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Accountability for Killings in Ukraine from January 2014 to May 2016 Contents
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Accountability for killings in Ukraine from January 2014 to May 2016 Contents Paragraphs Page Executive summary ............................................................................................ 3 I. Introduction ....................................................................................................... 1-5 5 II. Legal framework ................................................................................................ 6-18 5 A. Applicable international law ...................................................................... 6-17 5 1. International human rights law ........................................................... 6-13 5 2. International humanitarian law............................................................ 14-15 7 3. International criminal law .................................................................. 16-17 8 B. National legislation .................................................................................... 18 8 III. Killings and violent deaths in the context of assemblies ...................................... 19-28 8 A. Violence of January–February 2014 during the Maidan events .................... 20-24 9 B. Violence of 2 May 2014 in Odesa .............................................................. 25-27 10 C. Other assemblies marked by violent deaths ................................................ 28 10 IV. Killings in the context of armed conflict in eastern Ukraine ................................ 29-57 -
Memory of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Post-Soviet Ukraine
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS STOCKHOLMIENSIS Stockholm Studies in History 103 Reordering of Meaningful Worlds Memory of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army in Post-Soviet Ukraine Yuliya Yurchuk ©Yuliya Yurchuk, Stockholm University 2014 Södertörn Doctoral Dissertations 101 ISSN: 1652-7399 ISBN: 978-91-87843-12-9 Stockholm Studies in History 103 ISSN: 0491-0842 ISBN 978-91-7649-021-1 Cover photo: Barricades of Euromaidan. July 2014. Yuliya Yurchuk. Printed in Sweden by US-AB, Stockholm 2014 Distributor: Department of History In memory of my mother Acknowledgements Each PhD dissertation is the result of a long journey. Mine was not an exception. It has been a long and exciting trip which I am happy to have completed. This journey would not be possible without the help and support of many people and several institutions to which I owe my most sincere gratitude. First and foremost, I want to thank my supervisors, David Gaunt and Barbara Törnquist-Plewa, for their guidance, encouragement, and readiness to share their knowledge with me. It was a privilege to be their student. Thank you, David, for broadening the perspectives of my research and for encouraging me not to be afraid to tackle the most difficult questions and to come up with the most unexpected answers. Thank you, Barbara, for introducing me to the whole field of memory studies, for challenging me to go further in my interpretations, for stimulating me to follow untrodden paths, and for being a source of inspiration for all these years. Your encouragement helped me to complete this book. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 2012, No.39
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE: l Russia’s “soft power with an iron fist” – page 3 l The Ukrainian minority in Poland, 1944-1947 – page 9 l Tennis championships at Soyuzivka – page 11 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXX No. 39 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 2012 $1/$2 in Ukraine Foreign Relations Ukraine’s 2012 parliamentary elections: Committee approves Two parties that might make the cut Tymoshenko resolution by Zenon Zawada Special to The Ukrainian Weekly WASHINGTON – A resolution intro- duced by U.S. Sen. Jim Inhofe (R-Okla.), a KYIV – Polls indicate that at least four member of the Senate Foreign Relations political parties will qualify for the 2012 Committee, and co-sponsored by U.S. Verkhovna Rada. Another two parties have Sen. Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), Senate majori- a chance of surpassing the 5 percent ty whip, on September 19 unanimously threshold on election day, October 28: the passed the Senate Foreign Relations Ukraine – Forward! party launched by Luhansk oligarch Natalia Korolevska and Committee. The resolution, S. Res. 466, the Svoboda nationalist party launched by calls for the unconditional release of Oleh Tiahnybok. political prisoner and former Ukrainian At the moment, however, both parties Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. would fail to qualify. Ukraine – Forward! “Tymoshenko was a key revolution- would earn 4 percent of the votes for ary in Ukraine’s 2004 Orange closed party lists, while Svoboda would get Revolution and is a pro-Western reform- about 3.8 percent, according to a poll er,” said Sen. -
