of the

company gathered on stage, so their collective speech repre­

sents the immediate audience gathered at the play and, beyond them, the larger body of Englishmen.

In similar fashion, the epilogue of Patient Grissell is directly addressed to the spectators, first aptly 78 beseeching the audience's patience with players and author and then moving toward the reunion of all parties in the real world:

And thus we knit vp, with support of your grace. Desiringe your praiers with vs in this case, In which our Noble Queene Elesabeth, to you we commend.22

The audience is drawn into the players' prayer and, by its conclusion, the speaker's "we" includes not only the other members of his company, but also the audience: "Lord blisse thou our lande, and preserue our Royal1 Queene" (sig. Ilr).

Likewise, as Dewtey and Truth bring Horestes to a close, the former turns from their general moralization of the play to address and represent the audience:

For your gentle pacience, we geue you thankes hartely, And therefore our dewtey weyed, let vs all praye, For Elyzabeth our Quene, whose gratious maiestie: May rayne ouer us, in helth for a y e .22

Their prayer also includes the Queen's counsel, other estates, and officials, so "That eache of them, doinge their dewties a ryght,/ May after death posses, heauen, to their hartes delyght" (sig. E4V).

Through the course of the epilogue, these two actors have slowly separated themselves from their allegorical parts, moving from Dewtey's "Where I Dewtey am neclected"

(sig. E4r) to Truth's "thus Truth doth saye:/ The which for to do, I be sech God we maye" (sig. E4r) in which the actor's "I" is no longer Truth's. The blessing unites the 79 audience and actors in an exercise of the very virtues so recently represented on stage, thus reenforcing proper moral actions in the real world across the stage.

As suggested earlier, prayers are not the only signifi­ cant duty through which subjects enact their proper rela­ tionship to the Queen. Cae sars Dialogue, for instance, features a father*s instruction of his son in the appropri­ ate fear, honor, obedience, tribute, defence, and prayer due the Queen.24 Duty to the Queen supersedes personal desires, as a sweetheart is reconciled to a soldier's s e r v i c e . 25 a duty may be traditional, as a gift of spurs from the holder of Earlham manor,2® or an obligation of one's office, as Mayor Calthrop's welcome of Elizabeth to

London2^ or a properly staged hunting feast and entertain­ ment.2® Similarly, Essex's Irish triumphs on St. George's day are held "For that renowndd mayden's sake"2® as are numerous Accession Day festivities. In Anglorum Feriae, for instance, the 1595 tilt contestants are "reddy to do their Duties"30 against her enemies. Even a London prentice might maintain the Queen's honor in a Turkish tilt, thus

Q1 reforming the king and receiving his daughter in marriage.

But one need not travel to Turkey to gain the rewards of service— Sussex's elegy records that he "seem'd, a Fearle in Princes eye."

Of the two parties involved in the sovereign-populace relationship, the people are most ardently exhorted to 80

their duties. Gosson clearly explains why:

God hath now blessed England, with a Queene, in vertue excellSt, in power mighty, in glory renowmed, in gouernmSt politike; in possession rich, breaking her foes with the bent of her browe, ruling her subiects with shaking her hand, remouing debate by diligSt foresight, filling her chests with the fruites of peace, ministring iustice by order of law, reforming abuses with great regarde. . . . But we vnwoorthy seruants of so milde a Mistresse, degenerate children of so good a mother, vnthankful subiects of so louing a prince, wound her swete hart with abusing her lenitie, and stir Iupiter to anger to send us a Storke that shal devoure v s . 33 I Attire and theater attendance readily illustrate the ex­

cesses in which his audience has probably participated.

Naturally, Elizabeth's loss would be suitable punish­ ment for such a dissipated populace. One ballad writer

lectures London, "away wfc prid, shun hores, and shame to

swere,/ or els ye lord will strike,"3^ and the Queen who

"beares ye bell" (p. 9 3) will be taken. Lodge and Greene

urge:

London awake, for feare the Lord doth frowne, I set a looking Glasse before thine eyes, O turne, O turne, with weeping to the Lord, And thinke the praiers and vertues of thy Queene, Defer the plague which otherwise would fall. Repent 0 London, least for thine offence. Thy shepheard faile, whom mightie God preserue.35

But the worst offenders, "forgetting all these good partes

in hir Princely person, misusing hir mercie, and contemning

your owne safetie, seeke to fall wyth Satan"3^ into treason.

Why the negative example of the rebel and traitor

should be a favorite ballad topic is explained in The end 81 and Confession of lohn Felton:

Eche man desiers to haue reporte, of neves both strange and rare: And couits for to know those thinges, whereby they may be ware. For to auoyde those doynges greate, that might on them befall: For by example are they taught to do, and what they shall Receiue for their malicious mindes, and wicked Treasons greate: As now of late it hath been seen through Iustice iudgements seate.37

Every traitor, and especially every disloyal papist, is a living lesson:

His youth dooth byd vs bannish filthy pride, his fleeting hence, to serue our Prince in trueth; His lewd profession dooth lay open wide, To fall from God, how greeuous is the rueth. His home returne, his Challenge, & deface, Saith: Subiects, keep true harts in euery place.3®

In these works, traitor after traitor is chastised, Catholic after Catholic exhorted to loyalty. As Churchyard puts it,

. . . thear is ment by the wryttars good will, a sodayn wished reformacion of wicked rebellion & ouer great boldnes, that shuld maek them bloesh that aer actters and doers in theas tragecall commedies and miserable Pagants. . . •.39

The lessons for the audience are clear— duty and loyalty to the Queen. The Queen's virtues, the threat of her loss, and the fate of traitors who break the bonds of obligation are powerful arguments. The serious moral duty of the writer— to turn his readers from disobedience— is apparent in the direct address of traitors, Catholics, and general audience alike. Yet there existed another audience. 82

capable of altering a situation susceptible to treason or

disobedience. The Queen herself might be advised, perhaps more tactfully than her people, of her obligations and

duties.

Many works, early and late in her reign, advise her on

religious matters— "to beware of the spiritualitie"

especially given her progenitors' problems,40 to "Roote out blind Papists, Priests, and filthie Friers,"41 and to "think

vppon the Prince of Oranges deth in tjhn. "42 On the other

side, Leslie flatly maintains that if she wants a quiet

realm "The way whervnto (if I may presume to shew it her)

is, first to reconcile her selfe vnto the Sea Apostolike. 43 * ' • •

Elizabeth's marriage plans roused similar presump­

tions. Smith imagines a personified England appealing to

the Queen not to end her line or deny her nature,44 while

Sidney directly advises her to reject Monsieur (the Duke of

Alengon) so that

. . . doing as you doe, you shalbe as you be: The example of Princesses, the ornament of your age, the comfort of the afflicted, the delight of your people, the most excellent frute of all your progenitours, & the perfect mirroir to your posterity.45

Occasionally, she is advised about a more restricted issue,

such as having "regarde," with her council, "In this lande

A C bribers to expell/That take rewarde," g an admonition

derived in this instance from the work's topic. 83

General moral advice to the Queen may imply continua­

tion of existing virtues and cautiousness, rather than a need for reform. Conway conforms his advice to the

spelling of her name, yet the particulars he selects are

impersonal:

E Encrease Knowledge. L Let Vertue guide. I In Praier perseuer. Z Zelously aske. A Acknowledge Sinne. B Beware of Presumption. E Enuie no man. T Tender the helpelesse. H Hope for Heauen.

R Remember thy Rule. E Encline to Justice. G Graunte gyftes by Deserte. I In Mercy delighte, N No Flatterers preferre. A Accepte the Wise.47

The universality of Conway's exhortation contrasts with the

historically rooted advice on marriage and religion, yet

both share the well-meant audacity expressed by Davies:

Let it please thy Royall Maiestie, of thy superaboundant clemencie, to take in good woorth these few aduisementes sent from the senter of a pooresubiects heart, that reuerenceth thee (as it is moste bounden) in greater measure then wordes can possibly expresse. And . . . the rare and admirable discretion, which is alwaies resident in thee (as in the locall place, where it of right ought to be) togither with the moste sound aduise of those prudent Senators, whiche are of the councell, can and doo foresee with great circumspection, the imminent dangers insuing thy absence. . . .4 ^

Despite the author's ostensible humility, his directives to

the Queen are more and more strongly expressed, moving from 84

". . . giue thy poore subiect leaue (with all humility prostrate vpon my face, I beseeche thee) to mind thee . . ."

(sig. B8r), to a less encumbered "... I beseech your maiestie, in the bowels of a dutiful and loyall heart ..."

(sig. B8V) , and finally to "Take heed therefore good Queene againe X saie, take heed. . ." (sig. C r ) . Praiseworthy though she may be, the Elizabeth in these works is not simply idealized or adored. She deserves respect, and is owed obedience, but she, like her subjects, is susceptible to the moral potential of the written word.

The patterns for Elizabeth's behavior as Queen are found in

. . . the example of these excellent and famous kinges/whom I haue set before your eyes/but also by the example off your Graces most noble father Henry the viii. off most famous memory/and off the most godlie prince Edward the vi. your Highnes brother/that in the same familie wherin the praise off religion and reformacion begann to florishe/ yt may be also perfected and fin­ ished by your maiesty.49

Even inanimate objects may remind her of those virtues especially necessary in a monarch. Ferne reviews the twelve precious stones in her crown which, like her other regal accoutrements, signify her elevated status as well as her common humanity, the cardinal virtues expected of her, and her temporal and spiritual obligations.^® As she lives up to these patterns, she becomes "a paterne for your Cl successours.11 ^ 85

Potent as other models, negative or positive, may be for a writer's double audience— sovereign and people— the

Queen herself was a stirring exemplar. Her praise might discharge a subject's duty, contextualize instruction of her countrymen in obedience, temper direct advice to her, or move her people to proper action. Both as a private person or public figure, the Queen surpasses, even replaces, art:

If I had as much arte as Zeuxes in paniting [sic] Penaelope, Tymantes in coulouring Iphigenia, Appelles in drawing Venus, or Amulius in counterfeiting Minerua, I could then portray forth to your sight the amiable face, & passing excellencie of concord, the sweetenesse of whose countenance, though she were naked without ornaments, were able to allure you to persist in encrease of your friendly loue, and the maiestie of her vertuous lookes enough moue you to inward hatred against al dissentious enemies. But what should I neede so to doe, for the present happinesse you doe now and haue long felte, vnder the most vertuous Ladle of concord, and conseruer of peace, your gracious Queene, hath for these thirtie yeeres made you famous for your gouernment, happie for your peace, a wonder to the world, and gauled your enemies with . enuie at your state. . . .52

As this awesome monarch acts on those around her, she may elicit the best, or provoke the worst:

It is our dread and soueraigne Lady, whose shyning vertues fret the polluted eyes of these vnnaturall Subiectes: whose heroicall gouerne- ment (which no Realme in the world is able to match for peaceable continuance) that sticketh lyke sharpe needles in their venoumed and disdaineful stomackes; and it is the rare president of her famous lyfe, her Christian zeale, and aboundaunce of all excellent giftes, which woorthelie winneth the heartes of her true Subiectes, and inflameth them with desire of her long prosperitie. . . .53 86 She embodies general virtues which necessitate gratitude:

How much then are we bound to God, who hath giuen vs a Queene, that of iustice is not only the very perfect image & paterne; but also a mercie & clemencie (vnder God) the meere fountaine & bodie it selfe?5^

CC She is extolled as an "Image of Vertue" J and "a manifest

and worthy example of womanly worthines and feminihe

perfection."5®

Her pattern is used to promote certain activities, such

as studying Italian57 or other languages and learning,58 and

to influence all classes. she is the Phoenix "At whose

illustrate Lampe may our foolish virgins borrow oyle, & by

her light direct the course of their life. . . ."59 ^n

audience of English ladies "must needes succeede, or rather

abounde in all or greater worthinesse hauing the honour and

blisse to bee trayned vpp, in the same Schoole, from the which they (and all other) borrow their light as the Moone

doth frO the Sun, at the mouth of that diuine Oracle, Ex

cuius ore, melle dulcior fluit oratio, that sacred

Queene. ..."«60

Her influence is not limited to her own kingdom; she 61 is "a lyghte to other princes," "an excellent Paterne and G o example" for Christian monarchs. Even her neighbor,

James VI, admires her as a monarch.whose "like hath not

been read nor heard of, either in our time, or since the

dayes of the Romane Emperour Augustus."65 87

Her example is most forcefully exploited in Actes and

Monuments since her rise to the throne is a prominent and moving example of God's special care for England and fully supports Foxe's expressed purposes, "the glory of God, the discharge of the story, the profit of the reader, and hurt 64 to none." In Foxe's own words.

Thus hast thou, gentle reader, simply, but truly described unto thee the time, first of the sorrow­ ful adversity of this our most sovereign queen that now is, also the miraculous protection of God, so graciously preserving her in so many straits and distresses, which I thought here briefly to notify, the rather for that the won­ drous works of the Lord ought not to be suppressed, and that also her majesty, and we likewise, her poor subjects, having thereby a present matter always before our eyes, be admonished both how much we are bound to His divine majesty, and also to render thanks to Him condignly for the same. (VIII, 672)

Elizabeth moves her subjects, Foxe's audience, to their proper religious attitude and to the accordant actions:

For what can be more delectable and pleasant than to run into such a field, to give virtue his commendation, which in all persons, as Plato saith, stirreth up great love, but especially in a prince; and, in such a prince, what natural subject will it not delight, not only to behold, but also to extend his travail and diligence in extolling and setting forth the same. (VIII, 601)

Foxe's audience, however, was not limited to ordinary

Englishmen. His work is dedicated to the Queen and is clearly intended to promote the continued growth of an

England of God's saints, not simply to celebrate Elizabeth's accession. Foxe's interpretation of Elizabeth's role in the past carries a clear lesson for both of his audiences. His Elizabeth is an example of God's might and a saintly pattern, instructing his general readers and the historical

Elizabeth alike in the paths which England should continue

to follow.

In Foxe's work, as in other of these works which

exploit Elizabeth's suasive power for moral change, several

complex relationships co-exist. The literary Elizabeth

functions as a model for the dutiful or moral behavior expected from the reader or audience. Her praise high­

lights her worthy and commendable attributes. Her virtues, personally and publicly manifest, are a lesson to others in

themselves, and the threat of their loss or absence makes a

strong case for a proper regard for the Queen and for the

divine source from which she has been sent. Unlike the

idealized and venerated version of the Queen examined in the

preceding chapter, this Elizabeth is expected not simply to

awe her poet and their collective audience. Here, she is

manipulc. ed by the writer— she is the matter or exemplar on which he builds whatever moral or political argument he wishes to convey to his audience. The response she pro­

vokes as a literary subject is not restricted to the

♦ essentially internal or emotional; she is to alter

activities and actions in people's lives.

Yet the writer has a second audience— the Queen her­

self— who may be directly or indirectly entreated to a

position or course of action, perhaps even by being 89 persuaded to behave in accord with a literary portrait of herself. To the degree that the living Elizabeth might agree with a writer's thesis, her literary manifestation functions as a kind of propaganda, used by a writer pri­ marily to influence some segment of her public and perhaps to urge her continued course of action as portrayed. On the other hand, Elizabeth herself may be just as strongly intended as an audience for such works as she is by those pieces which directly address and exhort her. Because the writer of a work, or even a stanza, essentially concerned with the relationship between prince and people or with the obligations of one party in the equation, presumably works from a predetermined ideological base, his certainty of the rightness and dutifulness of his own position precludes playing an awed or timid role before the Queen. Respectful he may be, for respect is a recurring theme in these works, and even distant, in that no personal relationship is usually pretended, but his responsibility to his perception of his duty outweighs the attractions of the Queen as an object of contemplation in herself. Instead, she is

absorbed into his material as he speaks to his audience and

as her literary shape promotes and illustrates his ends.

She may also, or even simultaneously, function as his

second audience, herself exhorted to a proper course of

action. Although the Queen may play this more complex dual

role, as subject and audience, her relationship with the writer is still a distant one. He speaks to her imperson

ally, not personally, and he writes as a societal

conscience, not as an idiosyncratic individual. His goal

is comprehensive: a properly functioning relationship between the Queen and her people, manifest in real world

actions. 91

NOTES

Garrison, Dryden, especially pp. 59-62, discusses the way in which panegyric addresses two audiences through its two central themes: the theme of restoration compares the prince with an historical pattern to exhort obedience from his subjects; the theme of limitation advises or instructs the monarch in his duties. Lily B. Campbell, "The Use of Historical Patterns in the Reign of Elizabeth," HLQ, 1 (1938), 135-67, more generally reviews the ways in which the Elizabethans were accustomed to applying patterns to life. Studies of history plays, such as Ruth L. Anderson, "Kingship in Renaissance Drama," SP, 41 (1944), 136-55; or Irving Ribner, "The Tudor History Play: An Essay in Definition," PMLA, 69 (1954), 591-609; or his The English History Play in the age of Shakespeare, rev. edn. (London: Methuen, 1965), touch on the way in which one genre incor­ porated this mental set. Many works, which are not included in this study because they refer only indirectly to the Queen, debate policies and political issues. Some of these are studied by Bevington, Tudor Drama; and Gertrude Catherine Reese, "The Question of the Succession in Elizabethan Drama," Studies in English (University of Texas), No. 22 (1942), pp. 59-85. Studies of particular works, such as Louis B. Wright, "A Political Reflection in Phillip's Patient Grissell," RES, 4 (1928), 424-28, some­ times stress propagandism.

3 [John Aylmer], An Harborovve for Faithfvll and Trevve Svbiectes, The English Experience, No. 423 (1559; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrvm Orbis Terrarvm, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1972), sig. M2V. Phillips, Images, pp. 33 and 245, n. 23, cites this work as an example of Elizabeth's efforts to answer effectively Knox's The First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstruous Regiment of Women.

3 John Foxe, Actes and Monuments, rpt. as The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe, ed. George Townsend Ctl843- 49]; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1965), VIII, 604, follows most of his apparent source verbatim, but he reverses Aylmer's ironic comments (for example, "she had so proud a stomacke" [sig. Nlr] becomes "she had so little pride of stomach" [VIII, 603]) and alters the editorial commentary on events to magnify and apply generally Elizabeth's virtuous behavior, as in the example cited in the text.

^ George Whetstones, The English Myrror, The English Experience, No. 632 (1586; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1973), sig. 1F3r. 92

5 John Bossewell, Workes of Armorie, The English Experience, No. 145 (1572; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1969) , sig. C4V .

8 Iohn Norden, A Progresse of Pietie (1596; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 716, 1957), fol. 3V .

7 [Richard Vennard], Englands Ioy ([1601?]; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms^ STC reel 1033, n.d.), sig. A5r. This poem is attributed to Richard Vennard, rather than Richard Rowlands, in A. W. Pollard and G. R. Redgrave, A Short-title Catalogue, rev. by W. A. Jackson, F. S. Ferguson, and Katharine F. Pantzer, 2nd ed., XI (London: Bibliographical Society, 1976), STC No. 24636.3, and is not to be confused with his dramatic hoax of the same title which is discussed in Chambers, Elizabethan Stage, III, 500-3.

8 For the sake of brevity and because of its central focus on dramatic interaction, this study omits sermons and the numerous long prayers for the Queen published sepa­ rately or as major pieces within larger works. The follow­ ing illustrations of blessings represent only a small sample, primarily drawn from those works in which the blessing is the major reference to Elizabeth. Because the groupings used in this study to describe the complex rela­ tionships between Queen, poet, and audience are not mutually exclusive, many of the other works analyzed here also include or conclude with similar prayers or blessings. g For example, G. B., A Free Admonition without Any Fees, To Warne the Papists to Beware of Three Trees in "Old Ballads, From Early Printed Copies of the Utmost Rarity," ed. J. Payne Collier, in Early English Poetry, Ballads, and Popular Literature of the Middle AgelT (London: Percy Society, 1840), I, 85-88; and also in Herbert L. Collman, ed. , Ballads _& Broadsides chiefly Of the Elizabethan Period And Printed in Black=Letter ("1912; rpt. New York: Burt Franklin, 1971), pp. 10-12.

10 John Aide, A godly ballad declaring by the Scrip­ tures the plagues that have Tnsued whordome~~(London# 1566) , in A Collection of Seventy-Nine Black=Letter Ballads and Broadsides, Printed in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, Between the Years T 5 ? ? and 1597, second issue (London: Joseph Lilly, 1870), p. 104. Steven Peell, A Proper New Balade Expressyng the Fames Concerning a Warning to All London Dames (London, n.d.), in "Old Ballads," ed. Collier^ in Early English P o etry, I, 56. 12 T. Tymme, ed., A looking Glasse for the Court, trans. Fraunces Briant from the French trans. of Anthony Alaygre from Anthony of Guevarra (1575; Ann Arbor, Michi­ gan: University Microfilms, STC reel 318, 1945), sig. A3V. 13 [William Baldwin], The Funeralles of King Edward the sixt. VVherin are declared the causers and causes of his death (1560; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Micro­ films , STC reel 195, n.d.), sig. C2V . 14 John Symon, A pleasant Poesie, or sweete Nosegay of fragrant smellyng Flowers gathered in the Garden of heauenly Pleasure, the holy and blessed Bible (London, 1572), in A Collection of Seventy-Nine Black=Letter Ballads, p. 8. 15 James Sargent, A new Sonnet made upon the arrival and brave entertainment of Richard Ferris with his boat (n.p~ [X590]) , in Edward Arber, ed., An English Garner, VI (London and Birmingham: E. Arber, 1883), 165.

^ W[illiam] E[lderton], A new Yorkshyre Song (London, 1584), in The Roxburghe Ballads, ed. W. Chappell (1869-70; rpt. Hertford: Stephen Austin and Sons for The Ballad Society, 1877-78; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1966), p. 9. 17 The Complaynt of a Catholike for the death of M. Edmund Campion, in "Ballads Relating Chiefly to the Reign of Queen Elizabeth," ed. W. R. Morfill, in Ballads from Manuscripts, ed. Frederick J. Furnivall and w. R. Morfill, II (Hertford: Stephen Austin & Sons for The Ballad Society, 1873), 179. 18 R. B., A new Tragicall Comedie of Apius and Virginia, ed. Ronald B. McKerrow, The Malone Society Reprints, gen. ed. W. W. Greg (1575; rpt. n . p . : The Malone Society, 1911), sig. E3V.

W. S., The Lamentable Tragedie of Locrine, ed. Ronald B. McKerrow, The Malone Society Reprints, gen. ed. W. W. Greg (1595; rpt. n.p.: The Malone Society, 1908), sig. K4V .

20 [Richard] Edwards, The excellent Comedie of two the moste faithfullest Freendes, Damon and Pithias, ed. 94

Arthur Brown, The Malone Society Reprints, gen. ed. F. P. Wilson (15 71; rpt. n.p.: The Malone Society, 1957), sig. A 2 r .

21 Thomas Ingelend, A Pretie and Mery new Enterlude, called The Disobedient Child, in The Dramatic Writings^ of Richard Wever and Thomas Ingelend, ed. John S. Farmer, Early English Dramatists (n.d.; rpt. London: Early English Drama Society, 1905), p. 91. Although Chambers, Elizabethan Stage, XII, 351, dates this ca. 1560, Madeleine Doran, Endeavors of Art: A study of form in Elizabethan drama (1954; rpt. Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin Press, 1972), p. 162, suggests it is "probably from Edward Vi's reign." Regardless of the date of the play's original composition, the prayer at its conclusion specifically names Elizabeth and presumably was presented as printed during Elizabethan performances.

22 John Philip, .The Plaie of Pacient Grissell, ed. Ronald B. McKerrow, The Malone Society Reprints, gen. ed. W. W. Greg (n.d.; rpt. n.p.: The Malone Society, 1909), sig. Ilr . 23 John Pikeryng, A Newe Enterlude of Vice Conteyninge, the Historye of Horestes, ed. Daniel Seltzer, The Malone Society Reprints,. gen. ed. Arthur Brown (1567; rpt. n.p.: ’ The Malone Society, 19 62), sig. E4r .

24 [e . Nisbit], Caesars Dialogve or A Familiar Communi­ cation containing the first Institution of a Subject, in allegiance to his Soueraigne, The English Experience, No. 480 (1601; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrvm Orbis Terrarvm, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1972), p. 119, sum­ marizes the points developed in detail in its preceding pages, as does the concluding prayer on p. 131.

25 Ballad LVIII, The Shirburn Ballads 1585-1616, ed. Andrew Clark (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1907), pp. 237-38. 2 6 James Bulwer, "Harford Bridges," Norfolk Archaeology, 7 (1872), 213-14, includes the presentation of spurs to Elizabeth by William Downes at Harford Bridge from Harleian manuscript 980, fol. 282. Despite Bulwer's claim to the contrary, this item was previously printed in Nichols, Progresses, II, 132-33, as was a notice of the arrest of Downes several weeks later as a Catholic (II, 216). 2 7 Henry Robarts, Fames Trumpet Soundinge (London, 1589), in Fugitive Tracts, ed. William Carew Hazlitt (London: Chiswick Press, 1875), I, No. 30. The mayor's official duty to the Queen is acknowledged in "The Recorder 95 of Londonfs Speech to Queen Elizabeth" delivered by Edward Drew in 1593 (Nichols, Progresses, III, 228-31) and a similar speech by Thomas Flemynge in 1594 (Nichols, Progresses, XII, 254-60).

2 R The Noble Arte of Venerie or Hvnting, rpt. as Turbervile * s. Booke of hunting: 1576 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1908), according to information supplied from the library catalogue to replace the missing title page of the copy used. See ch. 35, pp. 90-94, for the description of a hunting assembly. The work is attributed to Gascoigne, rather than Turbervile, by William Carew Hazlitt, The Complete Poems of George Gascoigne (n.p.: Roxburghe Club, 1869) , I , xxv, and II, 302; O'Donoghue, Portraits, p. 40; and most recently by Charles and Ruth Prouty, *' George Gascoigne, The Noble Arte of Venerie, and Queen Elizabeth at Kenilworth," in John Quincy Adams' Memorial Studies, ed. James G. McManaway, Giles E. Dawson, and Edwin E. Willoughby (Washington: The Folger Shakespeare Library, 1948), pp. 639-64. The Proutys suggest that this assembly passage might record one of the Kenilworth entertainments. Although the passage does not name Elizabeth as the featured queen, and regardless of the validity of the Proutys’ suggestion, accompanying engravings apparently picture Elizabeth at a hunting feast such as the one described and thus justify including this work as a compli­ ment to the Queen.

29 h newe ballade of the tryumpes kept in Ireland vppon Saint Georg1s day last, by the noble Earle of Essex and his followers, with their resollution againe there, Ballad LXXVIII, Shirburn Ballads, p. 322. Likewise, Edward Monings, The Landgrave of Hessen his princely receiving of her Majesties Embassador in August 1596 (London^ 159£>) , In Nichols, Progresses, III, 380-97, mentions that the people's entertainment of the Queen’s representative "shewed their gratefull minds unto her Majestie" (p. 395). Thomas Churchyard, The Fortunate Farewell to the most forward and Noble Earle of Essex (London, 1599) , in Nichols, Progresses, III, 433-37, also claims that the event he com­ memorates instils courage and moves "all degrees in gen- erall loyally to serve our good Queene Elizabeth" (III, 433-34).

George Peele, Anglorum Feriae, in The Life and Minor Works of George Peele, ed. David H. Horne, The Life and Works of George Peele, gen. ed. Charles Tyler Prouty, I (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1952), 269.

The Honour of a London Prentice (London, n.d.), in "A Collection of Songs and Ballads Relative to the London 96

Prentices and Trades; and to the Affairs of London Gener­ ally. During the Fourteenth, Fifteenth, and Sixteenth Centuries," ed. Charles Mackay, Early English Poetry, Ballads, and Popular Literature of the Middle Ages (London: Percy Society, 1841), I, 22-28.

32 George Whetstones, A Remembraunce of the Life, Death, and Vertues, of the most Noble and Honourable Lord Thomas late Erie of Sussex (1583; Ann Arbor, Michigan; University Microfilms, STC reel 401, 1949), sig. Blr.

33 Stephan Gosson, The Shoole [sic] of Abuse, The English Experience, No. 523 (1579; facsimile rpt. Amster­ dam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1972), fols. 21v—22r. 34 Elizabeth Lord Saue, in Ballads from Manuscripts, II, 95. 35 Thomas Lodge and Robert Greene, A Looking Glasse for London and England, ed. Tetsumaro Hayashi (tea. 1586]; Metuchen, N. J.: Scarecrow Press, 1970), p. 175.

36 G[eorge] N[orth], The Stage of Popish toyes (1581; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 378, 1949), p. 93.

37 p. g ., The end and Confession of Iohn Felton (London, [1570]), in Collman, Ballads, p. 144.

38 Verses in the Libell, in A[nthony] M[unday], A breefe Aunswer made vnto two seditious Pamphlets (London, 1582) , in BalTads from Manuscripts, II*, 184.

38 Thomas Churchyard, A Wished Reformacion of wicked Rebellion (London, 1598), in Fugitive Tracts, I, No. 32, dedicatory epistle.

48 R. M., A Newe Ballade (n.p., n.d.), in The Harleian Miscellany, ed. Thomas Park, X (London: White and Cochrane; John Murray; and John Harding, 1813), 262. 41 Raph Byrchensha, A Discovrse occasioned vpon the late defeat, giuen to the Arch-rebels, Tyrone and Odonnell, by the right Honourable the Lord Mountioy (1602;Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 1127, n.d.), sig. Elv .

