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The African National Congress Centenary: a Long and Difficult Journey
The African National Congress centenary: a long and difficult journey RAYMOND SUTTNER* The current political pre-eminence of the African National Congress in South Africa was not inevitable. The ANC was often overshadowed by other organiza- tions and there were moments in its history when it nearly collapsed. Sometimes it was ‘more of an onlooker than an active participant in events’.$ It came into being, as the South African Native National Congress (SANNC)," in $&$", at a time of realignment within both the white and the conquered black communities. In the aftermath of their victory over the Boers in the South African War ($(&&-$&#"), the British were anxious to set about reconciling their former enemies to British rule. This included allowing former Boer territories to continue denying franchise and other rights to Africans, thus disappointing the hopes raised by British under- takings to the black population during the war years. For Africans, this ‘betrayal’ signified that extension of the Cape franchise, which at that time did not discrimi- nate on racial grounds, to the rest of South Africa was unlikely. Indeed, when the Act of Union of $&$# transferred sovereignty to the white population even the Cape franchise was open to elimination through constitutional change—and in course of time it was indeed abolished. The rise of the ANC in context From the onset of white settlement of Africa in $*/", but with particular intensity in the nineteenth century, land was seized and African chiefdoms crushed one by one as they sought to retain their autonomy. The conquests helped address the demand for African labour both by white farmers and, after the discovery of diamonds and gold in $(*% and $((* respectively, by the mining industry.' * I am indebted to Christopher Saunders and Peter Limb for valuable comments, and to Albert Grundlingh and Sandra Swart for insightful discussions. -
37532 3-2 Icasa Layout 1
Government Gazette Staatskoerant REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA REPUBLIEK VAN SUID-AFRIKA Vol. 586 Pretoria, 3 April 2014 No. 37532 N.B. The Government Printing Works will not be held responsible for the quality of “Hard Copies” or “Electronic Files” submitted for publication purposes AIDS HELPLINE: 0800-0123-22 Prevention is the cure 401408—A 37532—1 2 No. 37532 GOVERNMENT GAZETTE, 3 APRIL 2014 IMPORTANT NOTICE The Government Printing Works will not be held responsible for faxed documents not received due to errors on the fax machine or faxes received which are unclear or incomplete. Please be advised that an “OK” slip, received from a fax machine, will not be accepted as proof that documents were received by the GPW for printing. If documents are faxed to the GPW it will be the sender’s respon- sibility to phone and confirm that the documents were received in good order. Furthermore the Government Printing Works will also not be held responsible for cancellations and amendments which have not been done on original documents received from clients. CONTENTS • INHOUD Page Gazette No. No. No. GENERAL NOTICE Independent Communications Authority of South Africa General Notice 266 Electronic Communications Act (36/2005): Party Election Broadcasts (PEBs) during 2014 election broadcast period ............................................................................................................................................................................. 3 37532 This gazette is also available free online at www.gpwonline.co.za STAATSKOERANT, 3 APRIL 2014 No. 37532 3 GENERAL NOTICE NOTICE 266 OF 2014 IC INDEPENDENT COMMUNICATIONS AUTHORITY OF SOUTH AFRICA PARTY ELECTION BROADCASTS (PEBs) DURING 2014 ELECTION BROADCAST PERIOD I, DR Stephen Mncube, Chairperson of the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa ("the Authority") here by publish, the schedule to monitor Party Election Broadcasts (PEBs)during the election broadcast period in terms of Sections 56, 57, 58 and 59 of the Electronic Communications Act No. -
Analysing National Freedom Party V Electoral Commission and Another
afrika focus — Volume 33, Nr. 1, 2020 — pp. 49-58 IMPLICATIONS OF THE FAILURE TO PAY THE REQUIRED ELECTORAL DEPOSIT IN SOUTH AFRICA: ANALYSING NATIONAL FREEDOM PARTY V ELECTORAL COMMISSION AND ANOTHER Angelo Dube Department of Public, Constitutional and International Law, University of South Africa, South Africa The right to participate in elections is one of the cornerstones of any democratic country. This is true of South Africa’s electoral process, which was put to the test in the case of National Freedom Party v Electoral Commission in 2016. To promote free and fair elections, certain safeguards must be put in place. These include notifying the Electoral Commission of an intention to participate in elections through the payment of a deposit on a specified date by the party intending to participate in elections, and the publication of an election timetable by the government. This research has found that once published, the Electoral Commission has no power to change the electoral timetable. The only remedy for a party that fails to comply with the electoral prescripts such as the payment of an electoral deposit lies under section 11(2)(a) of the South African Local Government: Municipal Electoral Act. Additionally, it found that the concept of free and fair elections takes into account the interests of all parties concerned, and not just that of the party that alleges unfairness stemming from the exclusion. Whilst the exclusion of a party can lead to the violation of certain fundamental rights, such as the right to regular free and fair elections, and the right to vote, it is important to note that this case clearly establishes the legal position that a party’s failure to comply with the legal prescripts, will bar that political party from obtaining a remedy for exclusion. -