Ukraine Doesn't Need Aid. It Needs Land Reform
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 11/18/2019 11:28:22AM tit cl m * V, 25 .r November 17, 2019 Topic: Security Region: Eurasia Tags: Ukraine, Weapons, War, Aid, Russia Ukraine Doesn't Need Aid. It Needs Land Reform. Ukraine remains one of six nations in the world where selling land is forbidden. It shares this dubious distinction with North Korea, Cuba, Venezuela, Tajikistan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. by Andriy Radchenko By using this website, you agree to our use of cookies. This use includes personalization of content and ads, and traffic analytics. Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 11/18/2019 11:28:22AM Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 11/18/2019 11:28:22 AM W v h © 15,238 Votes Does Donald Trump deserve 4 more years? Yes No I'm not sure Promoted Content ince the 2014 Maidan Revolution and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the United States and its partners have provided billions of dollars of financial aid to Ukraine. SBut Ukraine doesn’t need more money from the United States. It’s a wealthy country. What Ukraine needs is America’s assistance in unleashing its own natural wealth, much of which is currently locked up in the country’s land. Ukraine remains one of six nations in the world where selling land is forbidden. It shares this dubious distinction with North Korea, Cuba, Venezuela, Tajikistan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. As newly inaugurated President Volodymyr Zelensky identifies priorities for his administration, the United States has an opportunity to support reforming Ukraine’s land ownership system. -
Poisoned by Gas: Institutional Failure, Energy Dependency, and Security
POISONED BY GAS: INSTITUTIONAL FAILURE, ENERGY DEPENDENCY, AND SECURITY EMILY J. HOLLAND SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2017 © 2017 EMILY J. HOLLAND ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT POISONED BY GAS: INSTITUTIONAL FAILURE, ENERGY DEPENDENCY, AND SECURITY EMILY J. HOLLAND Many states lack domestic access to crucial energy supplies and must deal with the challenge of formulating an energy security policy that informs their relations with energy producing states. While secure and uninterrupted access to energy is crucial to state security and welfare, some states fail to implement energy security policies and remain dangerously dependent on a foreign supplier. In the post-Soviet region many states even actively resist attempts by the European Union and others to diversify their supplies. Why and under what conditions do states pursue energy security? Conversely, why do some highly dependent states fail to maximize their security vis-à-vis a dominant supplier? I argue that that to understand the complex nature of energy dependence and security it is necessary to look beyond energy markets to domestic political capture and institutional design. More specifically, I argue that initial reform choices guiding transition had long-lasting affects on the ability to make coherent policy choices. States that did not move away from Soviet era property rights empowered actors with an interest in maintaining the status quo of dependence. Others that instituted de facto democratic property rights to guide their energy transitions were able to block energy veto players and move towards a security maximizing diversification policy. -
Human Rights Impact Assessment of the Covid-19 Response on the Territory of Ukraine
HUMAN RIGHTS IMPACT ASSESSMENT OF THE COVID-19 RESPONSE ON THE TERRITORY OF UKRAINE July 2020 Cover photo: © Міністерство охорони здоров’я України / CC BY-SA (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0) Table of contents I. Introduction 3 II. Executive Summary 5 III. Methodology 8 IV. Brief Country Information 9 V. Incidence of COVID-19 in Ukraine 12 VI. The Ukrainian Authorities’ Response to COVID-19 and Its Impact on Human Rights 14 VII. The Occupying Authorities’ Response to COVID-19 in Russian-Occupied Crimea and Sevastopol and Its Impact on Human Rights 42 VIII. The so-called DPR/LPR Authorities’ Response to COVID-19 and its Impact on Human Rights 46 IX. Summary of Key Findings 49 X. Recommendations 53 2 I. Introduction In December 2019, a new type of viral respiratory infection was recorded in Wuhan – a city in the eastern Hubei province of China. By the end of January 2020, the World Health Organisation (WHO) had confirmed that a new type of coronavirus – named 2019-nCoV or COVID-19 – had emerged and was capable of human-to-human transmission. At the start of February 2020, COVID-19 had already spread to 18 countries, infecting nearly 8000 people, leading the WHO to declare a ‘Public Health