42 O'Donoghue, Portraits, Engraving 297, pp. 114. 97

43 John Leslie, A Treatise of Treasons against Q. Elizabeth, English Recusant Literature 1558-1640, ed. D. M. Rogers, 254 (1572; facsimile rpt. London: Scolar Press, 1975), fol. 171v .

44 Thomas Smith, Sir Thomas Smith1s orations for and against the Queen1s marriage, In John Strype, The Life of the Learned Sir Thomas Smith, rev. edn., (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1820), pp. 216-18.

43 Sir Philip Sidney, A Discourse of Syr Ph. £3. to the Queenes Majesty touching hir mariage with monsieur, in The Prose Works of Sir Philip Sidney, ed. Albert Feuillerat (1912; rpt. Cambridge: University Press, 1962), III, 60.

4^ George Mell, A proper New Balad of the Bryber Gehesie (London, n.d.Tr m A Collection of Seventy-Nme B1ack=Letter Ballads, p. 44.

4^ John Conway, Meditations and Praiers ( [1570?]; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 491, 1952), sig. D4r.

4^ Davies, A private meins potion, sigs. B7v-B8r .

49 [Thomas Cartwright), trans., A full and plaine declaration of Ecclesiasticall Discipline,[attributed to Walter Travers] (15 74; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 334, 1945), pp. 188-89.

50 Ferne, Blazon of Gentrie, pp. 142-45.

^ The humble petition of the communaltie to their most renowned and gracious Soueraigne, the Ladie Elizabeth (n.d.; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 496, 1952), sig. A6r.

32 W[illiam] A[verell], A meruailous combat of con­ trarieties (1588; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Micro- films, STC reel 194, n.d.), sig. D4r-D4v.

53 [Anthony Munday] , A Watch-vvoord to Englande (1584; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 426, 1950), sig. A2V .

54 Reginald Scot, The discouerie of witchcraft, The English Experience, Nol 299 (1584; Facsimile rpt. Amster- dam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 19/1), sig. A2V. 98

65 George Whetstones, A Mirovr For Magestrates of Cyties (1584; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 1047, n.d.), sig. A4V .

56 Vincentio Saviolo, Vincentio Saviolo his Practise (London, 1595), facsimile rpt! in Three Elizabethan Fencing Manuals, introd. James L. Jackson (Delmar, N. Y.: Scholars' Facsimiles & Reprints, 1972), sig. Mm3r.

6^ [John Florio), A Woride of Wordes (1598; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 540, 1953), sig. Blv . 66 Roger Ascham, The Schoolmaster, ed. Lawrence V. Ryan (1570; Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press for the Folger Shakespeare Library, 1967), pp. 56-57. 5 9 ' W[illiam] R[ankins], The English Ape, the Italian imitation, the Footesteppes of Fraunce T1588; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 339, 1948), pp. 23-24. ^ The Historie of France: The Foure First Bookes (1595; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 544, 1953), sig. A5v-A6r. 61 John Bale, King Johan, rpt. as John Bale1 s King Johan, ed. Barry B. Adams (San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1969), p. 147. 62 Lewes Lewkenor, trans., The Resolved Gentleman (1594; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 1177, n.d.), sig. Nlv . 63 James I, Basilikon Doron (1603; Ann Arbor, Michi­ gan: University Microfilms, STC reel 558, 1953), sig. B3r.

64 Foxe, Actes, VIII, 605. CHAPTER IV

PERSONALIZATION: THE INDIVIDUAL FOCUS

Addresses to the Queen are not limited to the essen­ tially didactic purposes of the works which impersonally exhort Elizabeth or her subjects to their duties. Whether or not the historical Elizabeth was acquainted with a writer, she was frequently addressed as if she were. Interactions which assume the form of a personal exchange with the Queen include requests, thanks, and presentations, most thoroughly conventionalized in the many literary dedications to Eliza­ beth. In all these works, the writer speaks not for his audience or for his country, but for himself. The Queen is no longer distant, but within the reach, at least as a reader, of normal human communication. She is susceptible to direct appeals, and the possibility of her active response to an appeal is always assumed.

The vitality of the exchange, in fact, hangs on the potentiality of the Queen's reaction. Whether or not the historical Elizabeth actually responded to her writers, her literary version was malleable and beneficent, capable of directly and indirectly benefiting a writer and the

larger community. Functioning as a simultaneous audience

99 100 and subject, the Queen is presented in an ostensibly per­ sonal literary relationship through which the writer apparently aims at gaining rewards, benefits, or encourage­ ment by maneuvering the historical Queen into alignment with her literary counterpart. The attempt to influence the Queen is as strong as that less intimately developed in the works which present behavioral patterns for the Queen and her people. The outcome sought from the Queen is rarely a crassly expressed financial benefit but usually a protec­ tive, inspirational, or talismanic personal effect. The writer's second audience, the reader, is privy to the intimate— or at least implied— exchange between Queen and writer and witness to the casting of the Queen in her beneficent role. The author works in a double fashion— he appeals to the Queen directly, and, through her literary shape, he defines her part as a potentially active and interactive character in their relationship.

In his dedication to Leicester of The First Part of the Elementary, Richard Mulcaster clarifies the peculiar nature of a dedication to the Queen, the most common personal address to Elizabeth:

Hir maiestie representeth the personage of the hole land, and therefor clameth a prerogative in dewtie, both for the excellencie of hir place, wherewith she is honored, as our prince, and for the greatnesse of hir care, wherewith she is charged, as our parent. If honor be the end of that, which is don, hir place is to clame, if the common good, then hir charge is to chalenge. Which both clame in honor, and chalenge in charge, 101

did concur in one aspect, when I offered hir my book. For mine own purpos was to honor hir place, with the first of my labor, and my book pretended to benefit hir charge with som generall profit. Again being desirous both to procure my book passage, thorough hir maiesties dominions, & to laie som ground for mine own credit, at the verie fountain, how could I haue obtained either the first, without hir sufferance, or the last, but with hir countenance? Whose considerate iudgement if my book did not please, my credit were in danger, whose gracious permission if it were denyed, my successe were in despare. So that both my dewtie towards hir maiestie, as my souerain prince, and my desire of furtherance by hir maiestie, as my surest protection, compelled me of force to begin with hir highnesse, by satisfying of my dewtie, to com in hope of my desire, if the matter, which I offred should deserue liking, as the course, which I took shewed desire to please.^

As Mulcaster indicates, the typical dedication to

Elizabeth implies a particular relationship between Queen and writer. Although an occasional dedication appears in verse rather than prose, the epistolary form usually frames the writer's approach to the Queen. He formally, but simply, begins by greeting her and occasionally wishes her felicity, long or prosperous reign, long life or health, or other abstract benefits. He concludes in similar fashion, often praying for her preservation or for other appropriate blessings.

Within this framework, the author's approach is careful.

He rarely lectures Elizabeth or directly requests employment or other financial benefits. He rarely characterizes himself as bashful or even reverently fearful before her— 102 instead he is the presumptuous yet humble presenter of his simple, rude labors. His sense of obligation to her is strong— he owes his duty to his sovereign and sometimes even acknowledges her primacy for him by dedicating his

"first fruits" to her or alluding with gratitude or affection to her private benefits to him. He characterizes

Elizabeth most frequently as a blessed or godly queen, and perhaps mentions her exemplary and virtuous life. Few dedi­ cations are lengthy and effusive in her praise, although many refer to her education, her friendship to learning, and her facility with languages, all appropriate characteris­ tics of a literary patron.

The author's decision to dedicate his work to her is usually an outgrowth of his dutiful, though presumptuous, pose. Most frequently, he describes his work as an expres­ sion of service, duty, or gratitude, or as a goodwill token.

Additionally, he may claim that his work benefits the

Queen's commonwealth and subjects or that his subject matter is especially appropriate for her in some way. Whatever its utility, the work's topic is frequently explained or justi­ fied during the dedication. The Queen herself is rarely promised personal benefits, such as learning, useful exemplars, delight, honor, strengthened virtue, or immortal memory. Instead, the anticipated results of the dedication are defined in terms of the monarch-writer relationship. One dedication directly outlines the traditional expectations: 103

But because I see the Dedications of bookes, by a receiued and cOfirmed maner, commonly to be directed to Princely persons, for two causes: eyther to get and deserue thanke of suche as they be, or to prouide an helpe againste enuie, and poysoned tongues of slaunderers. Of the which, the first consideratiO, seemeth to proceede from God, to whom, antiquitie, as it is wel knowne, being mindeful and thankeful of their benifits, did offer the first fruits of their increase: The secOd, to rise of preseruatiues. . .2

The Queen is to pardon the author's boldness and rashness.

She is to take in good part, with good will and her accustomed clemency, his offering to her, accepting his poor present as if it were a better one. In token of her acceptance, she is to allow, protect, and defend the work and its author.

During these appeals to the Queen, the reading audience merely observes the conventional, although personal, exchange.

Although the existence of the secondary reading audience is obliquely implied in references to members of the Queen's commonwealth susceptible to the work's benefits or to the

Queen's protection as a commendation to other readers, its presence during the implied exchange is not acknowledged.

The reader is cast as a voyeur or an eavesdropper, furtively observing one side of the implied exchange between Queen and writer.

Yet, because the poet has chosen to print publicly his dedication, playing the exhibitionist for the voyeur, he seeks to implicate emotionally his audience. He places the audience behind the Queen's shoulder to read the dedication from her point of view. This alignment may work to the writer's direct advantage by encouraging further dissemi­

nation of his work, swaying public opinion to influence the

Queen's response, or heightening her implicit obligation to

reward him. The reading audience, however, plays a highly

ambiguous part. The reader temporarily assumes the Queen's

role in reading a direct address to her and is flattered by

this position in the implied dialogue. He or she assumes

a dangerous equality with the Queen insofar as the writer

succeeds in aligning a reader’s intellectual or aesthetic

sympathies with those proposed for the Queen and thus with

the writer's overt aims. Gratified as the audience might

be to play the Queen's part, its historical position accords

not with Elizabeth's, but with the writer's, that of the

dutiful subject in need of a monarch’s consideration and

protection. Thus, the audience is subject to the double

impetus of flattery and empathy to respond with generosity

to the author and his work. As the writer closes the

distance between himself and his Queen, he also closes the

reader's distance and uses that narrowed distance to

implicate the reader emotionally in the appeal to the

Queen. The device of the humble direct address allows the

poet full control of his double audience.

Barnabe Googe's dedication of The Popish Kingdome to 3 Elizabeth, "on earth next vnder God the supreme gouernour,"

briefly illustrates central features of this form. Googe 105 claims he has translated this text in order to dedicate it to Elizabeth, presuming to do so because he has seen her

"most gratious accepting of smaller matters." His text is appropriate for a queen because of its original Latin eloquence and its truth which also mandates a patron capable of protecting it. Googe pleads for the protection and sympathetic judgment of the Queen and, implicitly, of the sophisticated reader:

Most humbly I therfore besech your maiestie to vouchsafe the defence thereof against the wrongeful slaunders of malitious tongues, and to pardon, according to your accustomed clemencie, my bolde attempt in presenting to your highnesse so rude a translation: wherein I haue the lesse beene curious, bycause it was chiefly made for the benifite of the common, and simpler sorte.

He concludes with an explanation of the inclusion of another translation in this same volume and a prayer for the Queen's preservation which restores the audience to its position as observer, among "all your louing subiectes."

In addition to, or in lieu of, the formal dedication, an occasional author makes a similar appeal in some other form or location. Gascoigne's "Peroratio" to The fruites of Warre appeals to Elizabeth:

. . . Pardonez moy, That I presume in worthlesse verse to warne, Thambitious Prince, his dueties to d e s c e r n e . 4

Naturally, Elizabeth is excluded from the ranks of such warmongers. The next year, his Grief of Joye is formally dedicated to Elizabeth and presented as a New Year’s gift. 106

Additionally, the work includes a preface, exhorting his muse to recall the elevated status and accomplishments of his primary audience, the Queen, whom he must behold to experience the only permanent joy exempt from the incur­ sions of grief. Gascoigne then turns to address the Queen directly in an envoy:

Queene by your leave, hath bene (yn olden dayes) A pretye playe/ wheryn the prynce gave chardge, (So that the pale, were styll kept hole allwayes) to take the best, and leave the rest att large./ Queene, by your leave: my muze the best hath fownde, and yett I hope, the pale ys safe and sownde./

He hopes his muse's foray, like a traditional prince's sport, takes the best but leaves the game's barriers and

1imitations intact.

Similarly, Lok addresses the Queen in several poems which supplement his prose dedication to her. 4 A prelim­ inary poem idealizes her as an exemplary monarch, "Renowned g Queene, true type of happiest King." Following an internal title page which introduces several lengthy sets of religious sonnets, Lok rededicates his efforts to her in a remarkable sonnet, replete with an internal rhyme scheme and a compendious review of motifs normally given more temperate application to the Queen's praise. Within a mere fourteen lines, Elizabeth receives, among other things,

Lok's heart on a sacrificial pyre, the protection of the graces (at the Muses' expense), heavenly origins, Jove's defense, and finally: 107

Venus would craue. And Dain [sic] doth that due, Which Pallas wils, Me yeeld alone to you. (sig. I6r)

Following this is "A square in verse of a hundred mona- sillables only" (sig. I7r), also directly addressed to the

Queen.

A rare dedicatory address within a fictional frame occurs when Du Bartas, in L'isle's translation, dozes over his work and dreams of Oration, surrounded by the "pillars" supporting nine thriving languages. After he notes the

English pillars, Bacon, More, and Sidney, he is dazzled by the fourth, Queen Elizabeth, whose reign and, appropriately, linguistic facility he praises. He then directly addresses h e r : 0 bright pearle of the North, martiall, Mars-conquering, Loue still and cherish Arts, and heare the Muses sing: And incase any time my verses winged-light Shall ouer th' Ocean sea to thine Isle take their flight, And by some happie chaunce into that faire hand slide. That doth so many men with lawfull scepter guide: View them with gracious eie and fauourable thought, 1 want thine eloquence to praise thee as I ought.7

Greater restraint is demonstrated by the author of

Wealth and Health which concludes with an extended blessing, preceded by Wealth's straightforward appeal to Elizabeth:

. . . Sovereign! of your graciousness, We beseech you to remit our negligence and misbehaviour: There we have said amiss, we commit all to your favour.8

Personalized literary appeals to the Queen solicited other assistance besides favor for a literary endeavor. 108

Elizabeth's "saucy Godson," Sir John Harington, records a poem which he intends to leave behind on his next visit with her. He praises her reading, and thus improving, of his verse and then cleverly requests:

Sith then your Highnesse doth, by gift exceeding, Make what you read the better for your reading; Let my poor muse your pains thus farre imp6rtune. Like as you read my verse, so— read my Fortune.9

Chapman solicits her support of Ralegh's Guiana ventures:

Then most admired Soueraigne,let your breath Goe foorth vpon the waters, and create A golden woride in this our yron age, And be the prosperous forewind to a Fleet, That seconding your last, may goe before it In all successe of profite and renowme. ®

Even a condemned murderer turns to the Queen for forgive­ ness :

And thou my soueraigne Mistris and my Queene, Bright starre of Englandes globe, forgiue my fact, Nor let it touch thy Royall Princely hart, That Cosbie hath misdone so hainously. ^

A similar final appeal to Elizabeth is recorded by Whet­ stone in his reportorial account of Gascoigne's deathbed will:

I humbly give my gratious sovereign Queene (by service bound) my true and loyall hart: And trueth to say, a sight but rarely seene, As Iron greves from thadamant to parte, her highnes so, hath recht the Grace alone: To gain all harts, yet gives her hart to none.

My loving wife, whose face I fain would see, my love I give, with all the welth I have: But since my goods (God knoweth) but slender bee most gratious Queene, for Christ his sake I crave (not for any service that I have doon) you will vouchsafe, to aid her and my sonne.-*-^ 109 Although he describes himself as "Prostrate with teares before my god & queene," 1 3 Sir Henry Goodyer shrinks from implying a face to face appeal to the Queen. Instead, he indirectly pleads with the Queen to excuse his furthering correspondence between Mary, Queen of Scots, and Norfolk.

With Elizabeth's mercy, he maintains that

the tree shall live thoughe wounded in the sappe

Whose harte ys sounde and never could be brought by love or hate or hope of any gayne Of my good queene to thinke as yll a thoughte as myght offend her lyfe or happie raygne Whome god prserve an aged queene to be to englandes Ioy betyde what may of me. (p. 180) I Despite his indirect mode of address, his aim is clearly to appeal directly to the Queen.

Although these appeals differ markedly in the action requested of her and the seriousness of the occasion recorded, they share a similar attitude and approach to

Elizabeth. Each presupposes a potential response on her part— provision of good fortune, forgiveness, encouragement of exploratory ventures, support of a family, mercy.

Whether or not it is realized, the suasive power of litera­ ture is assumed, as is the possibility of its direct influ­ ence on conditions or events in historical reality.

Although such writers approach the Queen cautiously, she is

a personalized, rather than entirely idealized, figure.

Her distance from the poet, and from humanity in general,

is lessened in that she presumably may be moved by pleas 110 for normal human needs, emotional and physical. Elizabeth's part is implicit or presumed— the literary Queen is not shown responding to appeals, but the potentiality of response in personal, rather than broad political terms, links these works. The primary audience for such pieces is defined by their content; the Queen is the reader who « is to be moved to a particular course of action. The larger audience overhears one side of the poet-Queen dialogue, enough perhaps to elicit the same sympathetic or respectful critical response sought from the Queen. The reader1s reaction is maneuvered by the poet to accord with that proposed for the Queen. The poet does not speak for or to his secondary audience, but appeals indirectly to the reader's sympathy and judgment, just as he appeals directly to the Queen's.

This personalized approach to Elizabeth also includes references to her powers or influence over the nature and quality of the poet's artistic experience. Appeals to the

Queen for aesthetic, rather than tangible, considerations illustrate the flexibility and adaptability of the person­ alized relationship between the two parties. Barnfield, for instance, contrasts the Queen's constancy with

Cassandra's and appeals for a literacy "pardon":

Queene of my thoughts, but subiect of ray verse, (Divine Eliza) pardon my defect: Whose artlesse pen so rudely doth reherse Ill

Thy beauties worth; (for want of due respect) Oh pardon thou the follies of my youth; Pardon my faith, my loue, my zeale, my truth.^

The double nature of the relationship is clear: Elizabeth

is both an historical-political and a literary figure—

Queen and subject. Her characteristics elude her poet's powers, yet he is neither intimidated nor overwhelmed by her; instead, he directly speaks to her and attributes any

failure on his part to his follies of enthusiasm and her

great merit. Yet no presumptuous familiarity is intended,

as Barnfield makes clear in a second digression apparently

also directed to the Queen:

Farre be it from my thought (diuinest Maid) To haue relation to thy heauenly hew, (In whose sweete voice the Muses are imbaid) No pen can paint thy commendation due: Saue only that pen, which no pen can be, An Angels quill, to make a pen for thee. (p. 75)

Davies tackles similar issues in relation to another art:

What Musieke shall we make to you, To whome the stringes of all mens harts Make musicke of ten thousand parts In tune and measure true, With straines and changes new?15

Elizabeth has not only savored the arts of the Christian

heavens and the angels, she is also directly associated with

the Muses. Markham opens his account of Grenville's fatal

stand against the Spanish with an invocation to the fairest,

adding:

And with her thou great Soueraigne of the earth, Onelie immatchlesse Monarchesse of harts, From whose faire eyes issued the Muses birth, Murderd by Iron-age, and barb'rous darts, 112

Yeeld from thy beams plentie to my wits dearth, That I may sing valures almightie parts, And Chronicle those tropheys to thy throne, Which from this lie, and his great spyrit shone.16

Elizabeth inspires both the deeds of men like Grenville and

literary accounts like Markham's.

Her inspirational abilities are even more forcefully

argued by Daniel:

Thou sacred Goddesse, I no muse but thee Invoke in this great worke I now entend; Do thou inspire my thoughts, infuse in mee A power to bring the same to happy end: Rayse vp a worke for latter times to see, That may thy glory, and my paynes commend: Strengthen thy Subiect strange things to rehearse, And giue peace to my life, life to my Verse.^'

For Warner, Elizabeth is both an inspiration and a

part of his subject:

Thy Raigne also, Elizabeth, shall bound our Pen in it, Which to our Theame inferreth Texts, no times yeeld more so fit.18

His conclusion once again directly addresses the Queen as

the agent responsible for the endurance of his work, despite

her incomplete praise:

Nor Perpetuitie my Muse can hope, vnlesse in this, That thy sweet Name, Elizabeth, herein remembred is. And this, hope I, doth bode me good, that very day wherein Was finish1t This, did of thy Raigne yeares Thirtith nine begin. May Muse arte-graced more than mine, in Numbers like supply, What in thine Highnes Praise my Pen, too poore, hath passed-by. A larger Field, a Subiect more illustrious. None can aske. That with thy Scepter and thy selfe, his Poesie to taske. 113

Thy Peoples Prolocutor be my Prayer, and I pray, That vs thy blessed Life, and Raigne, long blesse, as at this day. (p. 315)

Her talismanic influence may act directly upon a writer or it may be communicated to another sensible to her

inspiration. A certain E. C.'s fortieth sonnet records the

effect the literary relationship between Queen and writer

has upon a fellow poet:

Delias sweete Prophet shall the praises singe Of bewties worth exemplified in thee. And thy names honour in his sweete tunes ring: Thy vertues Collin shall immortalize, Collin chast vertues organ sweetst esteem'd, When for Elizas name he did comprise Such matter as inuentions wonder seem'd. Thy vertues hee, thy bewties shall the other Christen a new, whiles X sit by and wonder.

The poetic process is grounded in Elizabeth's beauties and

virtues— wonder is the product of their very naming.

The direct address to the Queen may accommodate

relationships and attributes other than those which

pragmatically or spiritually assist the poet in his artis­

tic tasks. Churchyard, for instance, directly seeks

Elizabeth's literary indulgence:

0 pardon my rash wit Sweete Queene and soueraigne deare For he that doth in heauen sit Knowes mine intent is cleare.20

He then alternates lines directly addressed to Elizabeth

with verse accounts of her days as a prisoner at Woodstock,

"the Phoenix cage" (sig. Clv), which now, with Churchyard,

welcomes her on progress. The final stanzas illustrate how 114 the poet shifts stance and speaking role as he attempts to harmonize his several simultaneous functions. He moves from the individual response of

I doe such graces see.

In your most gratious raigne That daily shines so cleare As neuer none shall reach or staine Nor euer could come neare. (sigs. C2r-C2v) to the role of community spokesman:

0 sacred Soueraigne sweete, Our faire red rose and white We fall on knees at Cesars feete To see our worlds delite. (sig. C2V)

He now hails Elizabeth by name, but no longer speaks directly to her with a second person pronoun for he has moved back from the Queen to rejoin the general audience.

Some of the epigrams in T. B.'s Chrestoleros are characterized by a similar ease of movement. Number thirty, for instance, opens with "Liue long Elisa" so "That we may liue and florish vnder thee,"^^- but turns in its final couplet to a direct address:

Heauen fights for thee, & thou shalt haue thy will -Of all thy foes, for thy Sunne standeth still, (p. 45)

More frequently, however, these epigrams speak directly to

Elizabeth, as the opening of number sixteen illustrates:

When in thy flowring age thou did'st beginne, Thy happy reigne, Eliza, blessed Queene. Then as a flowre thy country gan to spring. All things as after winter waxed greene. (p. 88)

That such verse depicts any actual acquaintance with the

Queen is questionable, but its literary familiarity, like 115 that of the dedications, assumes a Queen who is at least emotionally responsive to the poet's sentiments.

Instead of appearing in conjunction with a poet's second role as public spokesman, the direct address to the personalized Queen may be used to record a poet's histori­ cal relationship with Elizabeth. In such works, the most complex personal addresses, the line between literary fiction and history dissolves. Though a minor figure,

Henry Constable readily illustrates this complexity in his poems to Elizabeth. His sonnet, "To the Qi after his returne oute of Italye," opens with a diplomatic report, his observations on Elizabeth's reputation in Poland, including the conclusion of the envious that geography accounts for her success. Constable continues:

So if the sea by miracle were drye Easie thy foes thy kingdome might invade Fooles which knowe not the power of thyne eye

Thine eye hath made a thousand eyes to weepe And euery eye [a] thousand seas hath made _ And each sea shall thyne lie in saftie keepe.

The conceit derives directly from the poet's straight­ forward account of his travel experiences in the previous eight lines and pivots on the island-sea image which links the two sections of the poem. The last six lines concen­ trate the image, turning it from literal to figurative application and focusing on emotional rather than historical circumstances. Its final concern is a personal, rather than a religious or political, version of the Queen's influence 116

— when her eye meets her subjects' eyes, the realm is

secure. The poet is speaking directly to the Queen with a comfortable, though not intimate, tone. He observes her powers over others, but he is not their spokesman.

A second sonnet (p. 138) charges her with causing sin, namely England's pride and her neighbors' envy, and a third gives the same conceit personal application to the poet.

Here, his love for her envies his hatred for her foes since the latter has found expression in his book chastising her enemies. His sword envies his pen for striking first, his blood envies his ink spilled on her account, yet

Which envie though it be a vice yet heare Tis vertue, sith youre vertues haue it bred Thus powerfull youre sacred vertues be Which vice it selfe a vertue makes in me. (p. 139)

Again Constable uses a political event, his written defense of the Queen's Netherlands policy, as a springboard for her praise. The clearly defined occasion for the poem estab­

lishes the relative status of Queen and poet and connects

the figurative freedom of the poem to the actual and

conventional restrictions surrounding relationships with a monarch. Yet Constable celebrates her powers as they func­

tion in a personal way, transforming the poet's vice into

virtue. Elizabeth is both his primary audience and his

literary subject, but her treatment here is restricted to

the definition of a particular interaction between Queen

and poet. Their relationship neither requires nor implies 117 physical proximity. The internal distance between Queen

and poet is narrowed, though without emotional demands or

requirements of the Queen. Perhaps this poetry aims ulti­ mately at recognition for the poet, but overtly it describes, not prescribes, the Queen's influence.

The manipulation of distance and relationship produces many an insoluble conundrum in the poetry of Sir Walter

Ralegh.23 Because Ralegh, like other courtiers, wrote for

Elizabeth as a primary audience and for a restricted

secondary audience, both his texts and canon are elusive.

The exclusion of a larger audience also eliminated any need

for defining the contexts, occasions, or even the recipi­

ents, from which figurative treatment of the Queen grew,

since they presumably were commonly understood by his

original audience.2^ Regardless of, and perhaps partially because of, these inherent difficulties, the poet-monarch

relationships are complex and lively in Ralegh's poetry,

if not always clear.

Much of Ralegh's verse may have been directed to the

Queen, but it is not about her in any usual sense. His

"Fortune hath taken the away my love," to which Elizabeth

responds in "Ah silly pugge wert thou so sore afraid,"23

illustrates how his verse records the emotional vagaries

of his relationship with Elizabeth. Here, as elsewhere, he

decries fortune's alteration of his loved one despite his

own fidelity; Elizabeth reassures him that she has not been 118 moved and advises him to banish his fears. This verse is less an illustration of the Queen's praise, although she is clearly highly esteemed, than an example of the way in which literature was an integral part of the social processes in

Elizabeth's court. Not only is the Queen directly addressed in a personal way, but she actually responds in kind. The personal relationship structured in the dedica­ tions and other appeals to her is real here; the implicit response now becomes actual. The distinctions between fiction and reality fail as poetry becomes an event and events are given shape in poetry. The secondary audience has been pared away, leaving the Queen to play in private the part assigned to her.

Several of Ralegh's other poems, apparently also written to Elizabeth, follow a similar pattern grounded in a direct exchange with the Queen. Even a poem, such as

"Those eyes which set my fancy on a fire," written from a slightly more distant stance, concludes with a summary of its praise and a direct appeal to its recipient's judgment:

Then, Love, be judge, what heart may thee withstand: Such eyes, such hair, such wit, and such a h a n d . 26

These roles of suitor and beloved mistress, used by Ralegh and others, promote a conventionalized intimacy in the address of the Queen. The basic relationship, however, remains that of the dedications or other appeals to

Elizabeth. The Queen functions as a simultaneous subject 119 and audience whose personal response is the essential possibility. The poet plays the supplicant for personal benefits, manipulating both primary and secondary audiences.

Not surprisingly, expression of a love such as

Ralegh's is difficult:

Our Passions are most like to floods and streams; The shallow murmur; but the deep are dumb.27

Paradoxically, the poet speaks in verse to defend his silence. He is muted by her perfections, yet his verse tells those things which defy usual communication. Direct address of the Queen, in literature, thus transcends even the personal encounter of poet and prince. The Queen1s part is not even that of a participant in an implied or direct dialogue with the poet; through the medium of writ­ ten language, she hears what is not spoken. Her response is to be mental, a perception:

Then your discretion may perceive That silence is a suitor, (p. 153)

The Cynthia fragment is the final extension of the poet's personal relationship with the Queen. It illus­

trates Ralegh's intensity and focuses on his relationship with the Queen as it survives strictly within his memory.

Here Ralegh goes beyond positing a role for the Queen to

play, beyond direct exchange with her until her physical

role is eliminated entirely. His work is addressed to

Cynthia, but he cannot speak directly to the Queen.