Country Fact Sheet, Democratic Republic of the Congo
Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Country Fact Sheet DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO April 2007 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents 1. GENERAL INFORMATION 2. POLITICAL BACKGROUND 3. POLITICAL PARTIES 4. ARMED GROUPS AND OTHER NON-STATE ACTORS 5. FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS ENDNOTES REFERENCES 1. GENERAL INFORMATION Official name Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Geography The Democratic Republic of the Congo is located in Central Africa. It borders the Central African Republic and Sudan to the north; Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania to the east; Zambia and Angola to the south; and the Republic of the Congo to the northwest. The country has access to the 1 of 26 9/16/2013 4:16 PM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/Country Fact... Atlantic Ocean through the mouth of the Congo River in the west. The total area of the DRC is 2,345,410 km². -
Survey: English
Household Selection Procedure Start your walk pattern from the starting point indicated on the EA map. For each interview start walking in a different direction from the starting point. In other words: for the 1st interview walk in a northerly direction from the starting point, for the 2nd interview walk in the direct opposite direction (i.e. South), for the 3rd interview go at right angles to the direction of the 1st interview (i.e. go East or West), and for the 4th interview go in the direct opposite direction to the 3rd interview (i.e. East if you went West in the 3rd interview, or West if you went East in the 3rd interview). Use an interval of 10 houses between your starting point and the first house that you visit. If a call is unsuccessful, use the table below to record your progress until you make a successful call. Circle a code number for unsuccessful calls only. Continue walking and going to every 10 th house until you have a successful interview. Reasons for Unsuccessful Calls 5 H HH 1 HH 2 HH 3 HH 4 HH H 6 HH 7 HH 8 HH 9 HH HH 10 HH 11 HH 12 HH 13 HH 14 HH 15 HH 16 HH 17 HH 18 HH 19 HH 20 HH Refused to be interviewed 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Person selected was never at home 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 Household / Premises empty / inaccessible 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 for the survey period Not a South African citizen / spoke only a foreign 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 language Deaf / mute 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 Other (specify)___________________________ 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 Successful 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 A. -
Political Parties: What Are They Good For?
December 2019 Political Parties: What Are They Good For? An Essay Collection on Democracy Lee Drutman, Didi Kuo, Lilliana Mason, Sheri Berman, Lily Geismer, Sam Rosenfeld, John Kane, Daniel Schlozman, Julie Wronski, & Mark Schmitt Last edited on December 11, 2019 at 10:18 a.m. EST Acknowledgments This report originated as individual posts on the Vox blog “Polyarchy," based on a selection of papers prepared for a conference organized by Didi Kuo. The resulting series was edited by Lee Drutman, Mark Schmitt, and Didi Kuo. Many thanks to Vox editor Tanya Pai for her editorial work and facilitation help. Thanks to our New America communication team, Maria Elkin, Joe Wilkes, Joanne Zalatoris, LuLin McArthur, and Alison Yost, for their help preparing this report; to Monica Estrada for her help with footnotes; and to Elena Souris for packaging the report. newamerica.org/political-reform/reports/political-parties-good-for/ 2 About the Author(s) or full participatio John V. Kane is an assistant professor at New York owth to the Am Lee Drutman is a senior fellow in the Political Reform University’s Center for Global Affairs. His research program. areas include political partisanship and ideology, public opinion and behavior, political psychology, foreign policy, and quantitative research methods. Didi Kuo is a fellow in the Political Reform program and manages the Program on American Democracy in Comparative Perspective at Stanford University's Daniel Schlozman is Joseph and Betha Bernstein Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Associate Professor of Political Science at Johns Law. Didi Kuo published her first book, Clientelism, Hopkins University. -
ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS SUBMISSION to Justice Moseneke Inquiry on Free and Fair Local Government Elections During COVID: 02 July 2021
ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS SUBMISSION TO Justice Moseneke Inquiry on Free and Fair Local Government Elections during COVID: 02 July 2021 A. Introduction 1. Section 19 of the Constitution says, “every citizen is free to make political choices, which includes the right— (a) to form a political party; (b) to participate in the activities of, or recruit members for, a political party; and (c) to campaign for a political party or cause”. 2. To enable this important Constitutional Clause, Section 190(1) of the Constitution obliges the Independent Electoral Commission as an institution designated to strengthen constitutional democracy to do the following: a. Manage elections of national, provincial, and municipal legislative bodies in accordance with national legislation. b. Ensure that those elections are free and fair. 3. We are here to make a submission that if the Local Government Elections scheduled for the 27th of October 2021 proceed under the current conditions, they will NOT BE FAIR, WILL NOT BE FREE AND WILL NOT BE HEALTHY. 4. Proceeding with elections in October 2021 will violate section 190(1 of the CONSTITUTION, which stipulates that the INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL COMMISSION must “ENSURE THAT THOSE ELECTIONS ARE FREE AND FAIR”. 5. WE AS LEADERS OF POLITICAL PARTIES, OUR MEMBERS AND BRANCHES ALWAYS LIVE UNDER THE THREAT OF BEING ARRESTED FOR VIOLATING THE DISASTER MANAGEMENT ACT. 6. If the SAPS proceed with arresting EFF leaders for violating the Disaster Management Act, it means the entire leadership and membership of the EFF will be arrested because if elections proceed, we will have no choice but to call political gatherings. -
Competition for the ANC WP Dominant Party Losing Youth and Poorer Sections of South African Population
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Comments Competition for the ANC WP Dominant Party Losing Youth and Poorer Sections of South African Population Melanie Müller S South Africa’s governing party, the African National Congress (ANC), will elect a new president in December 2017. This person will also stand for the office of President of South Africa at the beginning of 2019 when President Jacob Zuma reaches the maximum number of two consecutive terms allowed by the country’s constitution. It is currently unclear whether he can finish his final term. Since the dismissal of finance minister, Pravin Gordhan, resistance against Zuma has reached a new climax. A broad alliance of civil society groups, trade unions and party representatives, even some from within his own party, have called for his resignation. Although these protests are aimed directly at Zuma, the causes of the dissatisfaction lie deeper. The ANC has not been able to success- fully address the country’s social challenges. In addition, corruption and mismanage- ment have shaken confidence. For a long time, the former liberation movement was considered the only party to vote for by the black population. In the past four years, how- ever, the ANC has faced serious competition from the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF). Given the loss of meaning of the ANC, the South African party system is changing. In the 2014 parliamentary elections, the network. However, the ANC did not succeed ANC failed to achieve a two-thirds majority in overcoming social injustice in South – for the first time in the history of demo- Africa, as promised. -
Party Politics in Kenya and South Africa: the Conundrum of Ethnic and Race Relations
Open Access Library Journal 2020, Volume 7, e6383 ISSN Online: 2333-9721 ISSN Print: 2333-9705 Party Politics in Kenya and South Africa: The Conundrum of Ethnic and Race Relations John Rabuogi Ahere Peace Studies, School of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences, University of New England, Armidale, Australia How to cite this paper: Ahere, J.R. (2020) Abstract Party Politics in Kenya and South Africa: The Conundrum of Ethnic and Race Relations. Since the colonial period, group identity has affected politics in Kenya and Open Access Library Journal, 7: e6383. South Africa. Ethnicity and race are used to explain many issues in both https://doi.org/10.4236/oalib.1106383 countries including party politics. This article examines the linkages between Received: April 30, 2020 ethnic and race relations in the activities of political parties in both countries. Accepted: May 19, 2020 The article finds that ethnicity and race are endemic to the nature and opera- Published: May 22, 2020 tions of political parties in Kenya and South Africa. As a result, most political Copyright © 2020 by author(s) and Open parties formulate policies and allocate public goods and national resources Access Library Inc. along ethnic and racial lines in a bid to satisfy their support bases so as to This work is licensed under the Creative achieve and maintain political power. Commons Attribution International License (CC BY 4.0). Subject Areas http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Open Access Conflict Management, Conflict Prevention, Peace Studies Keywords Ethnicity, Race, Political Parties, Kenya, South Africa 1. Introduction With the advent of decolonisation, the greatest challenge for African leaders was in transferring their people’s tribal loyalties to the state, which would hencefor- ward serve as a multi-ethnic unifying factor (Keller 2014, p. -
19 May 2021 By-Election Candidate List Candidate Province Municipality Ward / PR Party