Emergency of International Concern’. By 11 March 2020, COVID-19 had infected 118 000 and killed 4 291 people across 114 countries, and was declared a global pandemic. On the same day, the WHO Director General instructed all countries to prepare hospitals and public health infrastructure, clearly explain the risks and mechanics of transmission to the public, protect and train health workers and reduce transmission by effectively testing, tracking, tracing and isolating.1 At the time of writing, nearly 12 million people have tested positive for COVID-19 worldwide, leading to 550 000 deaths.2 Governments around the world have responded to the COVID-19 pandemic by imposing restrictions on movement, banning public gatherings, closing educational institutions and imposing varying forms of quarantine or self-isolation. -
Report to the Ukrainian Government on the Visit to Ukraine
CPT/Inf (2015) 3 Report to the Ukrainian Government on the visit to Ukraine carried out by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT) from 18 to 24 February 2014 The Ukrainian Government has requested the publication of this report and of its response. The Government’s response is set out in document CPT/Inf (2015) 4. Strasbourg, 13 January 2015 - 2 - CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................................ 4 I. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................... 7 A. Dates of the visit and composition of the delegation .............................................................. 7 B. Context of the visit and establishments visited ...................................................................... 7 C. Consultations held by the delegation, co-operation encountered and post-visit dialogue .. 11 II. FACTS FOUND DURING THE VISIT AND ACTION PROPOSED .............................. 12 A. Treatment of persons apprehended by or with the authorisation, support or acquiescence of law enforcement officials ......................................................... 12 1. Persons apprehended during the public order operations of 19-23 January and of 18-21 February 2014 in Kyiv ............................................................................... 12 2. Persons apprehended during the public order operations of 26-27 -
The Months of Ukrainian Protests Labelled As “Maidan” Have Captured the World News Media with Vivid Pictures of Shooting, Fire and Barricades
Who are the protesters in Ukraine? The months of Ukrainian protests labelled as “Maidan” have captured the world news media with vivid pictures of shooting, fire and barricades. But who are the protesters and how did it all begin? Ukrainian revolt started in November 2013 when the protestors, mostly students and professionals from Kiev, protested against the failure to sign the Association Agreement with the with the European Union. Protesters gathered at the Maidan (in Ukrainian = Square) of Independence in the Centre of Kiev and remained for the rest of the night. The name of the square lent its signature to the months of protest that followed, which became known simply as “Maidan”, or "EuroMaidan". On the 30 th November a force from the Bierkut (internal police) arrived and brutally beat the unarmed students who were sleeping in the square and one was killed. The next day thousands of people came to Maidan of Independence to protest against the violence. They demanded that the assailants should be called to justice and the Minister of Internal Affairs resign. There was no reaction from the Government. The spurious reason given by the authorities for the treatment of the protesters was that they were preventing the erection of the official Christmas tree in the square, something which no-one believed. From that time onwards the campers on the square started to organise themselves and to escalate their demands to include the release of political prisoners, protection from police violence and the release of Julia Timoshenko (an opposition politician imprisoned by the current regime on charges of tax evasion). -
The EU and Ukraine: Hapeless but Not Hopeless
>> POLICY BRIEF ISSN: 1989-2667 Nº 141 - NOVEMBER 2012 The EU and Ukraine: hapless but not hopeless Natalia Shapovalova and Balazs Jarabik Since his democratic victory in 2010, Ukrainian President Viktor >> Yanukovych has asserted his control over Ukraine’s political system by arresting leaders of the opposition, restricting freedom of assembly and HIGHLIGHTS speech and allegedly enriching himself and his close circle in the process. This has jeopardised Ukraine’s declared goal of European integration and • The October polls exposed has pushed the country into greater isolation from the West. Ukraine's corrupted political Last October’s parliamentary elections were meant to be a litmus test for system, but also the democracy in Ukraine. Amidst allegations of fraud in some districts, the resilience of Ukrainian polls exposed the