Elizabeth no longer exists for him emotionally; the 120

impossibility of her response is his very point. Yet he

cannot shake off his entanglement in their relationship.

His distance from her has contracted until she has become a part of his own mental processes, fully internalized:

But in my mind so is her love inclosed And is thereof not only the best part. But into it the essense is disposed.2°

Finally, without an exterior audience, his art itself

threatens to break down:

My pipe, which Love’s own hand gave my desire To sing her praises, and my woe upon. Despair hath often threatened to the fire, As vain to keep now all the rest are gone. (p. 202)

When she can or will no longer respond as his audience,

she simultaneously begins to fail as a viable poetic

subject.

Ralegh, like his contemporaries, claims emotional

sustenance from his literary relationship with Elizabeth.

Although his intensity presumably derives from his artistic

control, his personality, and the close connections between

historical events and his literary production, he treats

Elizabeth in the same personal fashion as her other

literary petitioners and supplicants. The comfortable

flexibility of such a literary relationship is evident in

the number of works which incorporate it, ranging from

upright religious tracts to the passionate entreaties of

her courtiers. The Elizabeth of these works is personal,

yet her interaction with the poet is implied or potential, 121 rather than directly portrayed or enacted. She is charac­ terized as freely responsive to the writer/ not merely as an elicitor of emotional responses or a promoter of proper behaviors. 122

NOTES

Richard Mvlcaster, The First Part of the Elementarie, English Linguistics 1500-1800, ed. R. C. Alston, No. 219 (1582; facsimile rpt. Menston, England: Scolar Press, 1970), sigs. *2r-*2v .

2 Hadrianus Iunius Hornanus, trans., The Lyyes, Of Philosophers and Oratours: Written in Greeke, Eunaprus, of the Cittie of Sardeis in Lydia' (1579; Ann Arbor, Michi­ gan: University Microfilms, STC reel 342, 1948), sig.v^ 4V . Richard Robinson, Robinsons Evpolemja or good Warrfare agenst Sathan the Devi11, rpt. in George McGill Vogt, "Richard Robinson's Eupolemia (1603)," SP, 21 (1924), 629-4 8, however, records the disappointment of its author's hopes for direct financial benefit from the Queen. Despite Robinson's persistent attempts to wrench a payment from Elizabeth in return for a dedication to her, she persisted in returning only thanks and commendation. Since other authors acknowledge rewards from the Queen in dedications to her (such as Thomas Churchyard's appreciation for his pension in the dedication to A Pleasant Conceite in Nichols, Progresses, III, 232), the Queen1s literary role as a potential, though not guaranteed, benefactress seems to reflect accurately her historical behavior.

^ Barnabe Googe, trans., The Polish Kinqdome, or reigne of Antichrist, written in Latme verse by Thomas Naogeorgus" introd. Robert Charles Hope (1570; rpt. London: Charles Whittingham for the editor, 1880), n. pag. Due to the lack of pagination, specific parenthetical references to this two page dedication have been omitted throughout its discussion in the text.

^ George Gascoigne, The fruits of Warre, Written uppon this Theame, Dulce Bellum inexpertis, in The Posies of George Gascoigne (London, 1575), in The Complete Works of George Gascoigne, ed. John W. Cunliffe, I (Cambridge: University Press, 1907), 179.

5 George Gascoigne, The Grief of Joye (n.p., 1576), in The Complete Works of George Gascoigne, ed. John W. Cunliffe, II (Cambridge: University Press, 1§10) , 516.

C Hfenrie] L[ok], Ecclesiastes, Otherwise Called the Preacher (1597; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Micro- films, STC reel 336, 1945), sig. A6V . 123 n William L'isle, trans., Babilon, A Part of the Seconde Weeke of Gvillavme de Salvste Seignevr dv Bartas (1595; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 352, 1948), sig. H3V .

® An Interlude of Wealth and Health (n.p., n.d.), in Recently Recovered "Lost” Tudor Plays with Some Others, ed. John S. Fanner (London: Early English Drama Society, 19 07), p. 308.

9 Sir John Harington, "To the Queens Majestie," in Nugae Antiquae, ed. Thomas Park (London: Vernor and Hood, Poultry, and Cuthell and Martin, 1804), I, 172-73.

■**° G [eorge] C [hapman] , "De Guiana, carmen Epicum," in Lawrence Keymis, A Relation of the second Voyage to Guiana, The English Experience, No. 65 (1596; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum,and New York: Da Capo Press, 1968), sigs. Alv-A2r.

Arnold Cosbie, "Arnold Cosbies yltimum vade to the vaine world. An Elegie written by himselfe in the Marshalsea after his condemnation," in The manner of the death and execution of Arnold Cosbie, for murthering the Lord Boorke (1591; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Micro­ films, STC feel 210, n.d.), sig. A4^. ■

**-2 Geor [ge] Whetstons , A Remembravnce of the wel imployed life, and godly end of George Gaskoigne (London, 1577), in The Works of the English Poets, from Chaucer to Cowper (London: J. Johnson, et al., 1810), II, 464.

Henry Goodyer, "If fortune good could awnswer prsent ill," in The Arundel Harington Manuscript of Tudor Poetry, ed. Ruth Hughey (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1960), I, 180. A line by line parodic response to Goodyer's poem is Thomas Norton's "Good ever due distroyed wth present yll" in Hughey, I, 180-82.

Richard Barnfield, Cassandra, in Cynthia (London, 1595), in Poems, ed. Arber, p. 73.

Sir John Davies, "To the Queen," in The Poems of Sir John Davies, ed. Robert Krueger and Ruby Nemser (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), p. 242.

16 Gervase Markham, The Most Honorable Tragedie of Sir Richard Grinuile, Knight (London, 1595), in The Last Fight of the Revenge at Sea, English Reprints, ed. Edward Arber, No. 29 (London: Edward Arber, 1871), p. 43. 124

Samvel Daniel, The Works of Samvel Daniel (1601; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 9 85, n.d.), sig. Blv . 18 William Warner, Albions England (1596; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 370, 1948), p. 295.

^ E. C., Emaricdulfe. Sonnets (London, 1595), in A Lamport Garland from the Library of Sir Charles Edmund Isham Bart. Comprising Four Unique Works Hitherto Unknown (London: J. B. Nichols and Sons for the Roxburghe Club, 1881), sonnet 40.

2® Thomas Chvrchyarde, A Handefvl of Gladsome Verses, giuen to the Queenes Majesty at Woodstocke this Prograce, 1592 (Oxford, 1592) , m Fugitive Tracts, ed". william Carew Hazlitt, I, No. 31 (London: Chiswick Press, 1875), sig. Clr .

21 T[homas] B[astard], Chrestoleros. Seuen bookes of Epigrames (159 8; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Micro­ films, STC reel 376, 1949), p. 44.

22 Henry Constable, The Poems of Henry Constable, ed. Joan Grundy, Liverpool English Texts and Studies, gen. ed. Kenneth Muir (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 19 60), p. 137. The introduction to this edition includes Constable's biography, canon, reputation, and influence, as well as an evaluation of his work. Both the biography and the notes to the separate poems explain the probable context for the composition of each piece.

23 Greenblatt, Ralegh, ch. 3, is an especially useful analysis of his literary self-dramatization as "it bends art to the service of life . . . and it transforms life into art ..." (p. 59). He also suggests that Ralegh, in addition to other motives, wrote for himself, finding "a deep reassurance" (p. 6 8) as his own audience.

24 The squabbles about the date of the Cynthia fragment readily illustrate this problem. Agnes M. C. Latham, ed.. The Poems of Sir Walter Ralegh (1951; rpt. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1962), esp. pp. xxxv-xlv, outlines the debate and suggests that the poem was cumulative. Walter Oakeshott, The Queen and the Poet (London: Faber & Faber, 1960) , chronologically orders the poems based on Ralegh's relationship with Elizabeth and supports 1592 (pp. 131-45). Alexander M. Buchan, "Ralegh's Cynthia: Facts or Legend," MLQ, 1 (1940), 461-74, advocates 1589. Donald Davie, "A Reading of 'The Ocean's 125 Love to Cynthia,in Elizabethan Poetry, ed. John Russell Brown and Bernard Harris, Stratford-upon-Avon Studies, No. 2 (London: Edward Arnold, 1960), pp. 71-89, suggests the fragment is a 1592 addition to the earlier poem to which Spenser referred.

25 L. G. Black, "A Lost Poem by Queen Elizabeth I," TLS, 2 3 May 1968, p. 535, reprints both pieces. See also Oakeshott, Queen, No. X.

2^ Attributed to Ralegh by Latham, Poems, No. XLV, in her conjectural group and by Oakeshott, Queen, No. VI, p. 151, from which I quote. Michael Rudick, "The 'Ralegh Group' in The Phoenix Nest," SB, 24 (1971) , 131-37, dis­ putes the attribution. Regardless of its authorship, the poem illustrates one of a series of approaches to Elizabeth available to her courtier-poets. Leonard Forster, The Icy Fire: Five Studies in European Petrarchism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 19 69), ch. 4, argues that Elizabeth consciously encouraged her idealiza­ tion as the Petrarchan lady as a political strategy to encourage personal loyalty.

27 Oakeshott, Queen, No. VIII, p. 152. Latham, Poems, No. XVIII, accepts Ralegh's authorship; Charles B. Gullans, "Ralegh and Ayton: The Disputed Authorship of 'Wrong Not Sweete Empress of my Heart,'" SI3, 13 (1960), 191-98, sug­ gests Ralegh wrote the first stanza which was then connected to the rest of the verses by Ayton.

28 Oakeshott, Queen, No. XXV, p. 19 8. CHAPTER V

l DRAMATIZATION: THE ABSORPTION INTO FICTION

Many lively works merge reality with literary fiction to celebrate the Queen as a vital figure, influencing or even transforming people and events around her. Elizabeth's relationship with her writers and her people facilitated her appearance as a literary character. Her role as an active agent, inherent in those works which posited or presumed a personal relationship with her, is fully developed as distinctions between literature and reality blur in several directions. Accounts of historical events are dramatized— the real world is transformed by her presence into literary subject matter. Simultaneously, and increasingly during her reign, fictional events incorporate the Queen as a character— the literary world absorbs the historical and reflects back on it.

The treatment of the Queen is flexible within certain limits of convention and propriety. Her powers operate on double, and even triple, levels, affecting characters, poets, and audiences within and, by implication, outside these works. She is distanced by the secondhand, indirect account of a character or is moved to center stage, imme­ diately visible before the reader. As a literary figure, 126 127 she elicits devotion and adoration from observers, thus instructing the reading audience in their proper roles in relation to her. Just as the personalized addresses to the

Queen place the secondary audience in an ambiguous position, so here Elizabeth's existence as a potential reader is rarely admitted. The general reader's role is clear, but her part as an audience is ambiguous, for she must watch her own transformation as a literary creature in a writer's hands, subject to the capabilities of the poet and the whims of his other creations. The real political service involved in her literary adulation is purchased by her figurative status as a subject's subject. The poet thus assumes a powerful position as the determiner of her reputation and fame and as stage manager for her fictional celebration, a responsibility heightened by the inescapable connections between the realms of fiction and reality.

Elizabeth's potential as a dramatic character is evident in contemporary literary accounts of historical events. Elderton's A newe Ballade, declaryng the daungerous

Shootyng of the Gunne at the Courte describes, in typical ballad fashion, her coolheaded reaction when one of her boatmen was accidently shot during an outing on the Thames:

She sawe him hurt, she sawe him fall, yet shrunck not at the same;

But havyng suche a mightie mynde, as passeth tonge to tell. She stept unto the wounded man, and bad hym take it well.3- 128

In other ballads, she reacts to Northumberland's 1569

2 ■j uprising, welcomes home Sir Francis Drake,J formally enters L o n d o n , ^ and encourages her people to face the

Spanish boldly. Her visit to Tilbury during the Armada crisis was immediately reported by Thomas Deloney, who includes a version of her speech to the troops, and by a certain T. J., who stresses the impressive martial review.?

Aske prefaces his highly embellished account of this event with a tedious summary of the Catholic threat to Elizabeth

from Queen Mary's day on. After her Tilbury visit and speech, amidst the grief of the local earth and air but with the exultant attendance of Thames and Aeolus, he

returns her to London where she eventually welcomes news

of the English victory.®

Her actions and speeches are not the only materials

for the reportorial writer. After Sir Henry Lee's resigna­

tion as her champion at the 1590 Accession Day tilt in her honor, Peele has no qualms about suggesting her thoughts

about Lee or his successor, the Earl of Cumberland:

Wherat she smiles, and sighes, and seem'd to say Good Woodman, though thy greene be turn*d to gray, Thy age past Aprils prime, and pleasant May; Have thy request, we take him at thy praise, May he succeed the honour of thy daies."

Little distinction is made between what the Queen has

said, what she might have thought, and what she might have-

said in a given or hypothetical situation. In a lament for

the Earl of Bedford, the ballad writer presents a dialogue 129 between the Earl and the Queen in which he pleads a cause for the poor. She graciously reads of the case and orders him to proceed, concluding:

'My Lord, now I thank yow: what will yow haue more? 'Yet, good my Lord, spare non that hurteth the poore.' *1 thank your grace,' sayth he, 'both now and alwayes; 'And god of his goodnesse long lengthen your dayes.'lO

Whether or not the incident was authentic, the writer feels no compunction about dramatizing the dialogue and the Queen.

Her characterization is clearly complimentary, yet she is

fully incorporated into the central theme of the work— the grief of the poor at Bedford's death.

She appears in other literary contexts with consid­ erably less possibility of verisimilitude. In The wonders of England, God orders the punishment of England, beginning with King Edward Vi's death, but finally withdraws his wrath:

With that the skies their hue did change, And light out-shone in darkenes steede; Up, said this God with voice not strange, Elizabeth, thys realme nowe guydel My wyll in thee doo not thou hyde, And vermine darke let not abyde In thys thy land! Straightway the people out dyd cry,— Praysed be God and God saue thee, Quene of England I •*-!

In another account of her accession, she assumes a

speaking part herself. As The Cruel Assault of Gods Fort

opens, the Papists besiege and nearly destroy the Protes­

tant fort until God sends Death and a new captain: 130

Which when in fort she did appere, A flag of truce spred in her hand. Aloud she cried, Cease now your yre, And yelde to me, right heyre of England.12

Clearly Elizabeth is not being quoted in any historical sense, yet her speech is appropriate, given the allegorical context, the author's religious bias, and her frequent idealization as a godly queen. Despite her historical rank and despite modern standards of verisimilitude and verac­ ity, she is freely available to contemporary writers not only as a literary object, but also as a literary character.

Many works incorporate her into their fictional worlds through brief allusions which establish her peripheral existence or function as a character, but which do not present her in any fully developed action. Euphues, for example, concludes with its protagonist's intention to travel to England to see "a woman that in all quallyties 13 excelleth any man." In Peele's Eclogue, she is "our great Shepherdesse"1^ for whom Essex and Sidney labored in order "To keepe the grim Wolfe from Elizaes gate" (p. 226).

Similarly, in many plays she is mentioned briefly as an

inspiration or motivation for the fully drawn characters.

For instance, Stukeley and Oneale consider her authority as monarch as they choose their political paths.^ Marston's

Antonio traveled.

Longing to view great nature's miracle, The glory of our sex, whose fame doth strike Remotest ears with adoration.1^ I

131

Wilmot's characters make no distinction between figures

living in the real and the dramatic worlds, incorporating

Elizabeth into their realm and accepting reality as an

ideal pattern for fiction: Yet let not vs maydens condemne our kinde, Because our vertues are not all so rare: For we may freshly yet record in minde, There liues a virgin, one without compare: Who of all graces hath her heauenly share. In whose renowme, and for whose happie daies, Let vs record this Paean of her praise.1? Even Oberon, the fairy king, has seen the Queen, "a faire

Vestall, throned by the West,"18 who evaded Cupid’s arrow

and "passed on, / In maiden meditation, fancy free" (11.

540-41).

Elizabeth not only charms other characters but also

assumes a set of figurative powers which allow her to

command even abstract personifications. Nashe's Summer,

for instance, anticipates his long eluded demise:

This month haue I layne languishing a bed, Looking eche houre to yeeld my life and throne; And dyde I had in deed vnto the earth, But that Eliza, Englands beauteous Queene, On whom all seasons prosperously attend, Forbad the execution of my fate, Vntill her ioyfull progresse was expir'd. For her doth Summer liue, and linger here. And wisheth long to liue to her content.19

He concludes Nashe's festivity with his bequest— fair days

to Elizabeth— and orders the other seasons to serve her

properly. Similarly, Kyd's Death plans his triumph.

Sparing none but sacred Cynthias friend, Whom Death did feare before her life began: For holy fates haue grauen it in their tables 132

That Death shall die, if he attempt her end, Whose life is heauens delight, and Cynthias friend.20

In non-dramatic literature, she exhibits similar powers competing with Death to favor Lady Knowles,21 exil­ ing "Sorow care and ciuill broyles,"22 favoring Vertue to create an England which is "The perfect patteme of the golden age,"22 and reigning with the concurrence of Time,

Peace, Felicitie, Fortune, Plenty, and A b u n d a n c e . 2^ Even

"Deuyne Beutye, natur's ritchest treasure" has made "Elisa thy cheefe dwellinge place." 25

Her powers even bridge the divisions between the characters within a work and the poet and audience outside it. For'instance, the Elizabethan translator of Simonides' satire on women concludes his work with a tribute to

Elizabeth. Had Simonides but seen Elizabeth,

Had he been made of marble and noe more, Like to that famous Statue heertofore, ^ch yeelded forth a harmony each daye When yt was shone on by the Sun's bright raye: By the more powerfull beames of her faire Eyes, What Musick had we heardI what rapsodyes Had he been lost in! . . .26

Unfortunately, the task would have been too demanding for him, for even the more enlightened Elizabethans "Stand all astonish'd at soe bright a raye" (p. 97), concluding she derives from Eden,

And if she be noe second Paradise, Tis for want of this one thing alone, That Eden had a serpent, She hath none, (p. 97) 133

The admiration of the reading audience and the poet is aligned with that she would have produced in Simonides.

Regardless of any obscure meanings. Hymnvs in Cynthiam makes a related connection between its Elizabethan audience and other peoples involved in its subject matter. Chapman's magnificent portrayal of Cynthia compliments Elizabeth:

Great Cynthia, rise out of thy Latmian pallace, Wash thy bright bodie, in th' Atlanticke streames. Put on those robes that are most rich in beames:

Ascend thy chariot, and make earth admire Thy old swift changes, made a yong fixt prime, O let thy beautie scorch the wings of time, That fluttering he may fall before thine eyes, And beate him selfe to death before he rise.27

Just as the Romans and especially the Macedonians trembled at the moon's eclipse, so Elizabethans fear for her loss

(11. 64-81). Those who disdain her favor are unproductive

and sterile; those so blessed enjoy peace, youth, and health

(11. 120-26). Cynthia's ancient temple was an architec­

tural wonder, raised from contributions of jewelry, but now women celebrate her Elizabethan counterpart differently:

. . . let vs see your harts: Build Cynthiaes Temple in your vertuous parts. (11. 450-51)

In his Tripli.citie of Triumphes, Lloyd, far less

obscurely, links Elizabethan celebrations of the Queen with

the traditional festivities of past civilizations. He

concludes many of his historical chapters with stanzas,

such as this, which complacently equalize, and even 134 aggrandize, his own time and monarch at the expense of ancient traditions:

Let Romanes sing Mamurius song, And sound Talassius fame: We laugh aloud, and clap our hands, And sound Elizas name.2 8

Although Elizabeth could be treated as a flexible literary personage with no impropriety, she clearly is par­ ticularly suited to certain roles. She is not simply a distant, inactive, idealized figure, or a moral exemplar, or a potential personal benefactress. Here, she exhibits a

full range of powers which transform or awe other charac­ ters and which ignore the limitations to which most human characters are subject. She controls allegorical or

abstract figures, turning even Death from his usual function

and establishing Vertue's place in England. Time and space do not confine her— she is analogous to, or even personified

as, a classical goddess as readily as a Biblical heroine or

as an ancient British monarch. In her presence, history is

not distinct from fiction, nor the real world of the

audience from the created literary world. As the writer

portrays the Queen in his fictional world, she assumes parts which allow her to exercise directly her transforming and

controlling powers. When she plays such a role, both

audience and writer are drawn into a fictional realm which

reflects on their reality; their responses mirror those of

the fictional characters in contact with the literary

Queen. 135

The writer's relationship to the Queen as a literary character is most directly portrayed in those works which present her as a powerful and majestic figure, adored by the poet who speaks directly of her active influence over him or his world. In this pose the poet seeks nothing from her and does not directly address her. He is close enough to her, however, to allow her powers to act upon him. as an individual and in a personal fashion. Daniel, for instance, claims:

My Cynthia hath the waters of mine eyes, The ready handmaids on her Grace attending, That never fall to ebb, nor ever die; 2g For to their flow she never grants an ending.

Breton, on the other hand, is restored by the Queen and abandons aches and tears.Churchyard nearly despairs, prays to heaven, and is urged to go to court where he says:

"I found my words and gracious lookes, I was a happie man." 31

One poet is so vitalized by the Queen that he claims it is obvious even in his sprightly step. He concludes his two stanzas by inviting his audience to share in his transformation:

Then joy with me, both great and small, Her life brings joy unto us a l l . 3 2

Although Elizabeth's influence may significantly affect the individual, as represented by the poet, this writer invites his larger audience into a communal celebration of the

Queen. In "The Sheepheards praise of his sacred Diana,"

Ralegh follows the reverse procedure. He praises Elizabeth 136 as the moon and forest goddess, above time and mortality, aloof and distant from even himself as the speaking poet.

Yet he ostracizes all who might dissent from his judgment: 33 "With Circes let them dwell, that thinke not so." Bolton, in his "Canzon Pastorall," also defines her relationship to a whole community, arguing that despite the frost,

Yet we a Sommer have, Who in our clime kindleth these living fires, Which bloomes can on the briers save.34

Elizabeth, as summer and sun, warms and irradiates her

England.

In such lyrics, the poet remains distinctly conscious of both his literary subject and his audience. He gener­ ally includes himself in direct relationship to the Queen, yet he pretends no intimacy and exacts no rewards. He suggests or implies that her powers might act similarly on any individual. He speaks to, and perhaps represents, his audience, yet he does not assume the full role of a com­ munal spokesman. His adoration of the Queen necessitates a certain distance; powers which defy the world's normal dimensions can be observed only with some perspective and breadth of vision. His tone is thus aloof and controlled, i even as he speaks with wonder and enthusiasm. His central focus remains the Queen and her vital influence which acts directly on him or the world around him.

In the Hymns of Astraea, Davies fully celebrates

Elizabeth in this way. The first of his twenty-six poems. 137 each an acrostic built on her name and rank (Elisa Betha

Regina), turns to her as the poet's inspiration:

B ut, whereto shall we bend our lays? E ven up to heaven, again to raise T he MaidI which, thence descended, H ath brought again the Golden Days A nd all the world amended.35

Her power functions within the poem, as she evolves as the poet's subject, and without, as the poem and its companion pieces record. She is the alchemist transforming her times from iron to gold, just as she has drawn the poet's eyes upward to heaven. In the second hymn, the poet acknowl­ edges his share in her happy influence:

R ight glad am I, that now I live, E ven in these days, whereto you give G reat happiness and gloryI (p. 564)

After he establishes her transformation of the world and his individual stance, Davies confirms her powers and position' in her environment. He wishes her spring garlands because she maintains England's spring, compares her with May and the rose, and commissions the lark to carry her praise to the heavens and the nightingale to the stars. In the seventh hymn, Davies asserts her primacy among Europe's monarchs and, in the next, over Flora, the "Empress of

Flowers" (p. 567). Then he salutes September, the month of her birth, and thus completes the establishment of her ascendancy over the natural world and its beauties, her domination over time as expressed in the seasons, and her position in the political world and even the world beyond. 138

The first half of the work concludes with three lyrics that return to her influence on the individual: the poet is dazzled by the sun in her face; he realizes that her painter likewise could not meet her eyes and thus fails to capture her likeness; and finally he appeals for angelic guidance so that he can sustain his art to write of her mind, her internal beauties.

The second half of the series turns from Elizabeth's position in relation to various aspects of the external world to her internal characteristics and resources— her mind, wit, will, memory, phantasy, heart, wisdom, justice, magnanimity, and moderation— each of which is somehow analogous to elements of the natural and political universe of the first section. Her mind radiates sunbeams, her memory stores jewels, and her virtues number more than winter raindrops or spring flowers. Her fitness as a monarch is verified, for she virtuously rules herself and others. The final hymn returns to the poet who mocks Envy which

I s dazzled with the glory S hining in this gay Poesy, A nd little golden Story! (p. 576) and further defines his relationship as an artist with the Queen:

T he pomp of Coronation H ath not such power, her fame to spread, A s this my admiration! 139

R espect my pen, as free and frank; E xpecting nor reward, nor thank! G reat wonder only moves it! (p. 576)

As Davies adapts his voice to the relationship with his literary version of the Queen, his part is consistently reactive— -he is inspired, admiring, dazzled. His encoun­ ters with external stimuli are appraised by a single standard, their relationship to the object of his adoration.

He delights in her praise and only this final hymn suggests the extent to which the speaker has been a created persona rather than the poet's authentic, personal voice. For here, the poet appears as an artist and artificer, rather than a worshipper. He admits his controlling role; even though he may be moved by wonder, it is his pen that spreads her fame. His "proud quill" (p. 576) praises her, leaving Envy dazzled, not merely by the Queen's glory, but by its appearance in his verse. The very allusion to compensation suggests the possibility of mixed motives and disturbs the idyll with pragmatic necessity. In this last poem, the speaker abandons his adoring role, leaving the bedazzlement to Envy, and takes on the part of a self­ controlled, even bartering, poet. This shift in pose does not devalue the Queen's praise; if anything, it reenforces

the convergence of her literary and historical powers.

It clarifies the extent to which the poet's speaking voice is created and controlled, and it suggests the extent

to which a poet might freely adapt any of a variety of 140 poses or speaking voices for panegyric. The Queen's praise remains firmly in the realm of the creative arts, regardless of literature's sometimes extensive inclusion of or intrusion on reality.

To combine the advantages of an ostensibly personal voice with greater range of plot, character, and setting, several of Elizabeth's panegyrists play the part of the poet-dreamer. In Barnfield's Cynthia, the drowsy poet is summoned to a nearby forest where he beholds an assembly of the gods. The judgment of Paris is appealed, on grounds that it was "filthie lust, and partialitie,/ That made him iudge amisse,"^ and Jove determines:

Yet one there is to Vertue so inclin'd, That as for Maiesty she beares the Bell, So in the truth who tries her princelie minde, Both Wisdom, Beauty, Wealth, and all in her shall find. (p. 51)

Just as Mercury is dispatched to her realm, the dreamer awakens and "Depriu'd so soone of my sweet Dreame, gan

almost weepe" (p. 52). In his verse conclusion, the poet directly addresses his subject, clarifying the differences between the moon and his "Muse of chastitie," his heavenly

"VIRGO" (p. 52).

Occasionally a poet's dreamer persona allows him to

compliment simultaneously others in addition to the Queen.

In Richard Robinson's Golden Mirrour, for instance, the

poet hikes in Marfield forest to a vantage point from which he surveys six shires and sights a hunting party 141 below the mountain. Chill winds drive him under a rock, and there he falls asleep and dreams:

I sawe a virgin, in rich attire clad, Whose vertues caused all men her name to know: For fame did sounde her iust deserued prayse. Whose giftes of grace, her Royall race bewrayes.37

She is beset by a fox and a wolf, but they are repulsed by a hound and an eagle, with the aid of Neptune, Eolus, and

Drake. The popular rejoicing at their success awakens the slumbering poet who is then persuaded to record his vision.

During another forest walk, he nods over "The poore Knights pallace of pleasure" (p. 11) until awakened by a friend, thus disrupting his vision of a nymph and her hunting party which reiterates the refrain, "here Talbot, take it, for thou art euer trew" (p. 13).

Peele employs the same device in The Honour of the

Garter, commissioned for Northumberland's initiation into the order. He falls asleep near Windsor Castle and sees ghostly riders from the house of Fame, led by King Edward

II, founder of the Order of the Garter, encircle the castle during the installation ceremony. Fame carries the Order's golden book (wherein Peele spies many members' names) and

spreads his wings over the Queen and her knights during

their processional. After King Edward salutes the initiate,

dawn breaks and the poet awakens.3®

Ralegh's commendatory sonnet to the Faerie Queene is

a brief but lovely example of the dream vision's employ­ ment as a double compliment. Here the dreamer and his circumstances receive little direct development; the

title's reference to a "vision" and the poem's opening 39 words, "Me thought," suffice to establish the context.

The actions described in the poem trace the poet's plunge

ever more deeply into a visionary world. The sight of

Laura's grave entices him to pass by it. As he sees her

tomb, by "faire loue, and fairer vertue kept,/ All suddenly

I saw the Faery Queene." The supporting characters in his

original vision, "those graces," now follow this queen, as

must the poet's eye since he records their defection. In

their place comes Oblivion, and as the poet turns back to

the grave, its loveliness has yielded to nightmarish

disruption— stones bleed, ghosts groan, and even classical

"Homers spright" trembles. The nature of the new order

which so fiercely jars with the old is clarified in the

final line, as is the quality of his vision, when his

thought returns to this "celestiall theife." Ralegh claims

that Elizabeth, as a literary character in Spenser's hands,

not only commands personified virtues and defies normal

bounds of place and time but also threatens the past in a

new way. Her presence overturns traditional values and

judgments, yet her force is positive, "celestiall" even.