19 May 2021 By-election Candidate List Province Municipality Ward / PR Party Candidate Eastern Cape EC122 - Mnquma 21202028 AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS PHUMZILE MICHAEL MBOVANE Eastern Cape EC122 - Mnquma 21202028 ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS ZAMIKAYA DYANI Eastern Cape EC124 - Amahlathi 21204011 AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS SIZEKA CYNTHIA MATINI Eastern Cape EC124 - Amahlathi 21204011 ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS NOMANGESI SPOPO Eastern Cape EC135 - Intsika Yethu 21305017 AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS THULISWA MGUDLWA Eastern Cape EC135 - Intsika Yethu 21305017 ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS BULELWA JULIA MGUMANE-MPISI Eastern Cape EC154 - Port St Johns 21504003 AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS MAKHOSANDILE BENNI MADOTYENI Eastern Cape EC154 - Port St Johns 21504009 AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS SIPHIWO NDABENI Eastern Cape EC154 - Port St Johns 21504003 ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS REJOYCE NYAMEKA MBENGO Eastern Cape EC154 - Port St Johns 21504009 ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS SOLETHU GQWETA Eastern Cape EC154 - Port St Johns 21504003 UNITED DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT JOHN JAMES VAN DER BYL Eastern Cape EC154 - Port St Johns 21504009 UNITED DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT NOZAMILE PATIENCE NDAMASE Eastern Cape EC157 - King Sabata Dalindyebo 21507034 AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS LIEMAKATSO CONSTANCE MOLAKALAKA Eastern Cape EC157 - King Sabata Dalindyebo 21507034 AFRICAN TRANSFORMATION MOVEMENT VUYOKAZI NTSHONGWANA Eastern Cape EC157 - King Sabata Dalindyebo 21507034 ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS LULAMILE FAKU Eastern Cape EC157 - King Sabata Dalindyebo 21507034 UNITED DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT SYLVESTER -
State of the World's Minorities and Indigenous Peoples 2016 (MRG)
State of the World’s Minorities and Indigenous Peoples 2016 Events of 2015 Focus on culture and heritage State of theWorld’s Minorities and Indigenous Peoples 20161 Events of 2015 Front cover: Cholitas, indigenous Bolivian Focus on culture and heritage women, dancing on the streets of La Paz as part of a fiesta celebrating Mother’s Day. REUTERS/ David Mercado. Inside front cover: Street theatre performance in the Dominican Republic. From 2013 to 2016 MRG ran a street theatre programme to challenge discrimination against Dominicans of Haitian Descent in the Acknowledgements Dominican Republic. MUDHA. Minority Rights Group International (MRG) Inside back cover: Maasai community members in gratefully acknowledges the support of all Kenya. MRG. organizations and individuals who gave financial and other assistance to this publication, including the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland. © Minority Rights Group International, July 2016. All rights reserved. Material from this publication may be reproduced for teaching or other non-commercial purposes. No part of it may be reproduced in any form for Support our work commercial purposes without the prior express Donate at www.minorityrights.org/donate permission of the copyright holders. MRG relies on the generous support of institutions and individuals to help us secure the rights of For further information please contact MRG. A CIP minorities and indigenous peoples around the catalogue record of this publication is available from world. All donations received contribute directly to the British Library. our projects with minorities and indigenous peoples. ISBN 978-1-907919-80-0 Subscribe to our publications at State of www.minorityrights.org/publications Published: July 2016 Another valuable way to support us is to subscribe Lead reviewer: Carl Soderbergh to our publications, which offer a compelling Production: Jasmin Qureshi analysis of minority and indigenous issues and theWorld’s Copy editing: Sophie Richmond original research. -
The United Democratic Front and Township Revolt ^ South Africa
THE UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT AND TOWNSHIP REVOLT ^ SOUTH AFRICA MARK SWILLING Introduction Recent years have witnessed the revival of organised mass opposition to Apartheid. Fighting in the townships, labour unrest, classroom revolts, rent strikes, consumer boycotts, worker stayaways and guerilla warfare - all these have become familiar features of South Africa's political landscape since 1976. From the inception of the United Democratic Front (UDF) in 1983, though, radical black opposition has assumed an increasingly organised form thus enhancing its power and effectiveness. : This paper will argue that since the inception of the UDF, black resistance in South Africa has become increasingly effective because of the UDF's capacity to provide a national political and ideological centre. However, it will also be argued that the contemporary:history of township revolt was not due to strategies formulated And implemented by the. UDF's national leadership. Instead, with the exception of the crucially important election boycotts of 1984, the driving force of black resistance that has effectively immobilised the'coercive and reformist actions of the state has emanated from below as communities responded to their absymal urban living conditions. The result was the development and expansion of local struggles and organisations throughout the country. As these local struggles spread and coalesced, the UDF played a critical role in articulating common national demands for the dismantling of the Apartheid state. In so doing, the black communities have been drawn into a movement predicated on the notion that the transfer of political power to the representatives of the majority is a precondition for the realisation of basic economic demands such as decent shelter, cheap transport, proper health care, adequate education, the right to occupy land and the right to a decent and steady income.