As she attracts love and virtue from their places at Laura's

grave, she also draws the poet's eye and thus the reader's.

As the reader moves through the poet's visionary world, he

or she duplicates the motion of the "graces," first fixed 143 on the tomb and then suddenly pulled to follow the Faery

Queen. A backward look at the havoc produced is relieved and set right again by the final definition of the sup­ planting vision. The reader's experiences are those of

Ralegh's speaking persona; both mentally duplicate the physical action of the poem's characters.

Only a slight distance separates the poet's role in such a piece from that of an independently defined speaking persona who assumes the same task, the adoration of the

Queen. In several works, a personified England speaks, directly wishing Elizabeth prosperity, ^ praising her to her inhabitants,^1 and bewailing her people's treachery

"Which often doth conspire the death/ of her, my louer true."42 Even in Copley's recusant Fig for Fortune,

Elizabeth receives her share of loyal adulation. Here a despairing Elizabethan survives the temptations of Despair and Revenge, finally advancing to Devotion where he is instructed by the hermit Catechrysius. While celebrating

Sion's victory over Doublessa, he envisions a heavenly virgin showering roses whom he confuses with Elizabeth.^3

Classical tradition is equally flexible in the praise of the Queen. The "Partheniades," a New Year's gift to

Elizabeth, assigns its various poems to separate Muses who apparently are speakers or attendant deities for the separate sections, each of which is introduced by a brief explanation of the author's intentions and arguments. ^ 144

Although Elizabeth is lavishly complimented throughout, the final hymn hails her as Pallas, now removed to England, and asks : ■

How longe ys yt ere we forgett Thyne erthly name ELIZABET, And dresse the as thou dost deserve. The titles of Britton Minerve?

In thy feast dayes to singe and dawnce With lively leps and countenance. And twise stoope downe at everye leape To kisse the shadow of thy foot-stepe, Thy lyvinge Ymage to adore, Yealding the all earthly honour: Not earthlye, no, but all divyne, Takinge for me thys hymne of mynel44

Other celebrants of Elizabeth are pastoral characters. 45 One shepherd sings of the flower Eglantine, while another bewails the Queen's displeasure with him.^ A third shepherd's plaint, overheard by the speaking persona, dramatically concludes:

Remember me when I am gone. Scarce had he these last words spoken, But me thought his heart was broken; With great griefe that did abound, (Cares and griefe the heart confound) In whose heart (thus riu'd in three) ELIZA written I might see: In Caracters of crimson blood, (Whose meaning well I vnderstood.) Which, for my heart might not behold, X hyedme home my sheep to folde.4?

Sabie's Thestilis even constructs his entry for a singing contest on her merits, telling how Juno, Pallas, and Venus each claim her. The contest within a contest is resolved 4 R when a very Protestant Jove claims her for himself. 145

Of course, Hobbinoll's lay from "Aprill" in Spenser's

Shepheardes Calendar is the best known and most lovely

shepherd's praise of Elizabeth.^ It is turned into

"homely Sapphick" by William W e b b e ^ O and imitated by

Michael Drayton. Although the letter's Rowland sings, as

a shepherd, of Beta, he closely associates her praise with music and the waters. He opens his song with an address to

the Thames:

0 thou fayre siluer Thames: o cleerest chrystall flood. Beta alone the Phenix is, of all thy watery brood.51

As soon as the poet settles on Beta as his poetic focus, he invites his fellow shepherds, and implicitly his larger

audience, to her musical celebration. Although their songs may silence birds and reverse the flow of rivers, the poet

invites both waters and birds to join the jubilation. Even

the Muses sing in her honor, and finally, by the fourth

stanza, all is readied for her first direct appearance:

And Beta sits vpon the banck, in purple and in pall, And she the Queene of Muses is, and weares the Corinall. (p. 16)

Anticipating her starry crown, the celebrants prepare a

floral one for her golden tresses and, properly garbed,

she dazzles the heavens and halts the day's progress. The

universe is unsettled, but the waters continue her cele­

bration: water deities sing, the Thames proclaims her out

to the oceans, and waters nourish the appropriate symbolic

trees. Her path is prepared from shore to bower as she 146 walks. A full musical salute begins, controlling even the natural elements, restraining winds and inducing thunder.

The final stanza completes the shepherds' adoration:

Beta long may thine Altars smoke, with yeerely sacrifice, And long thy sacred Temples may their Saboths solemnize, (p. T8l and extends her influence out into the world.

This homage to Elizabeth, like its predecessor in The

Shepheardes Calendar, is framed by a pastoral dialogue.

Despite Perkin's urging, the shepherd poet hesitates:

Faire Betas praise beyond our straine doth stretch, Her notes too hie for my poore pipe to reach, poore oten reede. (p. 14)

Because his subject is Beta, "Whose praise the ecchoes neuer cease to ring,/ vnto the skies" (p. 15), Rowland reluctantly is persuaded to begin his song. Elizabeth is simultaneously the material of his creative act and the impetus to share that creation in performance. During his song, Rowland exhorts his pastoral characters to her cele­ bration, essentially to duplicate his own celebratory action. His characters honor Beta just as he does and just as Drayton does in the creation of both Rowland and his verse. A similar close connection between the created world and reality is implied in Perkin's response to the

song:

Thanks gentle Rowland for my Roundelay, And bless*d be Beta burthen of thy song, The shepheards Goddesse may she florish long, o happie she. (p. 18) 147

He behaves just as Drayton's audience should— he thanks the poet and dutifully prays for the Queen. In response,

Rowland duplicates his song's central action by making his own offering directly to the Queen. He promises her "the firstling of the foulde" with burnished horns and purple painted fleece (p. 19), Beta's regal colors as she sat upon the bank. Perkin is so moved that he pledges his love and

faith to Rowland, quitting all others. The dialogue frame works in two directions— it reflects the action of the song, and it reenforces the implication that reality should mirror

fiction in the relations of poet, audience, and Queen.

A simple exchange between two speaking characters may in itself pay homage to the Queen. For instance, the poignant encounter between the lover and the traveler of

Ralegh's "As you came from the holy land" laments the loss of Elizabeth's love.^2 The Countess of Pembroke's Thenot

and Piers, in a clever dialogue occasioned by Elizabeth's visit, wrangle in her praise. Each of Thenot's assertions

is challenged by Piers as an inadequate lie, thus wittily heightening the Queen's praise. Elizabeth surpasses all

that is changeable, ambiguous, or flawed, and so Piers

concludes:

Words from conceit do only rise, Aboue conceit her honour flies; But silence, nought can praise her. 3

As these dialogues illustrate, a rudimentary plot or

character interaction may be constructed around the Queen's 148

praise, even in works essentially limited to panegyric.

Fulwell's Flower of Fame illustrates a more fully developed

panegyric plot in which she is lauded by others, but still

makes no physical appearance as a character. Elizabeth1s

independence from and control over the artist, even when

she is his creative subject, briefly frames his narrative

poem entitled, "In Prayse of the Renowned Ladye Queene

Katherin Par," Elizabeth's stepmother. This title out­

lines the plot's anticipated topic, and the plot unfolds

immediately:

Dame Vertue longing to behold her troupe of noble trayne: Determined to take the vewe of them that did remayne. 4

Fame assembles the illustrious women, and to one of them

Dame Vertue decides to award "the cheefest mace" (sig. 01r).

When Fame hails Henry VIII's wife, "K. P. to name" (sig.

01v) , news of this favorite's death causes general lamenta­ tion. Virginitie interrupts their "dumpyshe dolors" (sig.

02r) and nominates her charge since birth, Queen Elizabeth.

Vertue agrees, and, amidst the general accord, the poet

discovers that Elizabeth has swept away both the honor and his creative intention:

And I yet holde my Pen in hande Queene Katherins lyfe to wryte. (sig. 03v)

Although Fulwell develops a restricted plot, complete with a minor complication and as much suspense as his predictable resolution allows, his poem is limited to its 149 panegyric intention. Elizabeth's adoration by literary characters, however, may be framed within an independently existing plot and delivered by independently developed characters. As these speaking personae praise the Queen, they incorporate her into their full fictional world, rather than relying on her praises as the sole pretext or context for their•characterization. In such works, Elizabeth is fully described by others and may influence their decisions or actions, but she does not personally appear or directly interact with other characters within view of the reading audience.

Euphues and his England is an influential illustration of this treatment of the Queen. As intimated at the con­ clusion of Lyly's first work, Euphues and Philautus now travel to England to verify personally reports of Elizabeth's

"rare qualyties."^5 Although she does not appear directly as a character, her off-stage presence provides the motive for their journey and thus initiates the action occurring during their visit. On their way from Dover to London, the two travellers meet Fidus, an old beekeeper, who originally suspects their talk of the Queen lest she be sullied by the humble environment in which they speak of her. Euphues persuades him of their dutiful admiration of Elizabeth and affirms her talismanic effect, an influence so strong that her name turns even prison to palace, cabin to court

(p. 39). Like the sun, she dazzles those who stare at her 150 and thus defies description (p. 40). On his return to

Athens, Euphues sends to Livia his "Glass for Europe," a description of England, complete with a brief history of

Elizabeth's reign, and a lengthy admiration of her virtues,

followed by Latin verses to the Queen.

Zelauto, according to its title page, was "Giuen for a

freendly entertainment to Euphues, at his late ariuall into

England.tl5^ In a series of alternating speeches and inter­

spersed documents, its hero recounts his traveling adven­

tures to Astraepho, a hermit-knight in Sicily. The

protagonist, like Euphues, is drawn to England by the fame

of its Queen. Her presence so astonishes Zelauto that he

is unable to describe her adequately, yet his account so moves Astraepho that he implores his guest to continue.

Consequently he reads "a gallant deuise presented in a

Tournament, which he sawe in England" (p. 40). The device

features an armed lady moved by the sight of Elizabeth to

the successful verbal and physical defense of her cause

against a champion knight. Zelauto also shares his verses

in the Queen's praise which pose Elizabeth in a tableau,

surrounded by personified virtues.

The similarities between these works suggest not only

Munday's imitation of Lyly, but also some ways in which this

kind of praise is intended to operate. Zelauto, like

Euphues, seeks visual verification of the reports of

Elizabeth's fame. Both protagonists are awed by her and 151 unable to praise her adequately, ye°t both characters seem compelled to recount this experience at some length. Both

Zelauto and Euphues are prose storytellers and poets whose subject includes Elizabeth, and they play the role of the adoring writer before his Queen.

The Queen's role in relation to them is clear— her powers are magnetic and awesome, potent even at great distances. Common report is insufficient to portray her, and even a poet, especially gifted in language, is clumsy at this task. She is physically accessible to both Zelauto and Euphues, yet she has no personal contact with either.

Her presence, however, motivates them and governs their actions. Elizabeth fits comfortably within the fictional worlds of both works, despite her limited, indirect appearance.

Zelauto is particularly interesting in its implications for an audience which reads or hears the Queen's praise.

Munday's framing devices, far more complex than those of

Euphues, allow the direct portrayal of an audience's reac­ tion. During Zelauto's account of England and its Queen,

Astraepho undergoes a number of changes. He begins by demanding, "And is England so famous?" (p. 33). When

Zelauto describes his first opportunity to behold the Queen,

Astraepho halts the narrative, requiring that Zelauto verify actually having seen her and questioning whether she measured up to his account. Zelauto claims that she defies 152 praise, but the doubting Astraepho, not yet persuaded, replies that she is no goddess or grace and thus cannot deserve such elevation. Zelauto turns this objection to advantage, claiming, "Were it possyble for a Goddesse to remayne on the earth at this day: credit mee, it were shee"

(p. 37). He notes her facility with foreign languages and relates an anecdote involving the Spanish ambassador, con­ cluding with brief Latin and English verses to the Queen.

Poetry apparently persuades his audience; Astraepho will henceforth "thyrst with Tantalus, vntyll it be my Fortune to see that happy Land, that thryse happy Princes" (p. 3 8).

Astraepho, like his companion before him, has fallen prey to

a verbal account of the Queen's charms.

Zelauto's report of the pageant presented before her moves him further; she is now hailed as an "admirable

Princes, whose singuler vertues, mooues the mindes of such noble Personages" (p. 39). Her influence on others is

strongly persuasive, and, by the conclusion of their next

exchange, Astraepho rhetorically questions whether any

prince surpasses her in worldly pleasure or any earthly

being in virtue (p. 39), begging Zelauto to tell him more.

Zelauto produces his script of the tournament device in which the lady is awed by the sight of Elizabeth, and her

companion knight must be persuaded from cynicism to repent­

ant devotion. He concludes with his verses in her praise,

thus reenforcing Astraepho's astonishment. 153

As the members of Munday's audience, like Astraepho, listen to Zelauto*s tale, their anticipated movements from disbelief to conviction, from cynicism to wonderment, are clearly drawn. Eloquence and poetry persuade the doubter; their powers capture and activate the Queen's influence which, in turn, works through them. Astraepho responds as any audience member ought to respond and thus functions as a model for readers; his persuasion is duplicated internally in the tournament device of the lady and the knight, just as it is to be duplicated by the larger external audience.

The work's framing devices even further define the proper response to the Queen's praise. Zelauto pretends to be an entertainment given to Euphues who, like Zelauto and

Astraepho, has been impressed by the Queen. As an entertain­ ment which recounts a guest's entertainment of his host with news of English entertainments before the Queen, Zelauto capitalizes on the participatory and celebratory praise of

Elizabeth inherent in the entertainment form. Astraepho is partially convinced of her merit by ah account of a pageant presented by her courtiers. His experience is reiterated within another entertainment. The audience, like Astraepho, is to accept what is said and to follow the patterns of others, to be persuaded by report and example working together. In this way, the reading audience is drawn into the fictional world just as Elizabeth is. The historical

Queen is mirrored by her literary version; the reader is 154 mirrored by the audience (and his exemplars) within the tale. The writer's fictional creation thus incorporates the audience and Queen of the real world as it simultaneously guides their responses. The writer stands away from both audience and Queen, writing their parts and controlling their reactions.

Characters in other works similarly celebrate

Elizabeth. The shepherds of Daphnis and Chloe, for in­ stance, hold an annual feast in honor of their Queen, Eliza.

To the applause and commendations of the company, the grave and worthy Meleboeus sings her praises, as do his two daughters and several other shepherds.5^ At Astrophel's birthday celebration in Canzon 2 of Barnes's Parthenophil and Parthenophe, Colin sings of Eliza for whom every shepherd prays.5 ®

In addition to these shepherds and travelers who encounter Elizabeth in contemporaneous time, characters

from the past are able to foresee England's future and thus glimpse a vision of Queen Elizabeth. Greene's Friar Bacon prophesies the reign of "Diana's rose."5® The nymph,

Medway, discovers Merlin's bower in which are displayed pictures of those to be the best in Britain's history, including Eliza.5® when Antinous presents her with Love's crystal mirror, Penelope is amazed to behold

. . . the glorious throne Where the bright moon doth sit in majesty. A thousand sparkling stars about her shone. 155

But she herself did sparkle more alone Than all those thousand beauties would bave done If they had been confounded all in one.61

Clearly, the fictional realm within which Elizabeth

appears is not restricted by time or place. Neither is her

characterization limited to these secondhand accounts and

testimonials to her powers. Devorevx, for instance,

although it features a narrator's tale, adds direct descrip­

tion of the Queen's actions to the standard adoration. The narrator, influenced by Fame's praise, seeks the aid of

England and Elizabeth for France. Elizabeth bows her head, weeps for another's sorrow, raises the supplicant, and bids her choose her champion from the English court.62

Despite her elegant and persuasive portrayal by a

range of speakers, Elizabeth does not reach full stature

as a literary character until she is directly presented in

interaction with other characters. In even an early work,

such as Birche's Songe betwene the Quene's Majestie and

Englande, England sues for her hand and Bessy pledges:

Here is my hand, My dere lover Englande, I am thine both with mind aud [sic] hart. For ever to endure. Thou maiest be sure, Untill death us two do part.63

The two lament her trials as a prisoner and hope for a long

and quiet reign, finally praying together for God's guid­

ance. Elizabeth's characterization in this dialogue draws

heavily on the historical events prior to her accession, 156 but from these develops a lively speaking character, un­ abashed at her lover's call, strong during hardship, forgiving in power, devoted to England and Protestantism, who trusts "al faithful harts/ Wil play true subjects' parts" (p. 262). Her role is clearly drawn, as is that expected of the ballad audience and all loyal Englishmen.

Bernard Garter's version of her "creation" is less orthodox, but hardly less political. When Pigmalion and

Appelles joined forces and created their masterpiece, one went mad for love, and the other refused to look upon it further. Dame Nature stored it away until the present time when she gave it life

And for a token gaue the same Vnto the highest man of state.^4

Since her designers, if they knew she lived, doubtless would be returned to life.

Then those that daylie see her grace, Whose vertue passeth euerie wight,— Her comelie corps, her christall face,— They ought to pray, both day and night, That God may graunt most happie state Vnto that Princesse and her mate. (p. 153)

Garter's political propaganda intrudes upon his fiction; as she is glorified, in a creation myth, Elizabeth is nudged toward matrimony and her people are reminded of their duty towards her. Her role, as a masterpiece passed through several hands, is essentially passive since Garter, in contrast to Birche, relies on plot rather than characteriza­ tion to enliven his fictional treatment of the Queen. 157

A pastoral setting readily could be adapted to brief vignettes of the Queen in lively play with her shepherds and nymphs. The eighth of Morley's Canzonets epitomizes the celebration of a royal entrance. Within its six lines, shepherds pipe at the first sight of Elizabeth, and then nymphs run to greet her with gifts. As she arrives, the closing two lines salute her and wish her long life.

Elizabeth is visible here primarily through the action she engenders, yet her approach and arrival are clearly sketched as she steadily advances toward the poet's vantage point.

With his closing salute, "All hail Eliza fair,"65 he ceases reporting preparatory events and joins in her celebration.

Morley later edited a volume of two dozen similar pastoral songs, all of which praise Elizabeth in the character of Oriana and conclude with similar refrains. In addition, the independently authored lyrics are unified to a remarkable degree by the consistent tone of the speaking voice. Although the speaker is not directly identified or described as a character, his attitude controls the inter­ action of characters, Queen, and audience. He directly observes and records the various aspects of the celebration of the Queen, often seeming to report each event as it occurs. Besides his reportorial role, he sometimes directs the characters, assembling them, exhorting the shepherds or nymphs to attend to their preparations and duties, or alerting them to Oriana's immediate arrival. He occasionally 158 assumes a similar managerial function with the audience, urging the reader to "See, where She comes" (John Benet) or to approve his value judgments: "Hark! did you ever hear so sweet a singing?" (Ellis Gibbons and Thomas Hunt). An aside likewise can express his approval: "Yon bugle was well winded!" (John Benet).

His judgments involve the reader (and perhaps involved an original performance audience) in the events described, as does his enthusiasm for the Queen and her proper cele­ bration. The refrain, "Long live fair Oriana," clearly invites audience assent in the values expressed in the lyrics. The emotional pressure is even greater since the events in these poems are sufficiently akin to actual entertainment festivities that speculation about their origin as performance pieces is difficult to avoid. The indistinct line between fiction and reality operates here to involve the reading audience in Elizabeth's celebration and perhaps even.to identify with the exuberant nymphs and shepherds. Just as these characters observe the contempor­ ary customs of the real world, so their fictional actions may influence that which they reflect.

The Queen is presented here as a lively character.

Her powers are fully in force— she lures away Vesta's train

(Thomas Weelkes), leaves the roses blushing (John Milton), and outshines the stars (Michael Este). Even birds and beasts honor her (William Cobbold) and her appearances 159

. dazzle observers:

They leave their sport, amazed, Run all to look upon her. A moment scarce they gazed, Ere Beauty's splendour all their eyes had dazed, Desire to see yet ever fixed on her. Then sang the shepherds and nymphs of DIANA, Long live fair ORIANA1 (George Marson)

Her characterization, however, is not limited to her

effect on her environment or her loyal followers. In this

collection, her full day is recorded--pre-dawn walk (John

Milton) to her rest, compassionately weeping for the state

of the world (Robert Jones) or watched by grateful and loyal

attendants (Thomas Morley). Usual features of a public

appearance, especially on progress, are included: hurried

preparations after news of her approaching arrival,

entrances that excite and amaze onlookers, orderly proces­

sions including a chariot escort, the ceremonial presenta­

tion of gifts perhaps by classical deities, and a panoply

of songs, dances, and other entertainments. As a character,

Elizabeth is vital and active: "with nimble foot she

tripped o'er hills and mountains" (Daniel Norcomb) and

"Lightly She whipped o'er the dales" (John Mundy). She

also inspires vibrant activity, not simply quiescent adora­

tion. Her nymphs and shepherds dance and sing, rejoicing in

her celebration. The roles of poet, audience, and monarch

are clearly drawn; their interactions acclaim the Queen. In contrast to the pastoral incidents which comprise

the Oriana series, the extended plot of A Reuelation of the

True Minerva derives from classical motifs and culminates in Elizabeth's appearance in a speaking part. Since her sister is missing, Pallas appeals to the assembled gods to discover a new Minerva. Various characters and clues assist the search— an oracle, the appearance of a crown on

Neptune's head which reveals a vision of a queen, and a

shepherd's glowing account of his homeland. After much

travail, Mercury, triumphantly announcing that Minerva

reigns in Britain, recounts his dialogue with her.

Elizabeth devoutly maintained, "I knowe no God but one,"^^ but agreed, as a general policy, to defend goodness. When

Mercury replied by translating the deities into euhemer-

istic virtues, she invited them all to England. The gods

are amazed by Mercury's description of her, a heraldic

portrait complete with corresponding internal virtues and

external beauties.

A brief complication, the machinations of Pluto, the

Pope, and Alecto on behalf of Galatea, spurs the gods to

Minerva's defense. With much celebration, and considerable

horticultural foraging, a prodigious garland is readied and

the gods troop to London, just in time for a tournament to

entertain foreign ambassadors. Naturally enough, the

spectators are amazed by the sudden appearance of the gods

who present their gift and resign their virtues to

Elizabeth. She modestly replies that all creatures die,

though admitting: 161

But death to death by due desert to bring Such death on earth is life euerlasting, X knowe right well such immortalitie you haue obtainde, and such remaines for me. (sig. Fr)

The resignation ceremonies continue until Elizabeth is fully honored as "The greatest goddesse nowe on earth" (sig.

Gr) and only the poet is left to record the event. The spectacle moves him to devote all his energies to her praise, now that he sees what fame she deserves. The delicacy essential for literary characterization of the

Queen is unmistakable here. Her awesome powers reap the homage of gods, tournament spectators, poet, and, presum­ ably, reading audience. Yet her speeches and demeanor

carefully exclude any potentially suspect legitimation of the classical deities even as literary characters.

As Blenerhasset's poem admirably illustrates, nearly

any extravagant adulation is acceptable, as long as

Elizabeth is discussed at secondhand, distanced from, but magnified for, the reader by the intervening presence of both the recording poet and his characters. Additionally,

the reader's response is clearly indicated by the reactions

of the character's audience and the odious nature of any

antagonists. As the Queen moves into the reader's direct

view as a character, refracted only by the poet's lens,

propriety dominates her characterization. Yet, despite

these limitations inherent in shaping a living person,

particularly a monarch, as a literary character, Elizabeth 162 is dramatized in a range of character roles. She is a

flexible figure, adaptable to a wide range of motifs, and capable of simultaneous literary interactions with a poet, an audience, and a fictional world.

Her appearance in dramatic works raised special prob­ lems. Elizabeth's characterization in two plays illus­ trates both her typical literary character and her usual

function in drama. In the 159 8 conclusion of Mucedorus,

for example, Envy yields not to Comedy, but to" mention of fi ft the Queen for whom both characters then pray. In contrast,

Histrio-Mastix presents Peace's triumph over Poverty and subsequent resignation to Astraea, who is hailed as

"Amazements obiect, wonders height" and identified as "Q.

Eliza" in the printed text. 69 Whether developed through

indirect reference or direct evocation, Elizabeth's special

role is potent and transforming. She can change a charac­ ter or resolve a plot, yet she does so within strict bounds of propriety, essentially as an idealized, even abstract,

personage and certainly not as an historical figure

realistically transported to the stage.

Rather than directly praising or identifying her, many

plays allude to characteristics commonly associated with

her or to topical issues which necessarily reflect upon her 7n as a public person. The correspondence between the Queen

and a dramatic character is not usually direct; history and

fiction are not perfectly aligned. Frequently such 163 allusions to Elizabeth are ambiguous, and plot, character­ ization, or both suffer from forcible and rigid application to the Queen.

Works of Lyly and Jonson illustrate how Elizabeth is evoked through such allusions. In Endimion, for instance, the character of Cynthia, an implied impersonation of

Elizabeth, is established as early as Endimion's first extended speech. 71 Her divine perfections, untouched by time, match the magical fountain's prophecy about "shee whose figure of all is the perfectest11 (3.4.155-56) and whose kiss will rouse the sleeping Endimion. She willingly consents to the test, kisses Endimion, restores him to waking life, and rewards his honorable love for her.

Cynthia's role is that played by Elizabeth in other works; likewise, Endimion's part is that of the devoted and loyal courtier. Defeating forces which would disrupt or destroy their idealized relationship allows a resolution in which virtue triumphs, vice reforms, fidelity is rewarded, and the worshipful distance between Cynthia and Endimion is preserved as an ideal pattern for the play's audience. The character of Cynthia transposes Elizabeth to a fictional realm in which her virtues and beauties may be exhibited and exercised for the delight and edification of the reader, the courtly audience, and the Queen who sees a visual reflection of herself, as she is and as she might be. 164

In Cynthias Revels, Jonson creates a less idealized impersonation of Elizabeth by focusing on the self-loving courtiers and Crites, the reforming writer, who must enlighten his sovereign about the corruption in her court.

Cynthia, greeted as "Qveene, and Huntresse, chaste, and faire," 77 is delighted with his productions, including the sight of "Another CYNTHIA" (5.8.10), presumably just as Elizabeth should receive Jonson's work. When his masquers' true identities are revealed and Cynthia has acted out the moral recognition of vices, Crites and virtuous Arete are appointed to dispense justice. This play's focus is no longer Cynthia's transforming virtue, but her authorization of appropriate judgment; she is personally exempt from vice, yet her court is overrun with undetected, or at least unchecked, dissipation. Thus

Elizabeth is sharply instructed in her obligations, the. self-loving courtier is mocked, and the moral writer is exalted. Although reality is mirrored in fiction and observers are complimented and instructed, Jonson's tone heralds the values of the future, not the past.

Such plays represent Elizabeth, usually before a restricted, courtly audience, as an ideal figure, derived from historical reality, yet comfortable within a fictional and dramatic construct. A similar, and even more direct, impersonation of the Queen occurred in popular city processions. Nelson's 1590 Lord Mayor's show includes a 165 figure representing England's peace:

I Represent your peace and chiefest good, that euerie houre doth praie for your defence, I sit as shadow for that roiall bloud, whose life is pure, and still hath this pretence, That whilest she liues euen with her heart and might, she seekes in peace for to defend your right.73

Peace-Elizabeth is announced by a rider on a unicorn, heralded by Fame, supported by Wisdom and Policy, accompan­ ied by Gods Truth, Plentie, Loialtie, Concord, and other abstract and historical personifications. Elizabeth's characterization is direct and unambiguous, in contrast to the allusive technique of more complex plays. The identifi­ cation of Peace with the Queen, in addition to the qualities • embodied in her entourage, firmly connects reality with abstract attributes or accomplishments. These characters exercise the duties of any subject toward the sovereign— blessing her, pledging faith, gratefully acknowledging her virtues. By means of these abstractions, Elizabeth is represented in relation to her people, as well as accomplishing her duties as monarch.

Peele's pageant for the next year, Descensus Astraea, presents Astraea, "Shadowing the person of a peerelesse Queene."74 ner look intimidates Superstition and Ignorance, but she is saluted by the Graces and assorted virtues. As

in Nelson's device, the Queen's interaction with the various personifications is presented verbally and visually. Its message to audience and Queen alike is thus given immediate 166

sensory reenforcement as the abstract figures model proper values and relationships.

In both these instances, Elizabeth is directly identi­

fied with a character who simultaneously exists as an

allegorical figure, thus extending her characterization

toward the abstract rather than the historical. Like the plays which evoke her through allusion, the visual imper­

sonation of the Queen is governed by convention which

relies on abstraction and stops short of accurate histori­

cal representation, thus preserving and protecting the

Queen's idealized, and even mythic, characterization.

From historical dramatization to dramatic impersonation,

the representation of Queen Elizabeth in fictional contexts

remains flexible and lively. Although her role and its

precise purposes vary, her presence in literary works

reflects back on reality, reenforcing common values and

instructing or directing the responses of multiple audiences.

The Queen is easily incorporated into a created realm,

becoming part of a writer's material. Just as her charac­

terization and impersonation readily adapt to visual forms,

the next step in the artistic control of the Queen becomes

apparent— managing and staging parts for the historical

Elizabeth attending contemporary entertainments. 167

NOTES

^ W[illiam] E[lderton] , A newe Ballade, declaryng the daungerous Shootyng of the Gunne at the Courte (London, [1578]), in Harleian Miscellany, X, 272.

^ The Rising in the North, in Percy's Reliques of Ancient English Poetry, ed. Ernest Rhys (1906; rpt. London: J. M. Dent, 1921), X, 239-45.

•3 Vpon Sir Francis Drakes returne from his Voyage about ye world the Queenes meeting him, In Ballads from Manu­ scripts , II, 100-101.

^ Richard Harrington, A famous dittie of the joyful receauing of the Queens moste excellent maiestie by the worthy citizens of London, the xij. day of Nouember, 1584, at her graces comming to Saint James [London, 1584), in A Collection of Seventy-Nine B1ack=Le tter Ballads, pp. 182- 86. William Teshe, Teshe1s Verses on the Order of the Garter (1582), in Ballads from Manuscripts, II, 115-28, is another instance of a verse account of a ceremonial occasion which includes the Queen's interaction with her subjects and their enthusiastic response.

^ Tlhomas] D[eloney], A joyfull new Ballad declaring the happy obtaining of the great Galleazzo (n.p., 1588), in Edward Arber, ed., An English Garner, VII (London and Birmingham: E. Arber, 1883), 39-45.

^ T[homas] D[eloney], The Queen * s visiting of the Camp at Tilbury, with her entertainment there (London, 158 8), in Arber, English Garner, VII, 46-51.

? T. J., A Joyful Song of the Royal1 Receiving of the Queenes Most Excellent Maiestie into her Highnesse Campe at Tilsbulrie^ Tn Essex (London, 1588) , in "Old Ballads," ed. Collier, in Early English Poetry, I, 110-17.

® James Aske, Elizabetha Triumphans (London, 1588), in Nichols, Progresses, II, 545-82"! Nichols, Progresses, II, 544, lists Armada accounts registered with the Stationers' Company. Neale, "The Sayings of Queen Elizabeth," in his Essays, esp. 103-6, discusses the historical text of her speech. Leicester Bradner, "Poems on the Defeat of the Spanish Armada," JEGP, 43 (1944), 447-48, lists both English and foreign works. 168

® George Peele, Polyhymnia (London, 1590), in Peele, ed. Horne, I, 242. [Sir William Segar], Honor Military, and Ciuill (1602; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Micro­ films, STC reel 1006, n.d.), pp. 197-200, also records this occasion, but notes only that the Queen graciously accepted Lee’s resignation and replacement (p. 199).

^ The poore people * s complaynt; Bewayling the death of their famous benefactor, the worthy Earle of Bedford, No. LXII, Shirburn Ballads, p. 257.

I [ohn] A[wdeley] , The wonders of England (London, 1559) , in A Collection of Seventy-Nine Black=Letter Ballads, p. 97.

■**2 J[ohn] A[wdeley] , The Cruel Assault of God' s Fort (London, n.d.), in "Old Ballads," ed. Collier, in Early English Poetry, X, 35.

1 *3 John Lyly, Euphues., The Anatomy of Wyt (London, 1578), in The Complete Works of John Lyly, ed. R. Warwick Bond (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 19^02) , I, 323. Theodore Stenberg, "Elizabeth as Euphuist before Euphues," Studies in English, No. 8 (1928), pp. 65-78, and "More about Queen Elizabeth's Euphuism," Studies in English, No. 13 (1933), pp. 64-77, claims that euphuism complimented the Queen because it was modeled on her own style.

^ George Peele, An Eclogue Gratulatory (London, 1589), in Peele, ed. Horne, I, 226.

Captain Thomas Stukeley,[ed. John S. Farmer], Old English Drama: Students' Facsimile Edition (1605; rpt. [Amersham, England: John S. Farmer, 1913]), sigs. Dlv and E4V . In George Peele, The Battle of Alcazar (London, 1594), in The Dramatic Works of George Peele, ed. John Yoklavich, The Life and Works of George Peele, gen. ed. Charles Tyler Prouty, II [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961) , 319-21, Sebastian praises the Queen in a long, but textually cor­ rupt, speech.

John Marston, Antonio and Mellida: The First Part (London, 1602), ed. G. K. Hunter (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 19 65), p. 19.

"v 3 7 Robert Wilmot, The Tracfedie of Tancred and Gismund, ed. W. W. Greg, The Malone Society Reprints, gen. ed. W. W. Greg (1592; rpt. n.p.: Oxford University Press for The Malone Society, 1914), sig. C3V . 169

18 William Shakespeare, A Midsommer Nights Dreame, in Hinman, First Folio, 1. 535. Duffy, Faery, ch. 8, who persists in highly speculative allegorical identifications of the play's characters, suggests that the preceding speeches and this passage refer to the Kenilworth entertain­ ment. Welsford, Court Masque, pp. 341-42, maintains that the reference might be to either Kenilworth or Elvetham. Allusion to the latter is argued by Barber, Festive Comedy, p. 122; and Griffin, Pageantry, pp. 140-42, who outlines detailed correspondences between this passage and the entertainment. 1 Q Thomas Nashe, A Pleasant Comedie, called Summers last will and Testament (London, 1600), in The Works of Thomas NasheT ed. Ronald B. McKerrow, rpt. ed. F. P. Wilson, XII (1905; rpt. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1958), 237. In his notes, esp. IV, 419, McKerrow suggests that the play was revised for a visit by Elizabeth in 1600 since the Queen was not at Croydon in 1592, the apparent place and time of its original composition. Barber, Festive Comedy, pp. 84-85, disagrees, maintaining that her presence was not essential for Summer's references to her. Michael R. Best, "Nashe, Lyly and Summers Last Will and Testament," PQ, 48 (1969), 1-11, claims to resolve this issue, among others, by suggesting that Lyly wrote an original version which Nashe revised.

2® Thomas Kyd, The Tragedye of Solyman and Perseda (London, n.d.), in The Works of Thomas Kyd, ed. Frederick S. Boas (1901; rpt. with supp. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962) , p. 229.

2 -*\ Thomas Newton, An Epitaphe vpon the worthy and Honorable Lady, the Lady Knowles (London, n.d.), in Collman, Ballads, p. 199.

22 O'Donoghue, Portraits, Engraving No. 134, p. 65.

22 [Thomas] [Acheley], The Massacre of Money (1602; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 817, n.d.), sig. F3V .

2^ Thomas Nashe, The Anatomie of Absurditie (London, 1589), in Works , ed. McKerrow, I, 6.

25 William Gager, "Deuyne Beutye, natur's ritchest treasure," rpt. in Tucker Brooke, "William Gager to Queen Elizabeth," SP,29 (1932), 175.

2*> A Poem in Praise of Queen Elizabeth, in Ballads from Manuscripts, II, 97. 170

2 7 George Chapman, Hymnvs in Cynthiam, in The Shadow of Night (London, 1594), in The Poems of George Chapman, ed. Phyllis Brooks Bartlett (New York: Modern Language Assn. of America, 1941), 11. 10-12, 16-20.

28 Lodowike Lloyd, The Triplicitie of Triumphes (1591; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 380, 1949), sig. C2*.

28 Samuel Daniel, "My Cynthia hath the waters of mine eyes," in Edward Arber, ed., An English Garner, I (London and Birmingham: E. Arber, 1877) , 587. Daniel, like Breton in the following reference, does not directly name Elizabeth, but he reiterates that his subject is a queen. The blurred distinctions between history and fiction pre­ clude absolute certainty about the identity of the lady in some cases. The attempt here is to distinguish between pieces which seem to use regal titles as compliments or indicators of relative status, and those which seem to use them as distinctive features of a lady who is in fact a queen. Wilson, England's Eliza, and other guides to these works have, of course, influenced these judgments.

30 Nicholas Breton, "Neuer thinke vpon anoye," in The Works in Verse and Prose of Nicholas Breton, ed. Alexander B. Grosart, The Chertsey Worthies' Library (1879; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1967), I, 14.

Thomas Churchyard, "Verses that were giuen to the Quenes maiestie," in A pleasaunte Laborinth called Churchyardes Chance (1580; Ohio State University Library Film 1-14, filmed by Henry E. Huntington Library), sig. H3V .

22 John Mundy, No. 12, Songs and Psalmes (n.p., 1594), in E. H. Fellowes, English Madrigal Verse: 1588-1632, rev. and enl. Frederick W. Sternfield and David Greer, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967), p. 170.

^^^S^rf^Walter Ralegh, 11 The Sheepheards praise of his sacred Diana," in Englands Helicon edited from the edition of 1600 with additional poems from the edition of 1614, ed. Hugh MacDonald (19 49"; rpt. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962), p. 102; the poem is reprinted as Ralegh's by both Latham, Poems, No. X, and Oakeshott, Queen, No. IV.

34 Edmund Bolton, "A Canzon Pastorall in honour of her Majestie," in Englands Helicon, ed. MacDonald, p. 17.

22 Sir John Davies, Hymns of Astraea, in Acrostic Verse (London, 1599), in Edward Arber, ed., An English Garner, V (London and Birmingham: E. Arber, 1882), 563. 171

3® Richard Barnfield, Cynthia, in Poems, ed. Arber, p. 50. Harry Morris, Richard Barnfield, Colin's Child, Florida State University Studies, No. 38 (Tampa, Florida: Florida State University, 1963), explicates Cynthia *s derivative nature, but is not entirely accurate when he claims that it "is the only panegyric of Queen Elizabeth that uses the dream-vision framework" (p. 68).

37 Richard Robinson (of Alton), A Golden Mirrour (London, 1589), ed. Thomas Corser, Remains Historical &_ Literary connected with the Palatine Counties of Lancaster and Chester, 2 3 (Manchester: T. Sowler for the Chetham Society, 1851), 2. The editor identifies the hound as George Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, and the eagle as Henry, Earl of Derby. 38 George Peele, The Honour of the Garter (London, [1593]), in Peele, ed. Home, X, 245-59. Horne's lucid introduction and notes explain the occasion.

39 Sir Walter Ralegh, "A Vision vpon this conceipt of the Faery Queene,11 in Spenser, ed. Smith and De Selincourt, p. 409. The poem appears as Latham, Poems, No. XIII.

^ I[ames] L[ea], trans., An Answer to the Vntrvthes, Pvblished and Printed in Spaine, The English Experience, No. 189 ["1589; Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1969), sig. Alv . 41 Polimanteia . . . Whereunto is added, A Letter from England to her three daughters, Cambridge, Oxford, Innes of Court, and to all the rest of her inhabitants (Cambridge, 1595) , excerpts in The British Bibliographer, ed. [Samuel] Egerton Brydges, I (London: R. Tnphook, 1810), 274-85; and rpt. in Elizabethan England in Gentle and Simple Life, ed. Alexander B. Grosart (St. George's, Blackburn: priv. printed, 1881), esp. 48-84.

^2 W. M., Englands Lamentation (London, n.d.), in Broadside Black=Letter Ballads, ed. J. Payne Collier (1868; rpt. New York: Burt Franklin, 1968), p. 23.

43 Anthonie Copley, A Fig for Fortune (London, 1596), Publications of the Spenser Society, No. 35 (n.p.: The Spenser Society, 1883). C. S. Lewis, English Literature in the Sixteenth Century Excluding Drama, Oxford History of English Literature, No"! 3 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1954), p. 464, also considers this a recusant poem. 172

44 George Puttenham (?), "The Partheniades of George Puttenham," in Ballads from Manuscripts, II, 91. Nearly every verse section is a numbered "Parthe," labeled with a Muse's name. Wilson, England* s Eliza, p. 241, states that the Muses sing these pieces. Such appears to be the case for several of the poems. Others, however, might well be spoken directly by the author (e.g., his visions in numbers 9 or 10, which is labeled as Calliope's) or might begin with the author's question which either he or the Muse answers (e.g., Parthe 11) or might be spoken by the author under his Muse's supervision (e.g., numbers 1 or 13). The concluding hymn "vnder the title of the goddesse Pallas" (p. 88) closes as if spoken by a divine figure although it lacks a number or name designation. Despite this occasional ambiguity and several incomplete sections, the work still illustrates the use of a speaking voice other than the poet's own persona to praise the Queen.

45 Sir Arthur Gorges, "A Pastorall unfynyshed," in The Poems of Sir Arthur Gorges, ed. Helen Estabrook Sandison (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953), pp. 124-25. 4 6 Francis Dauison, "Eglogve," in A Poetical Rhapsody: 1602-1621, ed. Hyder Edward Rollins (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1931), I, 25-35. Rollins notes, pp. 102-4, that this poem pleads the cause of the poet's father, William Davison, who handled Mary Stuart's signed death warrant.

47 Richard Barnfield, An Ode, in Cynthia, in Poems, ed. Arber, p. 66.

Francis Sabie, Pans Pipe, Three Pastorall Eclogues (London, 1595), rpt. in James W. Bright and Wilfred P. Mustard, "Pan's Pipe, Three Pastoral Eclogues, with other Verses, by Francis Sabie (1595)," MP, 7 (1910), 7-32.

4^ Thomas H. Cain, "The Strategy of Praise in Spenser's 'Aprill,'" SEL, 8 (1968), 45-58, is a fine analysis of the poem's structure which convincingly argues that "What Spenser does in the whole ode is to write a full panegyric in which a development of encomium according to the Aphthonian disposition of topics invokes a balancing panegyris whose persons symbolically crown the subject of praise" (p. 57). As the poem moves from encomium to panegyric, "The poet-artificer (poeta) becomes the poet- visionary (vates)" (p. 58).

Nichols, Progresses, III, 58-61. .It is reprinted with its context m William Webbe, A Discourse of English Poetrie (London, 1586), in Essays, ed^ Smith, I, 286-90. 173

Michael Drayton, Idea The Shepheardes Garland (London, 1593), photo-reproduction of the Britwell Library copy (n.d., n.p., n. pag.), p. 15. Richard F. Hardin, Michael Drayton and the Passing of Elizabethan England (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1973), p. 13, briefly contrasts Drayton's poem with the "Aprill" blazon, emphasizing Spenser's use of mythology and Drayton's use of the physical features of the English countryside. Both poems appeared in the 1600 Englands Helicon, along with other poems definitely and possibly about Elizabeth.

52 Sir Walter Ralegh, "As you came from the holy land,/ Of Walsingham," Oakeshott, Queen, No. XXII; and also attributed to Ralegh by Latham, Poems, No. XXI. 53 Mary Sidney Herbert, A Dialogve betweene two shepheards, Thenot, and Piers, m praise of Astrea, in Poetical Rhapsody, ed. Rollins, I, 17.

Ulpian Fulwell, "In Prayse of the renowned Ladye Queene Katherin Par," in The F l o w e r of Fame (1575; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 294, n.d.), sig. 0 1 r .

55 John Lyly, Euphues and his England (London, 15 80), in Works, ed. Bond, II, 37. Queen Elizabeth and a Swedish Princess Being an Account of the visit of Princess Cecilia of Sweden to England in 15G5 From the original Manuscript of James Bell, ed. Ethel Seaton (London: Frederick Etchells & Hugh MacDonald, 1926)> illustrates that the Queen drew historical as well as fictional figures to England. Bell records that Elizabeth's virtue moved Cecilia to undertake her arduous journey and sustained her during the trip. C £ Anthony Munday, Zelauto (London, 1580), in Anthony Munday's Zelauto: The Fountaine of Fame, 1580, ed. Jack Stillinger (Carbdndale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1963) , title page. An instance of a fictional English traveler praising the Queen occurs in George Whetstone, An Heytameron of Ciuill Discourses (London, 1582), in "A Critical Edition of George Whetstone's An Heptameron of Ciuill Discourses (1582) ," ed. David N. Beauregard, Diss. Ohio State University 1967. Whetstone's persona, Ismarito, spends Christmas in Italy as the guest of Segnior Phyloxenus. As part of the holiday festivities, his host's sister appoints him to defend the single life instead of marriage. In addition to this indirect compliment to the Queen, guest and host discuss England's happy state due to her reign, her sound religious policies, and her portrait. Ismarito's account is prefaced by a verse tale of heavenly gifts to a famous Queen, henceforth called Pandora, "deliuered by 174

VRANIE, with a Siluer Pen, to ISMARITO, in a Deuice, contayned in the seuenth daies Exercise" (p. 51).

Angell Daye, Daphnis.and Chloe (London, 1587), in Daphnis and Chloe: The Elizabethan Version from Amyot1s Translation, ed. Joseph Jacobs (London: David Nutt, 1890), pp. 100-23T

Barnabe Barnes, "Canzon 2," Parthenophil and Parthenophe , (n.p., n.d.), in E1i zabetfiarTsonnets, ed. Sir Sidney Lee (1904; rpt. New York: Cooper Square Publishers, 1964), I, 273-76.

Robert Greene, Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay (London, 1594), ed. Daniel Seltzer, Regents Renaissance Drama Series, gen. ed. Cyrus Hoy (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1963), p. 96.

E[dward] Wtilkinson], E. W. His Thameseidos (1600; Ann Arbor*Michigan: University Microfilms, STC reel 401, 1949), sigs. Dl^-D2r. F. M. Padelford, "E. W. His Thameseidos," Shakespeare Association Bulletin,12 (1937), 69-76, is a useful introduction to the poem.

Sir John Davies, Orchestra or A Poem of Dancing (London, 1596), ed. E. M. W. Tillyard "(London: Chatto & Windus, 1945), p. 45, stanza 124. 62 Jeruis Markham, trans. Devorevx. Vertues teares for the losse of the most Christian King Henry . . . by . . . Madam Geneuuefue, Petau Maulette (1597; Ann Arbor: Uni- versity Microfilms, STC reel 348, 1948), sigs. E3v-E4r.

^ Wylliam Birche, A Songe betwene the Quene1s Majestie and Englande (London, n.d.), Harleian Miscellany, X, 261. The end of the last line of the stanza has been emended by the editor from "depart" in the original. If one accepts De Luna's identifications, an extended repre­ sentation of Elizabeth in dialogue with other characters is Henry Willobie, Willobie his Avisa (London, 1594), rpt. in The Queen Declined: An Interpretation of Willobie his Avisa, ed. B. N. De Luna (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970). 6 A Ber[nard] Gar[ter], A Strife betwene Appelles and Pigmalion (London, n.d.), in A Collection of Seventy-Nine Black=Letter Ballads, p. 153. Mary Martha Purdy, "Political Propaganda in Ballad and Masque," in I^f by your art: Testament to Percival Hunt, ed. Agnes Lynch Starrett (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1948), esp. p. 269, argues that "the highest man of state" is Leicester. Nicholas Breton, "When nature fell to studie," in Works, 175 ed. Grosart, I, 13, is another version of the Queen's cre­ ation. Here, Nature plans to surpass Appelles' art. As the poem notes, her materials form an acrostic on the Queen's name. All the natural world salutes this creation whom a voice names "Excellenza rara." Breton then con­ verts the poem to a dream vision by awaking in the final line, almost as if he wishes to justify or back off from his extravagant description.

65 Thomas Morley, No. 8, Canzonets (n.p., 1593), in Fellowes, English Madrigal, p. 135. .

66 Thomas Morley, e d . , The Triumphs of Oriana (n.p., 1601), in Arber, English Garner, VI, 29-40, passim. A reprint with notes appears in Fellowes, English Madrigal, pp. 158-66, 698-700. Although the occasion or reasons for its origin remain obscure, this volume's history, related publications, and the application of "Oriana" to Elizabeth and later to Queen Anne are fully reviewed by Strong, "Oriana." He proposes a festival group, following the suggestion of Chambers, Elizabethan Stage, I, 122, n. 3, that these pieces may have been intended or presented as part of an entertainment. Oakeshott, Queen, p. 207, based on their appearance together in MS. Tenbury 1163, suggests that Ralegh's "Now we have present made" might have been used in an entertainment with the Oriana poems. Strong's enumeration of lyrics which focus on particular stages of the typical entertainment action (esp. p. 257) has supple­ mented my analysis of the Queen's role as an active char­ acter. The separate lyrics are identified in the text by the contributor's name in parentheses.

67 Thomas Blenerhasset, A Reuelation of the True Minerva, introd. Josephine Waters Bennett (*1582; facsimile rpt. New York: Scholars' Facsimiles & Reprints, 1941), sig. B3V . Bennett's useful introduction analyzes the poem's content and form; Ivan L. Schulze, "Blenerhasset's A Revelation, Spenser's Shepheardes Calender, and the Kenilworth Pageants," ELH, 11 (1944J7 85-91, supplements Bennett's note that it is the earliest imitation of The Shepheardes Calendar, by detailing its correspondence with the 1575 Kenilworth entertainment. C p A Most pleasant Comedie of Mucedorus, ed. John S. Farmer, Tudor Facsimile Texts (1598; facsimile rpt. 1910; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1970) , sig. F4V .

69 Histrio=Mastix, ed. John S. Farmer, Tudor Facsimile Texts (1610; facsimile rpt. 1912; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1970), sig. H2V . Chambers, Elizabethan Stage, IV, 17, sug­ gests that this ending was designed for a court performance. 176

Although such works fall outside the scope of this study, they are investigated by Bevington, Tudor Drama. Also, Ribner, English History Play, includes history plays which commented on contemporary issues.

^ John Lyly, Endimion (London, 1591), in Works, ed. Bond,III* 1.1.30-69*1 Bevington, Tudor D r a m a , esp. chs. 1 and 13, includes a refreshing discussion of Lyly's work and firmly rejects topical allegory aimed at clever identifi­ cations. Hunter, Lyly and Peele, esp. pp. 32-33, likewise maintains that topical identifications are dubious and unnecessary. Josephine Waters Bennett, "Oxford and Endimion,11 PMLA, 57 (1942), 354-69, outlines criteria for topical allegory and then argues that this play defends the Earl although, as Bevington notes, p. 179 ff., her case is not flawless. The identification of Leicester with Endimion continues to thrive, as Duffy, Faery, p. 121, illustrates.

^ Ben Jonson, The Fovntaine of Selfe-Love, Or Cynthias Revels (London, 1601), in Ben Jonson, ed. C. H. Herford and Percy Simpson (19 32; rpt. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1954), IV, 5.6.1.

^ T[homas] Nelson, The Device of the Pageant (London, 1590) , rpt. in John C. Meagher^ "The London Lord Mayor's Show of 1590,” English Literary Renaissance, 3 (1973), 98. The pageant five years earlier, George Peele, The Device of the Pageant borne before Woistane Dixie, in Nichols, Progresses, II, 446-50, records no physical impersonation of the Queen. The implicit stage directions, however, sug­ gest her presence verbally and perhaps visually as London yields to Elizabeth who entrusts her to the new Lord Mayor and as various personifications hail the city and monarch.

^ George Peele, Descensus Astraeae (n.p., n.d.), in Peele, ed. Horne, I, 216. CHAPTER VI

ACTUALIZATION: THE FUSION OF FICTION AND REALITY

Tributes to Elizabeth take on their most complex form when the Queen's physical presence accounts for the direc­ tion or resolution of a fictional action. The literary and historical worlds merge as Elizabeth assumes a histrionic role in the author's work. Her presence, and even her actions, are visually managed just as they have been fictively and implicitly staged in other written works.

The Queen is simultaneously an unpredictable free agent, the work's primary audience, and a protagonist around whom the literary fiction is constructed. When an entertainment or play is presented, the Queen watches the action. As her presence is acknowledged by the actors or credited with a transformation of character or turn of the plot, she is absorbed into the created world and becomes part of the writer's artistic material. At the same time, the larger audience present at the occasion watches this play within a play as the Queen, by virtue of her physical presence, crosses the line between reality and fiction. When the events and interactions are recorded by the writer or an observer, an even larger audience shares in the celebration of the Queen. 177 178

Reality and fiction are closely connected at such moments. The two realms are directly linked by the Queen whose presence facilitates the visual affirmation of order or the exercise of virtue in the fictional plot. Her courtiers and subjects, as well as the reading audience, observe an idealized action, a model for and imitation of the real world.' The fictional action may mirror and, in turn, reflect back upon reality. The implications for the audience are didactic or propagandistic, as moral and political codes of conduct are examined, and ultimately celebratory, as all observers are drawn into communal homage to the Queen.

Elizabeth plays a complex role as audience and actress.

Even as she watches a dramatic action, she is on stage, prominently seated and observed by all. As honored monarch or as literary critic, her responses are crucial to actors, writer, sponsor, and wider audience. Without her presence, the action could not be staged; the plot or pretext for the action absorbs her into the fictional tale as an actress.

Like her audience, she receives didactic messages— her actual behavior is to coincide with the part she plays, or she is to acknowledge gratefully such revitalizing recre­ ation .

The writer functions as a stage manager, subject both to his creative impulses and to historical forces. His

artistic distance from the Queen is minimal— her very 179 presence is integral to his fictional contrivance. Yet their relationship is based entirely in the creative moment.

The writer makes no personal overtures to the Queen and maintains the integrity of the creative design even when he is personally involved as an actor. . The writer is restricted by the occasion, the motives of its sponsor or patron, attendant political circumstances, indeterminate time schedules, and even changes in weather. His artistic problem is to please, compliment, and influence the Queen, given the inherent limitations of such occasions. Simul­ taneously, he is free from the restrictions of probability, verisimilitude, and reality, for his created world need be subject only to the Queen*s influence. As Elizabeth moves into the fictional action, she completes a mythic realm, a territory free from reality's restrictions, yet expressive of all its hopes and values.

Prologues and epilogues directly addressed to the Queen readily illustrate the range of responses proposed for

Elizabeth as a primary audience, sitting outside a drama yet actively involved in a framing action, the play around the play. A relatively simple blessing of the Queen is illustrated by an epilogue to an unknown play which prays:

like ye diall day by day you may lead ye seasons on/ making new when old are gon. that the babe wch now is yong/ & hathe yet no vse of tongue many a shrouetyde here may bow/ to y*- empresse I doe now.-*' 180

The Queen is directly addressed by actors apparently speaking as entertainers and loyal subjects, not as charac­ ters from their play. Their simile wishes the Queen transcendence of time and mortality; she is elevated to a realm beyond the dimensions of reality yet honored by the continuity of loyalty and devotion. As the prayer widens to include the children of her attendant lords following their sires, just as another generation of subjects follows the actors, analogy draws all levels of the audience into accord. Like other blessings of the Queen, this one bridges the distinctions between actors and audience, returning the players to their community, yet its figurative language places the Queen in a created action distinct from both reality and the action of the play.

Instead of elevating the Queen beyond fiction and nature, other addresses by players establish for her the role of critic, judging their dramatic presentation from within reality although clearly with special status. The larger courtly audience is essentially ignored? the Queen's presence automatically garners the attention of the writer and the players who, in turn, focus the audience upon her.

Lyly* perhaps because of his humanist background, fre­ quently frames his plays by casting Elizabeth as a learned critic. Campaspe opens with an apology, hoping that

Elizabeth "wil at this time lend an eare to an idle pastime"2 and closes with the hope of Elizabeth's 181 protection, a literary pardon, and her countenance as a shield. She is the arbiter of taste, ". . .so can there be nothing thought good in the opinion of others, vnlesse it be christened good by the iudgement of your selfe" (II,

360, 11. 15-16). The Prologue to Gallathea likewise addresses the Queen:

Your Majesties iudgement and fauour, are our Sunne and shadowe, the one conuning of your deepe w i s d o m e , the other of your wonted grace. Wee in all humilitie desire, that by the~~former, receiuing our first breath, we may in the latter, take our last rest. . . . Your highnesse hath so perfit a iudgement, that what soeuer we offer, we are enforced to blush. . ”

The Prologue to Sapho and Phao distances the drama from reality, yet subjects it to the Queen's physically expressed response:

. . . in all humblenesse we all, & I on knee for all, entreate, that your Highnesse imagine your self to be in a deepe dreame, that staying the conclusiO, in your rising your Maiestie vouchsafe but to saye, And so you awakte.^

Similarly, the Prologue to Endimion insists that the play is but a tale and its Epilogue recounts a contest between sun and wind which is applied to the Queen's judgment:

Dread Soueraigne, the malicious that seeke to ouerthrowe vs with threats, do but stiffen our thoughts, and make them sturdier in stormes: but if your Highnes vouchsafe with your fauorable beames to glaunce vpon vs, we shall not onlie stoope, but with all humilitie, lay both our handes and heartes at your Maiesties feete.5

Through these addresses to the Queen, Lyly accomplishes several purposes. In accord with conventional dedicatory 182

form, he apologizes for his trifling work while he commends it to the Queen’s patronage. Her primacy is clear; these court prologues and epilogues, like other direct addresses to the Queen, do not admit the presence of any other observers. Yet the addresses to the Queen facilitate the audience's movement into and out of the fictional realm of the play and are observed by the general audience as a part of the dramatic presentation. Elizabeth thus is cast in the role of critic and drawn partially into the liter­ ary creation by virtue of her presence at its presentation.

Such devices are not unique to Lyly. Dekker, for

instance, opens The Shoemaker1s Holiday with the same

imagery used for the same end. The players, "Dreading the bitter stormes of your dislike,"*’ beseech:

Oh graunt (bright mirror of true Chastitie) From those life-breathing starres your sun-like eyes, One gratious smile: for your celestiall breath Must send us life, or sentence us to death. (p. 17)

Again, Elizabeth's physical response is to determine the

success or failure of the work and its presenters. Not only does she exclusively measure accomplishment, but she must actually be present for the rendering of her judgment.

On her presence may hinge more than the critical

reception of a work. During the Epilogue to Liberalitie

and Prodigalitie, the character Vertue addresses Elizabeth,

suggesting the identification of Vertue's "shew of chiefest 7 dignitie" in the play and the Queen's place, now properly 183 honored by obeisance to her. The effect is heightened by the recurrent appeals of Prodigality for the Prince's mercy during the play's final scene and by Liberality's role as a rewarder of suitors and as their access to the Queen.

Although Elizabeth does not directly resolve the action, clearly the play intends to suggest that she is related to its personifications.

The Misfortunes of Arthur openly relies on her presence to provide the pretext for dramatic action. As the play begins, several Muses present their captives to the Queen.

Appropriately enough for members of Gray's Inn, the prison­ ers had honored Astraea and scorned poetry until forced to Q submit to the Muses who sought "fruits of province new* for the Queen:

But to your highness that delight we leave, To see these poets new their style advance. Such as they are, or nought or little worth, Deign to accept, and therewith we beseech, That novelty give price to worthless things, (p. 257)

According to the captive's spokesman, they yielded out of zeal to serve Elizabeth. Their production

In tragic notes the plagues of vice recounts. How suits a tragedy for such a time? Thus— for that since your sacred Majesty In gracious hands the regal sceptre held. All tragedies are fled from State to stage, (p. 259)

Elizabeth thus accounts for both their service and its nature, as well as the play's concluding prophecy of

Britain's glorious future. Her physical presence allows the development of a fictional frame for the play and 184 intensifies the significance of Gorlois's vision of a

"glorious star" (p. 34 2)# "the goddess of the angels* land" (p. 34 3).

Elizabeth was frequently honored at entertainments or celebrations which relied on her attendance for their occasion and acknowledged her presence as part of their creative design. Even her first major public appearance, her coronation entry into London, included opportunities for the honored Queen to respond and encouraged her inter­ action with her people. As the author of the pamphlet account of the event observed:

So that if a man shoulde say well, he could not better tearme the Citie of London that time, than a stage wherein was shewed the wonderfull spectacle, of a noble hearted Princesse toward her most loving People, and the People's exceding comfort in beholding so worthy a Soveraigne, and hearing so Prince like a voice. . . .9

The city pageants were all designed to advise or apply to

the Queen, and her presence was essential to their purposes, honoring and advising the young monarch. On this occasion,

Elizabeth saw herself impersonated in two pageants— the

first, representing unity through a family tree tracing her

descent from the Tudor Henries, and the second, represent­

ing the Virtues' support in governing as they trampled

down their related vices. Her visual representation veri­

fied her lineage and her moral qualification for office.

To these, and all the events of the procession, Elizabeth

responded appropriately, spontaneously, and apparently 185 instinctively, falling into the role of a worthy and loving monarch. She thanked her people for their welcomes and promised to uphold the virtues represented before her.

She pointedly sought explications of the pageants, quieting the crowds and maneuvering her chariot to see the city's presentations. The pamphleteer concludes his account with her notable reactions— carrying a poor woman's rosemary bouquet in her chariot, smiling at mention of her father, casting her eyes to heaven at appropriate moments, and so

forth.

The highpoint of her performance occurred at the fourth pageant when she acted as interpreter, applying the pageant topic to herself, and then completed its sense by her own actions. The pageant's two commonwealths, one decayed and the other flourishing, sat on neighboring hills, appropriately barren or green, beneath symbolic trees bear­

ing signs explaining the causes of their conditions. Time

and his daughter, Truth, emerged from a cave between the hills. She carried her book, the English Bible, which was

passed down to the Queen. The Presenter's verses explain

that Truth has not dared to appear in many years, but

Now since that Time again his daughter Truth hath brought. We trust, 0 worthy Quene, thou wilt this Truth embrace. (1/ 50) Elizabeth's accession, and her anticipated arrival at this

stop, draw forth the Old Man and his daughter. Her physical 186 presence initiates the pageant's action, just as her coining to the throne accounts for the historical expectations symbolized. The pageant pointedly contrasts its hopes for her reign with the debacle, from a Protestant perspective, of her sister's. Elizabeth thus is advised directly about religion and its implications for the state of her realm.

As Elizabeth approached this stop and was informed of the pageant's import, she immediately saw its application to herself: "Tyme? quoth she, and Tyme hath brought me hether" (I, 48). When she received the Bible, she "kissed it, and with both her handes held up the same, and so laid it upon her brest, with great thankes to the Citie there­ fore" (I, 51), visually enacting the "embrace" to which she had been exhorted. The Queen had understood her cue and played her part magnificently. To conclude his pamphlet, the writer returns to this moment as one of the two main indications that Elizabeth was God's appointed ruler. With a monarch so readily and spontaneously responsive to an occasion's possibilities and to public sensibility, it is hardly surprising that writers developed literary actions around her appearances, deliberately constructing moments when the Queen's presence might trigger such interactions and link reality with artistry.

This London entry illustrates the complexity of the part expected of Elizabeth. She is the subject matter and the primary audience for the city’s production; the pageants 187 and speeches are about her and about the city's expectations of her. She is an independent historical person as well as an actress responding to, and becoming part of, the events of the day. As she relates herself directly to the matter of a pageant or as she follows a cue in the proceedings, she is absorbed into the allegorical world of the produc­ tion in full view of an appreciative London audience.

Although she is the city's primary audience, she is also the primary sight. The impact of the double show must have been inescapable for a spectator watching the Queen pass the fifth pageant which featured

. . . a semelie and mete personage, richlie apparelled in Parliament robes, with a sceptre in her hand, as a Quene, crowned with an open crowne, whose name and title was in a table fixed over her head, in this sort: "Debora the judge and restorer of the house of Israel, Judic. iv." And the other degrees, on either side, were furnished with vi personages; two representing the Nobilitie, two the Clergie, and two the Comminaltye. And before these personages was written, in a table, "Debora, with her estates, consulting for the good Government of Israel." (I, 53-54)

The tableau could hardly portray more vividly London's hopes, or, in fact, the very process attempted by the day's entertainment. The visual mirroring of the Queen in her chariot by Deborah in Parliament robes must have been equally apparent; her physical presence alone completed the pageant's point.

The secondary audience thus watched several shows— the city productions, the Queen’s procession, and the Queen aligned with, responding to, or interacting with the pageants and the civic representatives along the route.

Assuming that the citizenry shared the religious and polit­

ical opinions of the officials who commissioned the pageantry, the audience saw and heard the Queen respond to

its own concerns and values. As the city instructed the■ monarch, however, the Queen simultaneously elicited the proper responses of loyal and dutiful citizens. This com­ plementary and circular relationship, facilitated by the

craftsmen and artists who designed, wrote, and produced the pageantry, is then recorded by yet another writer, the pamphleteer. The ways in which the participants in the

celebration interact with and around the unified sequence

of events developed for the procession is filtered through yet another lens in preparation for an even larger reading

audience which, like the Londoners, wished to share ih the

day's festivities. Two creative moments thus enclose and

shape the reality of Elizabeth's official public debut.

The Queen's presence was honored in similar fashion as

she was entertained throughout her realm. At Coventry in

1565 she received a purse which the local mayor claimed

contained more than money. "'What is that?' said she. 'It

is,' said he, 'the hearts of all your loving subjects.'

'We thank you, Mr. Mayor,' said she; 'it is a great deal

more indeed.' At Worcester ten years later, the city

orator hopes for revived cloth trade: 189

To the perfection of this hope, yor Majesties comyng to this Citie, wth whos joyfull presence it hath pleased God to bewtifie the same, doothe bothe look, and, as it were, prognosticate unto us the reverse of all our adverse fortune into a more happy and prosperous estate.11

Both receptions illustrate the means by which her presence elicited and bestowed symbolic benefits.

During her visit to Suffolk and Norfolk in 1578, the incipient possibilities of her presence are so fully developed that Churchyard, one of the writers commissioned by Norwich for the occasion, declares:

And bycause I sawe most of it, or heard it so credibly rehearsed as I know it to be true, I meane to make it a mirror and shining glasse, that al the whole land may loke into, or use it for an example in all places (where the Prince commeth) to our posteritie heereafter for e v e r . 1 ^

As Elizabeth entered each district, ". . . a generall con­ sent of duetie and obedience was seene . . (Churchyard, II,

181), such "that the inwarde affections of the people was playnely expressed by their outward apparance, and manifest curtesies" (Churchyard, II, 181).

The same effect is claimed by the fictional characters who populate her route into the city. Had he not fallen victim to the rain, the old British King Gurgunt was to acknowledge why

. . . myselfe in person noble Queene Did hast, before thy face in presence to appeare. Two thousand yeares welnye in silence lurking still: Heare, why to thee alone this service I do yelde. (Garter, II, 141-42) 190

Not surprisingly, his history resembles Elizabeth’s in four matters, although her accomplishments excel his. The city pageants, like those London prepared for her coronation, inform and instruct the Queen as they honor her. The first features aspects of the weaving trade, though Common­ wealth attributes the city's life to regal and divine aid.

The five notable women of the second welcome and advise

Elizabeth whose presence has revived them. Unfortunately, the restoration is temporary since Apollo determines that none compares to Elizabeth. The judgment motif is reiter­ ated by musicians, one of whom sings of a dream vision in which Jove solves a dispute amongst the classical goddesses by pointing out Elizabeth, the embodiment of them all.

The power of Elizabeth's presence continues as a central theme throughout the visit. Mercury, sent "Prom

Jove, or just Jehova" (Churchyard, II, 185), announces upcoming entertainments appointed by his master "To make hir smyle, and ease hir burthened brest" (Churchyard, II,

187). The classical gods present her with tokens of their powers, devoted to her success and happiness. Dame

Chastity conquers Cupid and presents his bow to Elizabeth; her maids greet the Queen, pledging "to creepe in princely hart" (Churchyard, II, 19 8) and serve her. At her departure, the city spokesman pledges her subjects' hearts:

Thou arte our Queene, our rocke, and only stay, We are thine own to serve by night and day. (Garter, II, 165) 191

Outside the city, the fairies and their queen conclude their review of the week's events with a similar tribute:

With gods, yea Kings and Queenes, began your entrie to this place. With gentle Gosts and merrie Sprites we mind to end the case. So in good signe of happie chance to thee, 0 sacred Queene, To knit up all, we meane to daunce with timbrels on this greene. And then farewell; we can no more salute thee in oure gise, All that is done, by great good-will is offered to the wise. (Churchyard, XI, 213)

The motley assemblage of the week, like the citizenry of

Norwich, is motivated by the Queen's visit; their tributes are unified by her presence.

Wherever she travels, Elizabeth captivates the real and fictional personages around her. Her arrival at Mitcham so overjoys her host, or so a supplicant claims, that he loses his senses and his wife falls into a silent trance.

Reality is stunned by her as fiction is enlivened; her presence transforms the normal to the wondrous. During her visit, poet, painter, and musician squabble, only to con- T ^ elude that she surpasses all their arts. J Elsewhere,

another trio debates until wife and widow yield to maid to

celebrate Astraea's holy d a y . ’1'4 The arguments of a hermit,

soldier, and statesman at a tilt cannot tempt Erophilus

from her service.-1-5 Even Fortune serves her, distributing

largesse to a mariner who shares the lots with the com­ pany.16 At Harefield, though unrecognized as Queen, a 192 bailiff and dairymaid present a jeweled rake and fork "to the best Huswife in all this company. "^ All occupations and classes pay homage; even Time and Place are at her service:

T. . . . Time weare very vngratefull, if it should not euer stand still, to serue and preserue, cherish and delight her, that is the glory of her time, and makes the Time happy wherein she liueth. P. And doth not she make Place happy as well as Time? What if it she make thee a contynewall holy-day, she makes me a perpetuall sanctuary. . . . but, weare I as large as there harts that are mine Owners, I should be the fairest Pallace in the world; and weere I agreeable to the wishes of there hartes, I should in some measure resemble her sacred selfe, and be in the outward frount exceeding faire, and in the inward furniture exceeding rich. T. In good time do you remember the hearts of your Owners; for, as I was passing to this place, I found this Hart. . . . Heere, Place, take it thou, and present it vnto her as a pledge and mirror of their harts that owe thee. P. It is a mirror indeed, for so it is transparent. It is a cleare hart, you may see through it. It hath noe close corners, noe darkenes, noe unbutifull spott in it. I will therefore presume the more boldly to deliver it; with this assurance, that Time, Place, Persons, and all other circumstances, doe concurre alltogether in biddinge her Wellcome. (Ill, 589-90)

When the visit ends, Place, dressed in mourning, complains that Time and persons may travel with her, but Place "must stay forsaken and desolate" (III, 594). Just as Elizabeth's arrival vitalizes her environs, so her departure depresses it. Yet she carries away with her the symbolic diamond which represents the spotless hearts of its donors and of all loyal subjects. 193

Regardless of civic or individual sponsorship, regardless of specific occasion, celebrating the Queen*s presence might prompt the creation and population of a fictional realm to honor her, as well as claims of corres­ ponding alterations in the natural world and its real citizenry. The lines between fiction and reality blur when a diamond heart can symbolize the clear hearts of its donors, when fairies, classical deities, Biblical heroines, and ancient British monarchs can frame greetings, gift- giving, entertainment, and farewells.

In addition to being an event's occasion and its honoree, the Queen could be involved integrally in a fic­ tional production. When her gentlemen prepared a tilt for

-the French ambassadors in 15 81, as the Alengon marriage negotiations revived,-*-® "the four Foster Children of Desire" claimed "'The Castle or Fortresse of Perfect Beautie,'"19 namely the gallery in which Elizabeth sat. Her physical position at the event thus established and clarified her role in the plot. As Perfect Beauty, her presence motivated and focused the action. The initial challenge was delivered to her April 16 with the request that the tournament "may bee perfourmed before your own eies" (II, 314). Although delayed until Whitmonday, the arrival of the challengers

included an elaborate prop (a rolling earth mound),

costumes, and accoutrements plus retainers in livery.

Their messenger blames the Queen for the upcoming battle— 194 had she yielded to their importunate requests, "nothing should this violence have needed in your inviolate presence" (II, 317). Musicians from the "rowling trench" again urge the fortress to yield to desire and are answered in song with "Alarme, alarme, here will no yeelding bee"

(II, 318).

The defendants are even more elaborately gontrived than the challengers. A frozen knight, for example; dies of grief when his beloved sun is besieged and stirs the gods to send Adam and Eve to defend this sun (and, inci- « dentally, to request Elizabeth to resolve who first offended in Eden). A desolate knight with a mossy shield comes to

Beauty's defense, as do the four sons of Despair who "doubt not the victorie, if onelie they may find some little shew from their saint in favour of their enterprise" (II, 325).

At the conclusion of the second day, the four foster children of Desire yield: "They acknowledge this fortresse to be reserved for the eie of the whole world, farre lifted up from the compasse of their destinie" (II, 328). After they promise "to be slaves to this Fortresse for ever" and wish that "... Desire may be your chiefest adversarie"

(II, 329), Elizabeth praises and thanks them. The Queen's role is essential throughout this "Triumph." She motivates challengers and defendants alike, and her central physical position allows her to be incorporated in the fiction through direct address and gesture. She responds generously 195 to the production, presumably speaking as Perfect Beauty; other motions or reactions are suggested by the charac­ ters’ speeches. Not only is her presence honored, but it is woven into the fictional construct, accounting for its nature and perhaps its outcome.

At Bristol in 1574, in addition to the greetings of

Fame, Salutation, Gratulation, and Obedient Good Will, the town prepared a mock siege of Peace's fort by Dissension.

The fort lost its lesser companion, Feble Pollecie, but received the aid of courtiers on the second day of battle.

When three galleys drove off its supply ship, the fort sent to the Queen for aid. The association with peace compli­ ments Elizabeth and the appeal draws her into the action.

The fort refuses the arguments of Perswasion, maintaining:

And, blest be God, we have a Prince by whom our peace is kept. And under whom this Citie long and Land hath safly slept; From whom likewyes a thousand gifts of grace enjoy we do. And feell from God in this her Raygne ten thousand blessings too. Behold but how all secrets fien of falshood corns to light In these her dayes, and God taks part with her in troeth and right. And mark how mad Dissenshon thrives, that would set warres abroetch. Who sets to saell poor peoples lives, and gets but vill reproetch And endless shaem for all their sleights. 0 England, joy with us, And kis the steps whear she doth traed, that keeps her country thus In Peace and rest, and perfait stay; whearfore the God of Peace, In Peace, by Peace, our Peace presarve, and her long lief encrease.2^ 196

Elizabeth has now been fully accommodated in the plot of the war games; reality has been absorbed by fiction.

Simultaneously, fiction's resemblance to reality is heightened as the Fort welcomes England in her celebration.

The connection is repeated later during a parley when

Elizabeth is apparently responsible for the peace settle­ ment :

To the which the Fort maed answer, that the Cortayns nor bulwarks was not their defence, but the corrage of good peple, and the force of a mighty Prince (who saet and beheld all these doyngs), was the thyng they trusted to, on which answer the Enemie retired, and so condicions of peace were drawn and agreed of. . . . (I, 406)

Other entertainments credit her presence with the resolution of events or the transformation of character.

At Theobalds, an obstinate Post, seeking Secretary Cecil with letters from the Emperor of China, is finally per­ suaded to present them directly to Elizabeth.when she arrives at Cowdrey, she fulfills "a prophesie since the first stone was layde, that these walles should shake, and the roofe totter, till the wisest, the fairest, and most

fortunate of all creatures, should by her first steppe make

the foundation staid, and by the glaunce of her eyes make the turret steddie."^^ During the same visit, she chances on an Angler who notices only that ". . . some thing there

is over beautifull, which stayeth the verie minow (of all

fish the most eager) from biting" (III, 94). At Bissam, a wild man is transformed by her presence to civility and 197 gentleness, and Pan is enchanted by her, breaking his pipe to "follow that sounde which followes you.Boastful

Ceres yields to her, noting a comparable transformation in reality when she promises "for the Lady of the Farme, that your presence hath added many daies to her life" (III, 136).

Elizabeth even restores Daphne to life at Sudeley (III, 139).

The spectacular sea sports at Elvetham follow the same pattern. Across a crescent lake Nereus swims to the Queen's elevated seat of honor on the western shore and presents a jewel, one of India's who has fled "daunted at your sight"^ although her ship remains behind:

See where her ship remaines, whose silke-woven takling Is turnde to twigs, and threefold mast to trees. Receiving life from verdure of your lookes; (For what cannot your gracious looks effect?) (Ill, 112)

The sea deities sing to the Queen and summon Sylvanus who admires Elizabeth and hopes his old love, Neaera, will

"relent in sight of Beauties Quene" (III, 114). After an

exuberant altercation between the spirits of land and sea,

Neae ra prevails on Elizabeth to name her pinnace which the

Queen calls "The Bonadventure." Just before she leaves,

Elizabeth is greeted by the Fairy Queen, who has heard of

the homage of the other gods now sorrowfully lining the

Queen's departure route. Once again, the Queen has been

physically positioned, involved in fictional character motivation, credited with transforming powers, and even

cast in a speaking role. 198

The best known entertainment of Elizabeth is probably that at Kenilworth in 1575. Here, Elizabeth halts time, specifically the tower clock and its bells, during her visit. She is greeted by Sibylla's happy prophecy of virtue, peace, and a joyous welcome, and by trumpeters as tall as those in Arthur's day "so that the Castle of

Kenelworth should seeme still to be kept by Arthur's heires 25 and their seruants." The sight of the Queen overwhelms the porter, Hercules* changing his greeting from, "What stirre, what coyle is here?" to:

Come, come, most perfet Paragon; passe on with joy and blisse: Most worthy welcome Goddes guest, whose presence gladdeth all. Have here, have here, both club and keyes; myselfe my warde I yielde; Even gates and all, yea Lord himselfe, submitte and seeke your sheelde. (Gascoigne, I, 490-91)

A similar effect is claimed by the Lady of the Lake who has not appeared since Arthur's day, but greets the Queen at the pool inside the gate:

. . . your thrice comming here Doth bode thrise happy hope, and voides the place from feare.

Wherefore I wil attend while you lodge here, (Most peereles Queene) to Court to make resort; And as my love to Arthure dyd appeere, So shal't to you in earnest and in sport. Passe on, Madame, you need no longer stand; The Lake, the Lodge, the Lord, are yours for to command. (Gascoigne, I, 492)

To this Laneham records Elizabeth's playful response,

abutting fiction and reality: "It pleazed her Highness too thank this Lady, and too add withall, 'we had thought indeed the Lake had been oours, and doo you call it yourz noow? Well, we will herein common more with yoo here­ after'” (Laneham, I, 431). In addition, the bridge which she crosses next is laden with gifts of seven classical deities, a circumstance later reapplied by Laneham when he attributes the successful aspects of the visit to assorted gods and goddesses, except, of course, the Parcae who ceased their spinning for these eighteen days.

During the week, a savage man, confused by the local excitement, discovers the Queen's identity during a dia­ logue with Echo, recognizes her, and yields to her.

Unfortunately, as he broke the oak he carried for emphasis, he startled the Queen's horse, but ". . . 'no hurt, no hurtI' quoth her Highness. Which words I promis yoo wee wear all glad to heer; and took them too be the best part of the Play" (Laneham, I, 438). No doubt Gascoigne, writer and actor for this show, agreed.

Although his play of Zabeta, urging that nymph to heed

Juno's desires rather than Diana's, was not performed,

Gascoigne reappears as Sylvanus for the Queen's farewell.

He escorts her through the woods, telling of analogous changes in heaven and on earth which celebrate her arrival and bewail her departure. Even the recent rain was not the usual variety, "but the very flowing teares of the Gods, who melted into moane for your hastie departure" (Gascoigne, I, 200

517). Along the track Gascoigne points out plants enchanted by the nymph*Zabeta, particularly Deepedesire, a hollybush, which trembles before the Queen and pleads with her to stay.

Elizabeth’s appearance thus tames the uncivilized, regulates the moods of the gods, and alters natural forces, so that the people and environment around her are focused on her and responsive to her movements.

In this kind of praise of the Queen, the artist's functions are multiple. The Queen is an active dramatic agent whose interaction with the created world must be carefully contrived and managed. His part extends to the supervision of the physical details of performance as stage manager, dresser, and perhaps as actor. He must create and write under the most intense pressures, making use of every performance detail to unify the entire entertainment. For instance, during the Savage Man's speech to the Queen, she 2 fi said, in an aside, that he was blind. Apparently as a result, Gascoigne wrote an interlude for the unperformed

Zabeta show, in which the wild man's son appears and reports "that his father (uppon such wordes as hyr Highnesse dyd then use unto him) lay languishing like a blind man, untill it might please hyr Hyghnesse to take the filme from his eyes" (Gascoigne, I, 503). Not even a comment by the

Queen is exempt from potential fictional and literary appli­ cation. Although the writer is subject to the exigencies of the moment and the conventional ends of such entertainments, 201

Elizabeth’s part is subject to his creative instincts.

The most notable transformation effected by the Queen at Kenilworth took place when Elizabeth delivered the Lady of the Lake from "Sir Bruse sauns pitie" whose pursuit confined her to her watery home. A prophecy by Sir

Bruse*s cousin Merlin, whose enclosure in a rock provoked the knight to vengeance, predicted "... she coulde never be delivered but by the presence of a better maide than herselfe" (Gascoigne, X, 498). Triton invites the Queen to the challenge:

Loe, here therefore a worthy worke, most fit for you alone; Her to defend and set at large, but you, O Queene, can none: And God's decree, and Neptune sues this graunt, 0 peerles Prince; Your presence onely shall suffice, her enemies to convince. (Gascoigne, I, 499)

In preparation for the moment, he quiets the natural ele­ ments :

You windes, returne into your caves, and silent there remaine; You waters wilde, suppresse your waves, and keepe you calme and plaine. You fishes all, and each thing else, that here have any sway; I charge you all, in Neptune's name, you keepe you at a stay. Untill such time this puissant Prince Sir Bruse hath put to flight; And that the maide released be, by soveraigne maiden's might. (Gascoigne, I, 499-500)

In the attentive silence, Elizabeth advances on the bridge and deliverance is done. The power of her presence is immediately visible: ". . . it appeered straight how Syr Bruse became unseen, his bands skaled. . (Laneham, I,

457) . The Lady herself graciously thanks the Queen and verbally reviews the action:

Untill this day, the Lake was never free From his assaults, and other of his knights; Untill such tyme as he did playnely see Thy presence dread, and feared of all wyghts. Which made him yeeld, and all his bragging bands, Resigning all into thy princely hands. (Gascoigne, I, 500)

Proteus, on his dolphin, concludes the rescue with a song of thanksgiving.27

This show is a particularly interesting illustration of the Queen's dramatic function. Her part is a generous one— the rescue of a Lady whose threatened virginity might evoke Elizabeth's empathy while it complimented her.

Although speech was unnecessary, the Queen's role is not entirely passive— her physical presence and her movement across the bridge are essential. The silencing of the winds waters, and fishes is an anticipatory device to further focus on the moment of delivery. This action within the fictional world also duplicates the attentive quieting of the Queen's large audience at her appearance. Laneham notes this absorption of the spectators because he is particularly taken by the'aesthetic beauty of the closing song: "... and this in the eeving of the day, resoounding from the calm waters, whear prezens of her Majesty, and longing to listen, had utterly damped all noyz and dyn . . .

(Laneham, X, 458). Clearly, the rescue of the Lady is only 203

the last of a sequence of alterations in behavior effected by the Queen's presence- As such, it was no doubt the more

impressive for its moral weighting— the malevolent Sir

Bruse flees and the Lady acknowledges, as all the audience must have also, the presence of "a better maide."

Hunnis's original plan for the Lady's relief, accord­

ing to his fellow writer Gascoigne, would have heightened

Sir Bruse's threatening nature with a night skirmish on

the water against a Captain two days before the release of

the Lady. The Captain would have elaborated his Lady's

trouble, especially since it prevented her from attending

Elizabeth at court as promised on the Queen's arrival.

With this "more apt introduction to her deliverie"

(Gascoigne, I, 502), Elizabeth then might have rescued the

Lady in her own element, from a barge on the lake. Thus,

the delivery, as it took place, was even less fully

developed than planned; probably the artistic design was

subject to the most fatal of all the incursions of reality 28 on these outdoor shows— the weather. The plan, however,

makes clear the degree of continuity intended by its

designers.

Many Elizabethan entertainments seem bursting with

unrelated characters because modern expectations prohibit

due appreciation for variety, intricate thematic connections,

and lengthy, continuing plots. In this show, the Lady of

the Lake, like the Porter or the Savage Man, and doubtless 204 like Leicester's household, has discovered that Elizabeth's presence disrupts the inertia of normal life. The Lady, in fact, undergoes change twice— first, she elects to appear publicly for the first time since Arthur's reign, an act of homage like the gifts of the classical gods, and then she is relieved from an oppressive restriction on her liberty, thus becoming the recipient of another's powerful generosity which is gratefully acknowledged . These essential actions occur at Kenilworth in fictional terms, but their implica­ tions for the reality of courtly life are inescapable. The fictional versions of amazement, homage, and gratitude are themselves a means by which a courtier could express the same devotion to his Queen— the shows present what they are.

Additionally, these shows, like life itself, have a continuity over time. The Lady's history, like Elizabeth's, is traced to Arthur's days. Merlin's enchantment in a rock,

Sir Bruse's motivation, was a detail of the Arthurian legends, thus even more concretely linking the Lady's problem to written accounts. The Lady is placed within her proper historical and legendary context and her proper literary realm. When she is freed by the "better maide,"

Elizabeth is drawn into not just a simple dramatic action of the moment, but a pre-existing mythical world. She is treated by such characters as a superior, in quality, but an equal, in kind. Just as the Lady has a past, and pre­ sumably a future, so her continuity over time underpins her 205

appearances at Kenilworth. Although the interference of

the weather disrupted the full development of the plot, it

is clear that during her welcoming speech she promises

attendance on the Queen. When the impediment to that

attendance is removed, the Lady is freed to keep her com­ mitment ,and Elizabeth has facilitated the Lady's dutiful

and honorable intention, certainly a hope of all subjects

in their relations with the Queen. The intention, compli­

cation, and resolution occur not in a single dramatic

action or presentation, but are suspended through several

encounters and some days time. Gascoigne's mention of the

original plan indicates that such suspended actions were

deliberately designed as coherent and unified elements.

The best extant illustrations of the extension of an

entertainment through time are the Woodstock productions

commissioned by Sir Henry Lee, for many years the Queen's

Champion. In 1575, about two months after her arrival at

Kenilworth, Elizabeth reached Woodstock where she encoun­

tered Hemetes, a blind hermit, who introduces the plight of

Caudina, separated by her father from Contarenus. At

Sibilla's, Caudina meets Loricus who is traveling to earn

a reputation worthy of his lady. All the principals share

the same prophecy which is fulfilled that very day by

Elizabeth's presence:

And nowe beste Ladye and moste beautifull, so tearmed of the Oracle, and so thought of in the world: what the Inchantresse tolde Contarenus: 206

Sibilla shewed Caudina/ and Loricus: and Apollo said -to me, by your most happy comming is veryfied. The most hardy knights Cont. and Lori, haue here fought, the most constant Louers Cont. and Caudina here be met, and I poore Hemetes (as the knight knowes full long blind) haue received my sight. A1 which happened by vertue of your grace, which the best so much honor, & we most bound vnto you. . . .29

Immediately afterwards at a banquet at the "hermitage," under an oak hung with pictures and allegorical "posies" of the nobility, the Queen of Fairy greets Elizabeth with a gift, as well as nosegays and "posies" for the ladies. The evening concludes with a song by Despaire from an oak.

Caudina's story continues in a.play. She has been attend­ ing Elizabeth, but she sorely misses her father who now arrives seeking her. The Fairy Queen recommends Elizabeth as an adviser able to reconcile the parties. At last,

Caudina yields to her father's wishes, renouncing Contarenus for her country's good and remaining devoted to Elizabeth.

Seventeen years later, the Queen returns to Woodstock and braves a grove where inconstant ladies and their foolish lovers are enchanted. In a nearby hall, she sees an Old

Knight, cast in a deep sleep for neglecting his duty to the

Fairy Queen. As Elizabeth comprehends the "charmed pic­ tures on the w a l l " 30 which explain his fault, the spell is broken, the Knight awakens, and the knights and ladies of the grove are released. All parties are grateful; even

Inconstancy is reformed by the Queen who "... doth now in hir silence put me to silence, and by the glorie of hir 207 countenance, which disperseth the flying cloudes of vaine conceites, commands me to wishe others, and to be my selfe as she is, Semper eadem" (p. 289). The following day, the

Queen is acquainted with the fate of Loricus, now a hermit after a life of knightly service allusively detailed from

Lee's own involvement in the Queen's Accession Day tilts.

He is speechless and dying so his champion delivers his will to the Queen. She enters his chamber, and her pres­ ence so miraculously revives him from his trance that he gratefully bequeaths her the Manor of Love.

Although these two entertainments and the Accession

Day tilts do not form a single, unified whole, they are clearly linked over many years by recurring characters

(Loricus, the Fairy Queen), motifs (hermits, crowned pil­ lars, allegorical pictures, enchanted trees), issues (duty and love), and the powerfully transforming presence of the

Queen. i In contrast to the Woodstock saga, plays resolved by

Elizabeth's presence use compression and a sudden turn of the plot rather than an allusive extension of familiar characters and emblems. Jonson, for example, relies on her presence to dazzle and reform Macilente:

Neuer till now did obiect greet mine eyes With any light content: but in her graces, All my malicious powers haue lost their stings. Enuie is fled my soule, at sight of her, And shee hath chac'd all black thought from my bosome, Like as the sunne doth darkenesse from the world. My streame of humour is runne out of me.31 208

This ending is designated as the performance version used before Elizabeth. The play originally ended with nearly the same epilogue, apparently directed toward a representa­ tion of Elizabeth on stage in the public theater. This bold move was badly received and thus was revised, leaving

Macilente's reform unmotivated. Despite Jonson's defense of his original conclusion on the basis of precedent, other stage and civic impersonations of the Queen implied her identity or simultaneously named and presented her as an abstract figure. This incident illustrates the fine line between acceptable and unacceptable literary treatments of the Queen and the great distance, in the Elizabethan mind, between unmistakable reflections and heavy embellishments of reality and the undistanced, direct, and offensive injection of the real into a fictional enactment. Only the

Queen herself, physically present, seems to have been able to enter visual action in a fictional realm with propriety.

A less controversial work, the masque of Proteus, was presented before the Queen by the students of Gray's Inn as the conclusion of their Christmas Revels, honoring the

Prince of Purpoole who reigned for the season. Some time before, the Prince had captured Proteus and the two struck a bargain— Proteus would transfer the adamantine rock from the pole to any site desired by the Prince provided

That first the Prince should bring him to a power. Which in attractive virtue should surpas The wondrous force of his Ir'ne drawing r o c k . 32 209

The Prince and seven of his men agreed to be held as hos­

tages in the rock until the terms of agreement were met.

Not surprisingly, the sight of Elizabeth, "trew adamant of

Hartes" (p. 83), settles the issue and the hostages are

released from the rock for the concluding dance.

Even a fully developed court play, The Araygnement of

Paris, can rely on the Queen's presence for its resolution.

As the play concludes, the goddesses appeal Paris's deci­

sion to Jupiter. He and the gods cagily agree that Diana

should resolve the dispute since it began on Mt. Ida, her

territory. Diana binds the other goddesses to her decision with sacred oaths and tells them of the nymph, Eliza, ruler

of a second Troy, "To whom this ball in merit doth be-

longe."The goddesses agree, withdrawing their claims in

her favor. Diana summons the Fates who address the Queen

and surrender their insignia to her, and then Diana presents

her with the golden ball:

This prize from heauen and heauenly goddesses, Accept it then, thy due by Dians dome, Praise of the wisedome, beautie and the state. That best becomes thy peereles excellencie. (sig. E4V)

This play presents a fully developed action adapted

from a distinct segment of the mythology attached to the

Trojan war story. During the first half of the play, Paris

makes his decision; during the remainder, he is arraigned in

heaven for partiality, and the disputed case is referred to

Diana for resolution. The main plot is interrupted by the 210 third act, a pastoral interlude on unrequited love which relies on Venus for reconnection with the central action.

Elizabeth’s presence is fully exploited— without her, there could be no performance— and Diana's solution occupies the

full fifth act, not merely the epilogue or concluding lines.

The Queen is doubly honored in the conclusion, for she is elevated above time and mortality, the province of the

Fates, and lauded for a panoply of virtues sufficient to

force the accord of the feisty and competitive goddesses.

Although her part is passive, requiring no speech or move­ ment, her "character" is fully defined and her part ful­

filled by her presence alone. She is deftly drawn into an

elaborately contrived fictional world, a revised mythology, which accommodates her easily and gracefully. From a

spectator’s viewpoint, the Queen, seated in state at the performance, might readily bridge the separation between

fiction and reality as the monarch of new Troy humbles the powers who determined the fate of the old. As the Queen's i presence resolves the plot, order and unity are restored,

Britain's success during her reign proudly asserted, her

responsibility and merit as a monarch acknowledged. These

dramatically focused and visually enacted compliments might well move a subject to share the homage of the deities.

Dekker's Old Fortunatus does not so forcefully drive

toward and depend upon the Queen's praise, but its treatment

of her role is complex and encourages her active, rather 211 than passive, interaction with the play’s characters. The court production is framed by the dialogue of two Old Men, patterns of foreign and native loyalty and devotion,

"travelling to the temple of E l i z a . "^4 They kneel before the Queen, "dazzled by Eliza's beams" (p. 290), weeping and scarcely able to address her. Their actions represent audience and writer alike, for they bring the Queen the fictional company as their gift:

0 pardon me your pilgrim, I have measured Many a mile to find you: and have brought Old Fortunatus and his family, With other Cypriots, my poor countrymen, To pay a whole year's tribute: 0 vouchsafe, Dread Queen of Fairies, with your gracious eyes, T'accept theirs and our humble sacrifice, (p. 290)

To their initial request, the Queen's glance is sufficient reply, and she thus initiates the action of the play.

At the end of the play. Virtue, Vice, and Fortune contend for supremacy. Fortune first extends the range of the dramatic world beyond the stage, suggesting:

. . . see, here's a court Of mortal judges; let's by them be tried, Which of us three shall most be deified, (p. 383)

The moral implications of the appeal are evident— Fortune and Vice are willing to rely on the general audience for sympathizers and supporters; Virtue insists on a judge of higher calibre: "My judge shall be your sacred deity" (p.

383). At this simple reference to the Queen, Vice flees with her train, and Fortune explicitly directs all eyes toward Elizabeth: 212

Kneel not to me, to her transfer your eyes, There sits the Queen of Chance, I bend my knees Lower than yours. (p. 384)

Virtue claims victory, initiating, and then retracting, an appeal for the Queen’s verbal participation in the resolution:

Fortune, th’art vanquished. Sacred deity, 0 now pronounce who wins the victory, And yet that sentence needs not, since alone. Your virtuous presence Vice hath overthrown. Yet to confirm the conquest on your side, Look but on Fortunatus and his sons. . . . (p. 384)

The Queen's cue is obvious; her movement and attention are incorporated into the drama. When she enters the fictional world, that world dissolves before her, as Virtue accords her the power to turn abstractions to life:

Virtue alone lives still,and lives in you; 1 am a counterfeit, you are the true; I am a shadow, at your feet I fall. Begging for these, and these, myself and all. All these that thus do kneel before your eyes. Are shadows like myself: dread nymph, it lies In you to make us substances. 0 do itl Virtue I am sure you love, she wooes you to it. I read a verdict in your sun-like eyes, And this it is: Virtue the victory, (p. 384)

From the real world, the Queen motivates or transforms created characters; as she is incorporated into their fictional realm, she can bring them, as abstractions, to life in reality. She crosses the barriers between the real and the fictional worlds, embodying, mirroring, and uphold­ ing appropriate values.

Through Elizabeth, Virtue triumphs, and, as the cast prepares to depart, the Old Men complete the play's frame. 213

They fear their offering has been “Weak, not in love, but in expressing love" (p. 385). The Old Men draw the actors from the drama into the frame as they all kneel before the

Queen, even more directly soliciting a physical response from her:

. . . O dear Goddess, Breathe life in our numbed spirits with one smile. And from this cold earth, we with lively souls, Shall rise like men new-born, and make Heaven sound With hymns sung to thy name, and prayers that we May once a year so oft enjoy this sight. (pp- 385-86)

Presumably the Queen follows her cue; certainly the result proposed for her physical reaction is visually enacted by the players' rising and exiting, crying, "Amen."

Dekker cues the Queen, proposing her interactions with both the dramatic figures and the framing characters who ease the audience into and away from the literary gift.

The implications for the general audience are clear. Their moral shortcomings are just as explicit as their proper behaviors toward the Queen. The Queen's virtue turns the plot to its proper conclusion not simply through her pres­ ence, but through her look and presumably through her appropriate movement. Regardless of the degree to which the

Queen accepted her role as character, rather than passive audience, the play's construction allows the action to pro­ ceed as if she had played her part.

Occasionally a literary work went further, assigning the Queen a role in which she might freely and spontan­ eously play an essential speaking part, as she does in 214

Sidney’s Lady of May. Other entertainments, such as

Churchyard’s "shew of Manhode and Dezartes," unfortunately

caught by a rainstorm and left unperformed, appeal to the

Queen's judgment and urge her intervention. There,

Beautie's appeal, ". . . 0 Queene, in hast now bidde the

Tyrant stay," was to have elicited sufficient action to

justify Manhoode's next line: "Since thou, 0 Prince, for- 35 bidst revenge to take. . . ." Sidney, however, goes

further than other extant entertainments in casting the

Queen as an active character, freely playing her assigned

part within his fictional realm. Her presence is necessary but not sufficient; without it, the production would be

pointless, but with it the dramatic problem remains

unresolved. Unlike most authors of entertainments, Sidney does not

simply honor the Queen or use her presence as his work's

occasion. Nor does he rely solely on her physical appear­

ance to resolve the plot or transform events or character.

Although her appearance is powerful, neither does Elizabeth's

virtue automatically alter the environment when she appears

nor does her movement in itself fulfill the requirements

established for resolution. Instead, she must play a

speaking part, and she must make a choice. Although the

choice is free and the production can proceed with either

option, the act of choice itself is mandatory. Elizabeth 215

functions as a literary character— her presence is fully acknowledged by other characters, these others depend on her decision to resolve their dispute, her moral qualities enable her to respond properly, and her response is neces­

sary to conclude the action. She is fully integrated into the action of the plot and treated as a character by the other inhabitants of Sidney's fictional world.

To the extent that Sidney, the author, establishes her character within the fiction and stages her dramatic interaction, she is part of his literary material and his subject matter. Yet, because she is absolutely free in her choice, she functions as a character extended past the controls of art. Although Sidney establishes her as a

character, just as he creates the May Lady or her suitors,

she is allowed to escape his control to function independ­ ently. Elizabeth, the historical being, is thus taken from

the real world and transformed by art into a functioning

literary character. Once created, she can operate within her literary context just as she might in reality, if not

more freely because less complexly. She becomes an

absolutely extended character— a created being who slips beyond the reach of her creator.

Sidney's bold literary treatment of the Queen begins

as she walks in the garden at Wanstead. A country woman

bursts upon her, beseeching aid for her daughter, the May

Lady, who must choose between two suitors, a shepherd and a 216 forester. The problem is immediately established— a choice must be made between clear alternatives. Elizabeth's

4 dramatic character is also previewed; the May Lady's mother has appealed to her not as a recognized monarch, but as a

"Most fair lady,"3*5 a sensory judgment with moral implica­ tions. The milieu and its value system are determined as the mother describes the problem as "that notable matter, which we in the country call matrimony" (p. 21, 11. 15-16).

Her statement defines a particular fictional realm which the audience expects to find peopled with pastoral characters. Yet since "we in the audience" share the same language system and the same problem of choice as those in the country, this world may be fictional and created, but it is not necessarily very distant from reality. Crisis immediately draws the Queen into her part; the two jealous suitors threaten violence, and her presence will prevent bloodshed. The Queen is left with a formal verse supplica­ tion as the background noise of the squabbling suitors swells.

As Elizabeth advances, Sidney uses initially those aspects of her characterization which most of his contem­ poraries would have held for the final resolution. When the contending forces see the Queen, they do not recognize her, "yet something there was which made them startle aside and gaze upon her" (p. 22, 11. 23-24). Her forceful and

awesome presence thus releases the May Lady from their tugs 217 and pulls. Her presence commands respect in their world,

in contrast to the ineffectual authority and comic attempts

at resolution of the pedantic schoolmaster, Rombus. The

May Lady dismisses him and denies his pretended superiority,

choosing to enjoy "the only sight this age hath granted to

the_world" (p. 24, 11. 11-12) and to present her own case

to one who excels her in those very things which she values.

She specifies the question: should she prefer "the many

deserts and many faults of Therion, or the very small

deserts and no faults of Espilus"? (p. 25, 11. 11-12).

Elizabeth’s qualifications— manifested visually, admitted orally, and highlighted by contrast— as well as her responsi­ bilities in her role are clear.

The suitors compete in a singing contest, debating

their personal and representative qualifications and turning to the Queen for her decision. Their fellows, meanwhile, have begun quarreling about who has won, and so her judgment is held in abeyance. A representative forester and shepherd, interrupted by Rombus, debate the merits of each life-style, thus enlarging the issue to contemplative and active lives, until the May Lady returns the question to Elizabeth, insisting that she "judge whether of these two be more worthy of me, or whether 1 be worthy of them; and this I will say, that in judging me, you judge more than me in it"

(p. 30, 11. 10-12). Elizabeth selects Espilus, the shep­ herd, who celebrates his victory in song with his opponent. 218 and the May Lady bids farewell, wishing her "the flourishing of May" (p. 31, 11. 13-14). According to its manuscript version, the production concludes with a presentation of agate beads by Rombus to the Queen.

Whether Elizabeth's choice referred to topical politi­ cal matters is impossible to determine; that she was intended to take some final philosophical stance is unlikely given the essentially light, celebratory nature of such entertainments. Nevertheless, that she was to choose, to exercise dramatically her intellectual and moral powers, is critical: her authority is established and verified within the fiction? its exercise is a playful public version of her actual powers and those virtues attributed to her literary character. When she chooses, the pastoral characters become her subjects and her audience, while both are observed by a larger group of spectators. As the Queen instructs the rustics in the proper resolution of their debate, their fictional interaction edifies all observers in what it means to be, and to honor, a monarch. The closing song, celebrat­ ing her decision, does in itself the same thing the entire entertainment does— it honors her well-informed judgment and accepts her authority as monarch.

As it develops Elizabeth's role as an active literary character, Sidney's Lady of May is far removed from those works which simply idealize and adore the Queen. Sidney is a controlling, creative agent— who releases an independent 219 character— rather than a reverent and awe-stricken writer.

The Queen is physically present rather than unapproachable.

When her speech and actions resolve the fictive dilemma, she enacts the process of proper judgment by an authority, her own role as a monarch. Her virtues are not distantly glimpsed; they are exercised before an expectant audience.

This audience is not restricted to an emotional surge at her description. . The viewing or reading audience can see and hear or vividly imagine her very actions and words. In addition, just as the Queen can observe a parodic assertion of false authority within the show, so the audience can see itself and its alternative roles in relation to the Queen in the characters of the entertainment. %

The literary praise of Queen Elizabeth has expanded from a relatively straightforward and simple triadic rela­ tionship to a series of complex interactions, mirrorings, and dual roles for poet, Queen, and audience. At its most complex, the literature that praises the Queen is the cele­ bration which it intends to convey. Within its conventional bounds, reality and fiction are intimately related, each with implications for the other, each drawn into the other's realm. This literature's didactic and symbolic burden firmly roots it in its own time and context, although it releases the Queen, as a literary creation, from that same confining reality. When she is drawn into a fictional 220 construction, embodying as she does the spiritual and political force essential to her people's unity and

strength, she assumes her fictional role, responds to or

interacts with fictional characters, and transcends the

reality from which she comes. As she does so, or is presented doing so, she moves beyond reality to a fictional,

even mythical, world of her own. The literary manifestation

of the Queen thus claims and holds her people's religious

and political loyalty, but releases and focuses their

celebratory impulse. The praise of the Queen is restricted by its didactic and propagandistic ends but freed by its

literary form and treatment.

The living Queen is the requisite focal point for all

this literature, regardless of her role. Whether she is

cast in an acting part, incorporated as a character,

addressed personally, admitted as an audience, or appropri­

ated as a fleeting topic, in her actual or figurative

"presence" lies the inception and the essence of those works

which praise her. When her day has ended and her age

faded, her praise necessarily loses its immediacy. As

reality alters, that electric moment when the Queen crosses

the Kenilworth bridge or advances into the Woodstock grove

or arbitrates the Wanstead quarrel is lost forever. The

particular instant in which the real Elizabeth confronts a

fictional realm is unretrievable, but the literary problems

once solved in that moment remain. Each work that praises Elizabeth must respond in some fashion to the question of how reality and fiction relate in literature. Queen# audience# and poet can stand in either domain as Elizabeth, along with the reader or viewer# is absorbed into a fic­ tional realm, as the created world reflects or comments on reality, and as the poet attempts to influence or determine events in one realm by manipulating the other. These three participants are assembled on an occasional pretext, but the significance of their literary interactions and rela­ tionships transcends the moment. Just as this literature exalts the Queen beyond the constraints of reality, so the solution of the problems inherent in her praise redeems these works. Certainly, by any qualitative standard, most of her poets fail to create works less transitory than the

Queen they praise. Yet here, the partial success, and even the outright failure, may more clearly illuminate the literary issues involved than the tantalizing, but elusive# success of genius. The very numbers of such evanescent works demonstrate the Elizabethan engagement with literary issues and the social significance of literary expression.

When the occasional brilliance of an unknown or normally dull writer, or the predictable competence of a Ralegh or

Sidney, operates, the Elizabethan moment is transcended, the tension between fiction and reality is adjusted, and the relationships among audience, Queen, and poet are harmonized. The literary issues inherent in praising the

Queen are resolved, and her praise outlives her and her age. From the brazen world is delivered a golden. 223

NOTES

"to ye Q. by ye players 1598," rpt. in William A. Ringler, Jr., and Steven W. May, "An Epilogue Possibly by Shakespeare," MP, 70 (1972), 138.

2 John Lyly, Campaspe (London, 1584), in Works, ed. Bond, II, 316, 1. 10.

3 John Lyly, Gallathea (London, 1592), in Works, ed. Bond, II, 431, 11.. 3-7, 9-10.

4 John Lyly, Sapho and Phao (London, 1584), in Works, ed. Bond, II, 372, 11. 14-17.

5 John Lyly, Endimion (London, 1591), in Works, ed. Bond, III, 80, 11. 9-13. 6 Thomas Dekker, The Shoemaker1s Holiday (n.p., 1600), ed. Paul C. Davies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), p. 17.

? A Pleasant Comedie, Shewing the contention betweene Liberalitie and Prodigalitie, ed. W. W. Greg, The Malone Society Reprints, gen. ed. W. W. Greg (1602; rpt. n.p.: Oxford University Press for The Malone Society, 1913), sig. F4r . O Thomas Hughes, et al., The Misfortunes of Arthur (London, 1587), in A Select Collection of Old English Plays, ed. Robert Dodsley, rev. W. Carew Hazlitt, 4th edn. (London: Reeves and Turner, 1874), IV, 256, For the play's political implications, see William A. Armstrong, "Elizabethan Themes in The Misfortunes of Arthur," RES, N.S. 7 (1956), 238-49; and Gertrude Reese, "Political Import of The Misfortunes of Arthur," RES, 21 (1945), 81-91. q The Passage of our most drad Soveraigne Lady Quene Elyzabeth through the Citie of London to Westminster, the daye before her Coronation, Anno 1558-9, in Nichols, Progresses, I, 39^ Nichols reprints what was apparently the second edition of the pamphlet, dated nine days after the event. The entry is thoroughly analyzed by Anglo, Spectacle, pp. 344-59; Bergeron, Civic Pageantry, who fully details significant primary and secondary sources which record this and other similar occasions; and Talbert, Problem of Order, 79-88, who stresses the ways in which the pageants advised the young Queen. David M. Bergeron, "Symbolic Landscape in English Civic Pageantry," Ren. Q ., 22 (1969), 32-37, relates the technique of the fourth 224 pageant (the decayed and flourishing commonwealths) to the method of visual allegory in painting; his "Medieval drama and Tudor-Stuart civic pageantry," JMRS, 2 (1972), 279-93, discusses the moral allegory and the personifications in the same.pageant; his "The Emblematic Nature of English Civic Pageantry," Renaissance Drama, N.S. 1 (1968), 167- 98, includes coronation pageants among its illustrations. Haller, Elect Nation, p. 86 ff., emphasizes Elizabeth's ability to act her part as a Protestant queen on this occasion. Heffner, "Spenser's Allegory," relates the de­ tails and methods of this event to Bk. I, Faerie Queene. J. E. Neale, "The Accession of Queen Elizabeth I," History Today, 3 (1953), 293-300, outlines the historical context; his introduction to The Quenes Majesties Passage through the Citie of London to Westminster the Day Before Her Coronacion, ed. Jaimes M. Osborn Tl559; rpt. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press for the Elizabethan Club, 1960), explains the significance of the entry and suggests the pamphlet account was officially sanctioned. Eugene M. Waith, "Spectacles of State," SEL, 13 (1973), esp. 322-23, discusses encounters between monarchs and their impersona­ tors in pageants.

"The Queen at Coventry, and at Kenilworth, 1565," in Nichols, Progresses, I, 192. 11 "Mr. Bell's Oration," from the Chamber Order Book at Worcester, in Nichols, Progresses, I, 547.

^ Thomas Churchyard, A Discourse of the Queenes Majestie's Entertainment in Suffolk and Norfolk (London, n.d.), in Nichols, Progresses, II, 179. [Bernard Garter], The joyfull Receyving of the Queene1 s most Excellent Majestie into hir Highnesse Citie of Norwich (London, n.d.), m Nichols, Progresses, I I , 136-50, is an account of the same visit. Subsequent references to the Norwich entertainment will indicate parenthetically the author of the account cited and the location of the references in Nichols, Progresses. Garter and Churchyard were hired by the city for this occasion. Garter's account includes her entrance and exit from the city, official orations, and one masque. Churchyard records a variety of "devices," planned as well as delivered, during her visit. Each includes presentation dates and references to productions detailed by the other. Churchyard apparently testifies to Garter's accuracy when he mentions the arrival of Goldingham, Garter, and others who "broughte to passe that alreadye is sette in print in a booke, where the Orations, and Speeches of divers are set out playnely and truly" (II, 182). Chambers, Elizabethan Stage, IV, 62-63, consolidates the sequence of events. 225

I3 John Lyly (?), Queen Elizabeth* s Entertainment at Mitcham; Poet, Painter, and Musician, ecf. Leslie Hotson (New Haven: Yale University Press for the Yale Elizabethan Club, 1953).

I'* Sir John Davies, A Contention betwixt a Wife, a Widdowe and a Maide, in Poetical Rhapsody, ed. Rollins, I, 247-55.

See Francis Bacon, Letters, ed. Spedding, I, 374- 92; and "Speeches delivered upon the occasion of the Earl of Essex’s Device, drawn up by Mr. Francis Bacon," in Nichols, Progresses, XXI, 372-79. 16 Sir John Davies, A Lotterie presented before the late Queenes Maiestie at the Lord Chancellors house. 1601, in Poetical Rhapsody, ed. Rollins, I, 242-46.

17 "Copy of some Papers belonging to the late Sir Roger Newdigate, Baronet (7 pages folio), lettered on the back, by a later hand, 'Entertainment of Q. Eliz. at Harefield, by the Countesse of Derby,*" in Nichols, Progresses, III, 588.

18 According to Neale, Elizabeth, p. 253, no marriage was the certain outcome by January 15 80, well over a year before the tilt. Emma Marshall Denkinger, "Some Renais­ sance References to Sic Vos Non Vobis," PQ, 10 (19 31), 151-62; and Ivan L. Schulze, "The Final Protest Against the Elizabeth-Alengon Marriage Proposal," MLN, 58 (1943), 54-57, discuss the "message" this tilt conveyed to the French marriage negotiators invited to it.

19 Henrie Goldwell, A briefe Declaration of the Shews, Devices, Speeches, and Inventions, done and performed before the Queen* s Majestie and~the French Ambassadours (London, 1581), In Nichols, Progresses, II, 313.

20 Thomas Churchyard, The whole Order howe our Soveraigne Ladye Queene Elizabeth was receyved into the Citie of Bristowe',' published with The Firste Parte of Churchyarde's Chippes (London, 1575), in Nichols, , Progresses, I, 405. 21 Sir John Davies, A Conference betweene a Gent. Huisher and a Post, before the Queene, at Mr. Secretarye1s House, in Nichols, Progresses, III, 76-78.

22 The Honorable Entertainment given to her Majestie, in Progresse, at Cowdray in Sussex, by the Right Honorable the Lord Montecute, anno 1591, August 15 (London, 1591) , in 226 Nichols, Progresses, III, 90. Lyly, Works, ed. Bond, I, 421-30, reprints a slightly different version and includes the entertainment’s poems. 2 2 Speeches delivered to her Majestie this last Progresse, at the Right Honourable the Lady Russel1s at Bissam; the Right Honourable the Lorde Chandos1 at Sudeley; and the Right Hon. the Lord Norris's at Ricorte TTbxford, 1592]), in Nichols, Progresses, III, 135. Lyly, Works, ed. Bond, I, 471-90, reprints a slightly different edition.

24 yhe Honorable Entertainment gieven to the Quene’s Majestie, in Progresse, at Elvetham in Hampshire, by the~ Right Hon*ble the Earle of Hertford, 1591 (London, 1591), in Nichols, Progresses, IIlT 112. Lyly, Wo r k s , ed. Bond, I, 431-52, reprints the first of three 1591 editions. Harry H. Boyle, "Elizabeth*s Entertainment at Elvetham: War Policy in Pageantry," S3?, 68 (1971), 146-66, suggests that the watershow is an allegory of the domestic and foreign situation after the Armada.

25 George Gascoigne, The Princely Pleasures at the Courte at Kenelwoorth (London, 1576), in Nichols, Progresses, I, 490. A second account is that of R. Laneham, A Letter: Whearin, part of the Entertainment, untoo the Queenz Majesty, at Killingworth Castl (n.p., n.d.), in Nichols, Progresses^ I 420-84. Subsequent references to the Kenilworth entertainment will indicate parenthetically the author of the account cited and the location of the reference in Nichols, Progresses. Kenilworth's influence on Spenser is treated by Baskerville, "Genesis"; Friedland, "A Source"; Greenlaw, "Mythology"; Hintz, "Elizabethan Entertainment"; and Staton, "’April.*" Bradbrook, "Drama as Offering," distinguishes such entertainments from drama in that they culminate in compliment, revealing both the actors and the chief spectator (p. 61); see also her Common Player, chs. 6 and 11.

26 Nichols, Progresses, I, 498, n. 1, quotes her com­ ments from a marginal note in the first edition of Gascoigne’s work and suggests its connection with the later scene. Since Gascoigne played the part of the Savage Man, he certainly would have heard her comment. Assuming she was referring to the accidental fright of her horse, rather than the flattery immediately preceding it, Gascoigne intends to atone for a real accident through fiction.

27 Orgel, Jonsonian Masque, esp. pp. 38-44, includes an especially insightful analysis of Elizabeth's rescue of the Lady of the Lake. He also notes, p. 41, that 227

Laneham's identification of Proteus as Arion is an error accepted by many modern commentators.

28 Gascoigne does not date this performance although he says the skirmish was planned for two days earlier (I, 501). Laneham places it on Monday, July 18 (X, 456), and notes that "Friday and Saterday wear thear no open sheawz abrode, becauz the weather enclynde too sum moyster and wynde" (I, 441).

OQ "The Queenes Majesties Entertainment at Woodstocke," ed. J. W. Cunliffe, P M L A , 26 (1911), 96-97. The first portion of this entertainment was translated into several languages by Gascoigne and presented to the Queen as a New Year's gift in 1576; see George Gascoigne, trans., The Tale of Hemetes the Heremyte, pronownced before the Queen1s Majesty att Woodstocke, 1575, in Nichols, Progresses, I, 557-99. The best full treatment of Lee and these entertainments is E. K. Chambers, Sir Henry Lee: An Elizabethan Portrait (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1936) . The entertainments are summarized in his Elizabethan Stage, III, 39 8-407. Yates, "Elizabethan Chivalry," relates the Woodstock entertainment to the Accession Day tilts. Woodstock's influence on Spenser is examined by Baskerville, "Genesis"; and Josephine Waters Bennett, The Evolution of "The Faerie Queene" (1942; rpt. New York: Burt Franklin, 1960).

30 »The Ditchley Entertainment," rpt. in Chambers, Lee, appendix E, p. 281. Questions about the authorship and location of the 1592 entertainment occupy Josephine Waters Bennett, "Churchyard’s Description of the Queen's Entertainment at Woodstock in 1592," MLN, 55 (1940), 391- 93, who supports Chamber's partial attribution to Richard Edes; and Clifford Leech, "Sir Henry Lee's Entertainment of Elizabeth in 1592," MLR, 30 (1935), 52-55, who confirms the location as the royal manor of Woodstock or perhaps Lee's own home at Ditchley, four miles away, rather than Bond's suggestion of Quarrendon.

31 Ben Jonson, Euery Man out of his Humour (London, 1600), in J onson , ed. Herford and Simpson, III, 599, 11. 1-7. See III, 602-3, for Jonson's apology.

32 Gesta Grayorum or the History of the High and Mighty Prince Henry Prince of Purpoole Anno Domini 1594, ed. Desmond Bland, English Reprints Series gen. ed. Kenneth Muir, No. 22 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1968), p. 82. Bland notes in his introduction, esp. pp. xxiv-xxv, that this kind of recreation for stu­ dents was encouraged as role-playing for their future 228 public positions. Orgel, Jonsonian Masque, devotes a chapter to this work, examining its strengths and locating it in the masque tradition.

33 George Peele, The Araygnement of Paris A Pastorall, ed. Harold H. Child, Malone Society Reprints, gen. ed. W. W. Greg (1584; rpt. n. p.: Oxford University Press for The Malone Society, 1910), sig. E3V . John D. Reeves, "The Judgment of Paris as a Device of Tudor Flattery," N&Q, 199 (1954), 7-11, lists appearances of this device from 1503 to 1601. His "Peele1s 'Arraignment' Again," N&Q, 201 (1956), 456, corrects Inga-Stina Ekeblad, "On the Back­ ground of Peele's 'Araygnement of Paris,'" N&Q, 201 (1956), 246-49, who notes its uses in reference to Elizabeth, An early instance of the motif involving the Queen's presence was at a 1566 wedding. The bride received the golden apple, but the poet-presenter maintained that he awarded it to her only to fulfill his commission since an unexpected fairer one, presumably the Queen, was apparent to all. The account is reprinted from manuscript in "Some Account of a Manuscript in Dr. Rawlinson's Collection in the Bodleian Library," The British Bibliographer, ed. [Samuel] Egerton Brydges and Joseph Haslewood, II (London:. R. Triphook, 1812), 612-17. The introduction to George Peele, The Araygnement of Paris, ed. R. Mark Benbow, in The Dramatic Works of George Peele, The Life and Works of George Peele, gen. ed. Charles Tyler Prouty, III (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970), emphasizes the synthetic nature of Peele's production. Henry G. Lesnick, "The Structural Significance of Myth and Flattery in Peele's Arraignment of Paris," SP, 65 (1968), 163-70, argues its structural unity and claims that its conclusion represents the Christian redemption, with Elizabeth recreating paradise. Andrew Von Hendy, "The Triumph of Chastity: Form and Meaning in The Arraignment of Paris,11 Renaissance Drama, N.S. 1 (1968) , 87-101, judges it by masque conventions.

Thomas Dekker, The Pleasant Comedy of Old Fortunatus (London, 1600), in Thomas Dekker, ed. Ernest Rhys, The Best Plays of the Old Dramatists in The Mermaid Series, ed. Havelock Ellis (London: Vizetelly & Co., 1887), p. 289.

33 Thomas Churchyard, Suffolk and Norfolk, in Nichols, Progresses, II, 203.

3® Sir Philip Sidney, The Lady Of May, in Miscellan­ eous Prose of Sir Philip Sidney, ed. Katherine Duncan- Jones and Jan Van Dorsten (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), p. 21, 1.7. The editors concisely introduce the text, pp. 13-20; see also Robert Kimbrough and Philip Murphy, "The 229

Helmingham Hall Manuscript of Sidney's The Lady of May: A Commentary and Transcription," Renaissance Drama, N.S. 1 (1968), 103-19. I agree with the former editors and with William A. Ringler, Jr., ed.. The Poems of Sir Philip Sidney (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962)', p. 363, who main­ tain that no wrong choice was possible for the Queen. Kimbrough and Murphy maintain that she chose correctly because she followed the arguments in the work; Orgel, Jonsonian Masque, pp. 53-55, and "Sidney's Experiment in Pastoral: The Lady of May," JWCI, 26 (1963), 198-203, believes that she chose incorrectly, following convention instead of Sidney's case. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Mercer, Eric. English Art, 1553-1625. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962.

Morris, Harry. Richard Barnfield, Colin's Child. Florida State University Studies, No. 38. Tampa: Florida State University, 1963.

Neale, J. E. "The Accession of Queen Elizabeth I." History Today, 3 (1953), 293-300.

______. "The Elizabethan Political Scene." Proceedings of the British Academy, 34 (1948), 97-117.

______. Essays in Elizabethan History. London: Jonathan Cape, 1958.

______. Queen Elizabeth I: A Biography. 1934; rpt. New York: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1957.

______, introd. The Quenes Majesties Passage through the Citie of London to Westminster the Day Before Her CoronacTon. Ed. James M. Osborn. 1559; rpt. New Haven: Yale University Press for the Elizabethan Club, 1960. 239

Nevo, Ruth. The Dial of Virtue: A Study of Poems on Affairs of State In the Seventeenth Century. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1963.

Norton, Dan S. "Queen Elizabeth's 'Brydale Day.'" MLQ", 5 (1944), 149-54.

O'Donoghue, Freeman M. A Descriptive and Classified Cata­ logue of Portraits of Queen Elizabeth. London: Bernard Quaritch, 1894.

Orgel, Stephen. The Illusion of Power: Political Theater in the English Renaissance. Berkeley: University of California Press, 19 75.

______. The Jonsonian Masque. Cambridge: Harvard Univer- sTty Press'^ 1965.

"The Poetics of Spectacle." New Literary History, 2 (1971), 367-89.

"Sidney's Experiment in Pastoral: The Lady of May." JWCI, 26 (1963), 198-203.

Padelford, F. M. "E. W. His Thameseidos." Shakespeare Association Bulletin, 12 (1937), 69-76.

Panofsky, Erwin. Studies in Iconology: Humanistic Themes in the Art of the Renaissance. 1939; rpt. New York: Harper & Row, 1962.

Phillips, James E., Jr. "The Background of Spenser's Attitude Toward Women Rulers." HLQ, 5 (1942), 5-32.

"The Woman Ruler in Spenser's Faerie Queene." HLQ, 5 (1942), 211-34.

Phillips, James Emerson. Images of a Queen: Mary Stuart in Sixteenth-Century Literature. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964.

Pinciss, Gerald M. "The Queen's Men, 1583-1592." Theater Survey, 11 (1970), 50-65.

Piper, D. The English Face. N.p.: Thames & Hudson, 1957.

Pollard, A. W., ed. The Queen's Majesty's Entertainment at Woodstock 1575 From the unique fragment of the edition of 1585, including the Tale of Hemetes the Hermit, and a Comedy in verse, probably by George Gascoigne. Oxford: H. Daniel and H. Hart, 1910. 240

Pollard, A. W. and Redgrave, G. R. A Short-title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, £ Ireland and of English Books Printed Abroad 1475-1640. Rev. by W. A. Jackson, F. S. Ferguson, and Katherine F. Pantzer. Vol. 2. 2nd ed. London: Bibliographical Society, 1976.

Pope-Hennessey, John. The Portrait in the Renaissance. Bollingen Series, No. 12. New York: Bollingen Foundation, 1966.

Praz, Mario. Mnemosyne: The Parallel Between Literature and the Visual Arts. Bollingen Series, No. 35, and A. W. Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts, No. 16. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1970.

Prouty, C. T. George Gascoigne: Elizabethan Courtier, Soldier, and Poet. New York: Columbia University Press, 1942.

Prouty, Charles and Prouty, Ruth. "George Gascoigne, The Noble Arte of Venerie, and Queen Elizabeth at Kenilworth." John Quincy Adams Memorial Studies, pp. 639-64. Ed. James G. McManaway, Giles E. Dawson, and Edwin E. Willoughby. Washington, D.C.: Folger Shakespeare Library, 1948.

Purdy, Mary Martha. "Elizabethan Literary Treatment of the Proposed Marriages of Queen Elizabeth." Diss. University of Pittsburgh 1928.

______. "Political Propaganda in Ballad and Masque." If by your art: Testament to Percival Hunt, pp. 264-9 3. Ed. Agnes Lynch Starrett. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 194 8.

Read, Conyers. "Good Queen Bess." American Historical Review, 31 (1926), 647-66.

Reese, Gertrude. "Political Import of The Misfortunes of Arthur." RES, 21 (1945), 81-91.

______. "The Question of the Succession in Elizabethan Drama." Studies in English, 22 (1942), 59-85.

Reeves, John D. "The Judgment of Paris as a Device of Tudor Flattery." N&Q, 199 (19 54), 7-11.

"Peelefs Arraignment' Again." N&Q, 201 (1956), 456. 241

Ribner, Irving. The English History Play in the age of Shakespeare. Rev. ed. London: Methuen, 1965.

"The Tudor History Play: An Essay in Definition." P M L A , 69 (1954), 591-609.

Righter, Anne. Shakespeare and the Idea of the Play. London: Chatto & Windus, 1962.

Ringler, William A., Jr. The Poems of Sir Philip Sidney. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962.

Robson-Scott, W. D. German Travellers in England: 1400- 1800. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 19 53.

Rosinger, Lawrence. "Spenser's Una and Queen Elizabeth." English Language Notes, 6 (1968), 12-17.

Rossiter, A. P. English Drama from Early Times to the Elizabethan: Its Background, Origins and Developments. London: Hutchinson, 1950.

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Salman, Phillips Cranston. Spenser1s Representation of Queen Elizabeth 1. Diss. Columbia University 1968. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1975.

Sandison, Helen E. "Eglantine of Meriflure." TLS, 6 July 1962,p . 493.

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______. "The Stigma of Print: A Note on the Social Bases of Tudor Poetry." Essays in Criticism, 1 (1951), 139-64.

Schulze, Ivan L. "Blenerhasset's A Revelation, Spenser's Shepheardes Calender, and the Kenilworth Pageants." ELH, 11 (1944), 85-91. 242

"Elizabethan Chivalry and the Faerie Queene*s Annual Feast." MLN, 50 (1935), 158-61.

______. "The Final Protest Against the Elizabeth-Alengon Marriage Proposal." MLN, 58 (1943), 54-57.

"Notes on Elizabethan Chivalry and The Faerie Queene." SP, 30 (1933), 148-59.

______. "Reflections of Elizabethan Tournaments in The Faerie Queene, 4.4 and 5.3." ELH, 5 (1938), 278-84.

______. "Spenser's Beige Episode and the Pageants for Leicester in the Low Countries, 1585-86." SP, 28 (1931), 235-40.

Scott, Mary Augusta. Elizabethan Translations from the Italian. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1916.

Smith, Edward O., Jr. "The Elizabethan Doctrine of the Prince as Reflected in the Sermons of the Episcopacy, 1559-1603." HLQ, 28 (1964), 1-17.

Smith, Hallett. Elizabethan Poetry; A Study in Conven­ tions , Meaning, and Expression. 1952; rpt. n.p.: University of Michigan Press, 1968.

Smith, Lacey Baldwin. Elizabeth Tudor: Portrait of a Queen. Boston: Little, Brown, 1975.

Staton, Walter F., Jr. "Spenser's 'April' Lay as a Dramatic Chorus." SP^ 59 (1962), 111-18.

Steadman, John M. "Iconography and Renaissance Drama: Ethical and Mythological Themes." Research Opportun­ ities in Renaissance Drama, 13-14 (1970-71), 73-122.

Stenberg, Theodore. "Elizabeth as Euphuist before Euphues." Studies in English, No. 8 (1928)/ pp. 65-78.

______. "More about Queen Elizabeth's Euphuism." Studies in English, No. 13 (1933), pp. 64-77.

Stone, Lawrence. "The Anatomy of the Elizabethan Aris­ tocracy." Economic History Review, 18 (1948), 1-53.

Strong, Roy C. "The Popular Celebration of the Accession Day of Queen Elizabeth I." JWCI, 21 (1958), 86-103.

______. Portraits of Queen Elizabeth 1^. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963. 243

______. "Queen Elizabeth I as Oriana." Studies in the Renaissance, 6 (1959), 251-60.

Slimmer son, John. Architecture in Britain: 1530-1830. Baltimore, Md.: Penguin, 1954.

Talbert, Ernest William. "The Interpretation of Jonson's Courtly Spectacles." PMLA, 61 (1946), 454-73.

______. The Problem of Order: Elizabethan Political Com­ monplaces and an Example of Shakespeare's Art. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1962.

Tillyard, E. M. W. The Elizabethan World Picture. 1943; rpt. New York: Vintage Books, n.d.

______. Shakespeare1s History Plays. 1944; rpt. New York: Collier Books, 19 62.

______. Some Mythical Elements in English Literature. London: Chatto & Windus, 19 61.

Trousdale, Marion. "A Possible View of Form." ELH, 40 (1973), 179-204.

Ure, Peter. "The Poetry of Sir Walter Ralegh." REL, 1 (1960), 19-29.

Von Hendy, Andrew. "The Triumph of Chastity: Form and Meaning in The Arraignment of Paris." Renaissance Drama, N.S. 1 (1968), 87-101.

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Waterhouse, Ellis K. Painting in Britain: 1530-1790. Baltimore, Md.: Penguin Books, 1953.

Welsford, Enid. The Court Masque: A Study in the Relation­ ship between Poetry &_ the Revels. 1927; rpt. New York: Russell & Russell, 1962.

White, Beatrice, comp. An Index to 'The Elizabethan Stage1 and 'William Shakespeare1 by Sir Edmund Chambers. 19 34; rpt. New York: Benjamin Blom, 19 68. 244

Wickham, Glynne. Early English Stages 1300 to 1660. 3 vols. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1959-72.

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______. "The Queen's Husband: Some Renaissance Views." Boston University Studies in English, 3 (1957), 133-38.

Wright, Louis B. "A Political Reflection in Phillip's Patient Grissell." RES, 4 (1928), 424-28.

Yates, Frances A. Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the Six­ teenth Century. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975.

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B. Representative Works in Praise of Queen Elizabeth

[Acheley, Thomas.] The Massacre of Money. 1602; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 817, n.d.

Arber, Edward. An English Garner: Ingatherings from our History and Literature. 7 vols. London and Birmingham: E. Arber, 1877-83.

The Arundel Harington Manuscript of Tudor Poetry. Ed. Ruth Hughey. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1960.

Ascham, Roger. The Schoolmaster. Ed. Lawrence V. Ryan. Ithaca, N. Y.: Cornell University Press for the Folger Shakespeare Library, 1967.

A[verell], W[illiam]. A meruailous combat of contrarieties. 1588; Ann Arbor, Mich” University Microfilms, STC reel 194, n.d.

[Aylmer, John.] An Harbor ow e for Faithfvll and Trevve Svbiectes. The English Experience, No. 423. 1559; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrvm Orbis Terrarvm, and New York: Da Capo Press, 19 72.

[B., G.] A Fig for the Spaniard, or Spanish Spirits. 1591; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 711, 1957.

B., R. A New Tragicall Comedie of Apius and Virginia. Ed. Ronald B. McKerrow. The Malone Society Reprints. Gen. ed. W. W. Greg. 1575; rpt. n.p.: The Malone Society, 1911. Bacon, Francis. The Letters and the Life of Francis Bacon including all his Occasional Works. Ed. James Spedding. 7 vols. London: Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts, 1861-74.

[Baldwin, William.] The Funeralles of King Edward the sixt. VVherin are declared the causers and causes of his death. 1560; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 195, n.d.

Bale, John. John Bale1s King Johan. Ed. Barry B. Adams. San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1969. 246

Ballads from Manuscripts. Ed. Frederick J. Furnivall and W. R. Morfill. 2 vols. London: Taylor for The Ballad Society, 1868-72, and Hertford: Stephen Austin & Sons for The Ballad Society, 1873.

Barnfield, Richard. Poems. Ed. Edward Arber. The English Scholar's Library, No. 14. Birmingham, England: n. pub., 1882.

Bfastard], T[homas]. Chrestoleros. Seuen bookes of Epi- grames. 1598; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 376, 1949.

Black, L. G. "A Lost Poem by Queen Elizabeth I." TLS, 23 May 19 68, p. 535.

Blenerhasset, Thomas. A Reuelation of the True Minerva. Xntrod. Josephine Waters Bennett. 15 82; facsimile rpt. New York: Scholars' Facsimiles & Reprints, 1941.

Bossewell, John. Workes of Armorie. The English Experi­ ence, No. 145. 1572; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1969.

Bradbrook, M. C., comp. The Queen1s Garland. London: Oxford University Press, 1953.

Breton, Nicholas. The Works in Verse and Prose of Nicholas Breton. Ed. Alexander B. Grosart. 2 vols. The Chert- sey Worthies' Library. 1879; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1967.

Bright, James W. and Mustard, Wilfred P. "Pan's Pipe, Three Pastoral Eclogues, with other Verses, by Francis Sabie (1595)." MP, 7 (1910), 7-32.

The British Bibliographer. Ed. [Samuel] Egerton Brydges. 4 vols. London: R. Triphook, 1810-14.

Broadside Black=Letter Ballads, Printed in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Ed. J. Payne Collier. 1868; rpt. New York: Burt Franklin, 1968.

Brooke, Tucker. "William Gager to Queen Elizabeth." SP, 29 (1932), 160-75.

Bulwer, James. "Harford Bridges." Norfolk Archaeology, 7 (1872), 213-14. 247

Byrchensha, Raph. A Discovrse occasioned vpon the late defeat, giuen to the Arch-rebels, Tyrone and Odonnell, by the right Honourable the Lord Mountioy. 1602? Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 1127, n.d.

Captain Thomas Stukeley. [Ed. John S. Farmer.] Old English Drama: Students' Facsimile Edition. 1605? rpt. [Amersham, England: John S. Farmer, 1913.]

[Cartwright, Thomas], trans. A full and plaine declaration of Ecclesiasticall Discipline. tAt'trib. to Walter Travers.] 1574? Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Micro­ films, STC reel 334, 1945.

C[ecil], R[obert], comp. The Copie of a Letter to . . . the Earle of Leycester. 1586? Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 212, n.d.

Certaine Sermons or Homilies Appointed to be Read in Churches In the Time of Queen Elizabeth T ri547-1571): A Facsimile Reproduction of the Edition of 1623. Ed. Mary Ellen Rickey and Thomas B. Stroup. 1623? facsimile rpt. Gainesville, Florida: Scholars' Facsimiles & Reprints, 1968.

Chambers, E. K. Sir Henry Lee: An Elizabethan Portrait. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 19 36.

Chapman, George. The Poems of George Chapman. Ed. Phyllis Brooks Bartlett. New York: Modern Language Assn. of America, 1941.

Churchyard, Thomas. The Miserie of Flavnders, Calamitie of Fraunce, Misfortune of Portugall, Vnguietness of Ire- lande, Troubles of Scotlande: And the blessed State of Englande. 1579? Huntington Library"Microfilm_Photo- stat, 1947.

______. A pleasante Laborinth called Churchyardes Chance. 1580: Ohio State University Library Film 1-14, filmed by Henry E. Huntington Library.

A Collection of Seventy-Nine Black=Letter Ballads and Broadsides, Prxnted in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, Between the Years 1559 and 1597. 2nd issue. London: Joseph Lilly, 1870. 248

Collman, Herbert L., ed. Ballads & Broadsides chiefly Of the Elizabethan Period And Printed in Bla~ck=Letter Most~~of which were formerly in the Heber Collection and are now in the Library at Britwell Court Buckinghamshire. 1912; rpt. New York: Burt Franklin, 19 71.

Constable, Henry. The Poems of Henry Constable. Ed. Joan Grundy. Liverpool English Texts and Studies. Gen. ed. Kenneth Muir. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1960.

Conway, John. Meditations and Praiers. [1570?]; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 491, 1952.

Copley, Anthonie. A Fig for Fortune. Publications of the Spenser Society, No. 35. N.p.: The Spenser Society, 1883.

Cunliffe, J. W. , ed. "The Queenes Majesties Entertainment at Woodstocke." PMLA, 26 (1911), 92-141.

Daniel, Samuel. The Works of Samvel Daniel. 1601; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 985, n.d.

Davies, John. A private mans potion, for the health of England. 1591; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Micro­ films, STC reel 880, n.d.

Davies, Sir John. Orchestra or A Poem of Dancing. Ed. E. M. W. Tillyard. London: Chatto & windus, 1945.

______. The Poems of Sir John Davies. Ed. Robert Krueger and Ruby Nemser. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975.

Daye, Angell. Daphnis and Chloe: The Elizabethan Version from Amyot1s Translation. Ed. Joseph Jacobs. London: David Nutt, 1890.

Dekker, Thomas. The Shoemaker1s Holiday. Ed. Paul C. Davies. Berkeley; University of California Press, 1968.

______. Thomas Dekker. Ed. Ernest Rhys. The Best Plays of the Old Dramatists in the Mermaid Series. Ed. Havelock Ellis. London: Vizetelly & Co., 1887.

De Malynes, Gerrard. Saint George for England, Allegori­ cally described. 1601; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 812, n.d. 249

Derricke, John. The Image of Ireland. 1581; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 922, n.d.

Donne, John. The Satires, Epigrams and Verse Letters. Ed. W. Milgate. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967.

Drayton, Michael. Idea The Shepheardes Garland. Photo­ reproduction of the Britwell Library copy. N.d., n.p., n. pag.

______. The Works of Michael Drayton. Ed. J. William Hebei. 5 vols. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1931-41.

Early English Poetry, Ballads, and Popular Literature of the Middle Ages. Edited from Original Manuscripts and Scarce Publications. Vols. 1 and 2. London: The Percy Society, 1840-41.

Edwards, [Richard]. The excellent Comedie of two the moste faithfullest Freendes, Damon and Pithias. Ed. Arthur Brown. The Malone Society Reprints. Gen. ed. F. P. Wilson. 1571; rpt. n.p.: The Malone Society, 1957.

Elizabethan England in Gentle and Simple Life. Ed. Alexan­ der B. Grosart. St. George's, Blackburn: priv. printed, 1881.

Elizabethan Sonnets. Ed. Sir Sidney Lee. 2 vols. 1904; rpt. New York: Cooper Square Publishers, 1964.

Englands Helicon edited from the edition of 1600 with additional poems from the edition of 1614. Ed. Hugh MacDonald. 1949; rpt. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962.

Fellowes, E. H., ed. English Madrigal Verse: 1588-1632. Rev. and enl. Frederick W. Sternfield and David Greer. 3rd ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967.

Ferne, John. The Blazon of Gentrie. The English Experi­ ence, No. 513. 1586; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1973.

Florio, John. His firste Fruites. The English Experience, No. 95. 1578; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1969.

______. A Woride of Wordes. 1598; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 540, 1953. 250

Foxe, John. The Acts and Monuments of John Foxe. Ed. George Townsend. 8 vols. [1843-49!; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1965.

Fugitive Tracts Written in Verse which illustrate the condition of Religious and Political Feeling in England and the State of Society there during Two Centuries. Ed. William Carew Hazlitt. 2 vols. London: Chiswick Press, 1875.

Fulwell, Ulpian. The Flower of Fame. 1575; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 294, n.d.

Gascoigne, George. The Complete Works of George Gascoigne. Ed. John W. Cunliffe. 2 vols. Cambridge:" University Press, 1907-10.

[Gascoigne, George, attrib. Turbervile1s Booke of hunting 1576. 1576; rpt. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 190871

Gesta Grayorum or the History of the High and Mighty Prince Henry Prince of Purpoole Anno Domini 1594. Ed. Desmond Bland. English Reprints Series, No. 22. Gen. ed. Kenneth Muir. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1968.

Glover, Alan, comp. Gloriana1s Glass: Queen Elizabeth 1^ reflected in verses & dedications addressed to her, reports concerning her! and 'her'"own words written £ spoken. N.p., England: Nonesuch Press! T1953].

Googe, Barnabe, trans. The Popish Kinqdome, or reigne of Antichrist, written in Latxne verse by Thomas Naogeorgus. Introd. Robert Charles Hope. 1570; rpt. London: Charles Whittingham for the editor, 1880.

Gorges, Sir Arthur. The Poems of Sir Arthur Gorges. Ed. Helen Estabrook Sandison. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953. Gosson, Stephan. The Shoole [sic] of Abuse. The English Experience, No. 523". T579; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1972.

Greene, Robert. Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay. Ed. Daniel Seltzer. Regents Renaissance Drama Series. Gen. ed. Cyrus Hoy. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1963. 251

Hake, Edward. A Commemoration of the most prosperous and peaceable Raigne of our gratious and deere Soueraigne Lady Elizabeth. TT575] ; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 546, 1953.

Hakluyt, Richard. The Principall Navigations, Voiages and Discoveries of the English nation. 2 vols. 15 89; facsimile rpt. Cambridge: University Press for the Hakluyt Society and the Peabody Museum of Salem, 1965.

The Harleian Miscellany: A Collection of Scarce, Curious, and Entertaining Pamphlets and Tracts, as well in manuscript as m print. Vol. X. Being the Second Supplemental Volume of Miscellaneous Pieces, not included in the Former Edition^ Ed. Thomas Park. Vol. 10. London: White and Cochrane; John Murray; and John Harding, 1813.

The Historie of France: The Foure First Bookes. 1595; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 544, 1953.

Histrio=Mastix. Ed. John S. Farmer. Tudor Facsimile Texts. 1610; facsimile rpt. 1912; rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1970.

Hooker, Richard. Of^ The Lavves of Ecclesiastical! Politie. The English Experience, No. 3 9 (T! 1594; facsimi 1 e rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1971.

Howson, John. A Sermon Preached at St . Maries in Oxford, the 17.Day of November, 1602. in defence of the Festiv­ ities of the Church of England, and namely that of her Majesties Coronation. 1602; Ann Arbor, Mich.: UnX- versity Microfilms, STC reel 1072, n.d.

The humble petition of the communaltie to their most renowned and gracious Soueraigne, the Ladie Elizabeth. N.d.; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 496, 1952.

Ingelend, Thomas. The Dramatic Writings of Richard Wever and Thomas Ingelend. Ed. John S. Farmer. Early English Dramatists. London; Early English Drama Society, 1905.

James I. Basilikon Doron. 1603; Ann Arbor, Mich.: Univer­ sity Microfilms, STC reel 558, 1953. 252

Jonson, Ben. Ben Jonson. Ed. C. H. Herford and Percy Simpson. 11 vols. 1925-52? rpt. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1954.

Junius Hornanus, Hadrianus, trans. The Lyves, of Philoso­ phers and Oratours; Written in Greeke, by Eunapius, of the Cittie of Sardeis in Lydia. 1579; Ann Arbor, MTch.: University Microfilms, STC reel 342, 1948.

Kendall, Timothy. Flowers of Epigramines. 1577; rpt. n.p. : The Spenser Society, T874.

Keymis, Lawrence. A Relation of the second Voyage to Guiana. The English Experience, No. 65. 1596; facsimile rpt. Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 196 8.

Kyd, Thomas. The Works of Thomas Kyd. Ed. Frederick S. Boas. 1901? rpt. with supp. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962.

Kyffin, Maurice. The Blessednes of Brytaine, or A Celebra­ tion of the Queenes Holyday. 15 87? Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 346, 1948; and 1588; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 254, n.d.

A Lamport Garland from the Library of Sir Charles Edmund Isham Bart. Comprising Four Unique Works Hitherto Unknown. London: J. B. Nichols and Sons for the Rox- burghe Club, 1881.

The Last Fight of the Revenge at Sea. Ed. Edward Arber. English Reprints, No. 29. London: Edward Arber, 1871.

L[ea], J[ames], trans. An Answer to the Vntrvthes, Pvb- lished and Printed in Spaine. The English Experience, No. 189. 1589? Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, and New York: Da Capo Press, 1969.

Leslie, John. A Treatise of Treasons against Q. Elizabeth. English Recusant Literature 1558-1640, No. 254. Ed. D. M. Rogers. 1572; facsimile rpt. London: Scholar Press, 1975.

Lewkenor, Lewes, trans. The Resolved Gentleman. 1594; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 1177, n.d. 253

L'isle, William, trains. Babilon, A Part of the Seconde Weeke of Gvillavme de Salvste Seigneyr dv Bartas. 1595; Ann Arbor, Mich.! University Microfilms, STC reel 352, 1948.

Lloyd, Lodowick. Certaine Englishe Verses, presented vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, by a Courtier. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 573, 1954.

______. The pilgrimage of Princes. N.d.? Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 335, 1945.

______. The Triplicitie of Triumphes. 1591; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 380, 1949.

Lodge, Thomas and Greene, Robert. A Looking Glasse for London and England. Ed. Tetsumaro Hayashi. Metuchen, N . ■J.: Scarecrow Press, 1970.

L[ok], Hlenrie], Ecclesiastes, Otherwise Called the Preacher. 159 7; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Micro­ films , STC reel 336, 1945.

Lupton, Thomas. A Persuasion from Papistrie. 1581; Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, STC reel 408, 1949.

Lyly, John. The Complete Works of John Lyly. Ed. R. Warwick Bond. 3 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1902.

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