abuse of power and corruption present in Ukraine's society to an illiberal political political system. However, the results also demonstrated some level of regime. resilience against an illiberal political regime. The opposition did better • The incumbent Party of than expected and must now use its gains wisely to resist further regime consolidation by building on popular discontent with the ruling party. Regions will have to ally with The future is uncertain: the country's further democratisation is in the independent candidates to hands of Ukrainians. As for the EU, it is also facing its own litmus test in form a narrow majority in its relations with Ukraine. Its room for manoeuvre is squeezed between Parliament. the Ukrainian opposition’s calls for sanctions and the need for dialogue with the Yanukovych government. -
Two Years of Operation of the Verkhovna Rada of 8Th Convocation: Legislative Capacity and Law-Making Process
TWO YEARS OF OPERATION OF THE VERKHOVNA RADA OF 8TH CONVOCATION: LEGISLATIVE CAPACITY AND LAW-MAKING PROCESS SUMMARY Judging by two-year law-making efficiency and legislative capacity indices, the Verkhovna Rada of 8th convocation looks somewhat better than the 7th convocation Rada, but is inferior to the parliaments of earlier convocations. The efficiency coefficient of the current parliament (the share of adopted draft laws in the total number of registered drafts) is just 11%. In terms of specific holders of the right to legislative initiative, the President’s efficiency (81%) is much higher than that of the MPs (7%) or the Government (29%). The law-making efficiency coefficient of every single faction is similarly low, ranging from the lowest figure of 3.6% (the Opposition Bloc) to the highest of 13.8% (the Radical Party). During the two-year period, the individual law- making efficiency of 99 MPs was at zero level: they initiated dozens of drafts none of which became a law. On the whole, female MPs displayed a somewhat higher law-making efficiency compared to male MPs: 11% and 7%, respectively. Deputies elected on the basis of political party lists were twice as efficient as those elected in majority districts: 10% vs. 5%. The main reason for the low level of the parliament’s law-making efficiency of the parliament consists in the excessively high number of draft laws registered by the People’s Deputies. During the first two years of operation of the 8th convocation Verkhovna Rada, the MPs registered twice as many draft laws compared to their colleagues who had been working in the faraway parliament of 3rd convocation. -
Faltering Fightback: Zelensky's Piecemeal Campaign Against Ukraine's Oligarchs – European Council on Foreign Relations
POLICY BRIEF FALTERING FIGHTBACK: ZELENSKY’S PIECEMEAL CAMPAIGN AGAINST UKRAINE’S OLIGARCHS Andrew Wilson July 2021 SUMMARY Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, has declared a “fightback” against oligarchs. Zelensky is motivated by worries about falling poll ratings, pressure from Russia, and a strong desire for good relations with the Biden administration. The fightback campaign has resulted in action against some oligarchs but, overall, it is incomplete. The government still needs to address reform issues in other areas, especially the judiciary, and it has an on-off relationship with the IMF because of the latter’s insistence on conditionality. The campaign has encouraged Zelensky’s tendency towards governance through informal means. This has allowed him to act speedily – but it risks letting oligarchic influence return and enabling easy reversal of reforms in the future. Introduction On 12 March this year, Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelensky, released a short appeal on YouTube called “Ukraine fights back”. He declared that he was preparing to take on those who have been undermining the country – those who have exploited Ukraine’s weaknesses in particular, including its frail rule of law. He attacked “the oligarchic class” – and named names: “[Viktor] Medvedchuk, [Ihor] Kolomoisky, [Petro] Poroshenko, [Rinat] Akhmetov, [Viktor] Pinchuk, [Dmitry] Firtash”. He proceeded to address the oligarchs directly, asking, “Are you ready to work legally and transparently?” The president went on, “Or do you want to continue to create monopolies, control the media, influence deputies and other civil servants? The first is welcome. The second ends.” Ukrainians have heard this kind of talk before. Zelensky’s predecessor, Poroshenko, also made ‘de- oligarchisation’ a policy pledge. -
The Euromaidan in Ukraine November 2013 Till February 2014
13 / 2014 The EuroMaidan in Ukraine November 2013 till February 2014 Guest Editors Carmen Scheide, Ulrich Schmid (St.Gallen) | downloaded: 26.9.2021 Kiev 2014 © Sergiy Glasgo Online Journal of the Center for Governance and Culture in Europe https://doi.org/10.7892/boris.106073 University of St. Gallen URL: www.gce.unisg.ch, www.euxeinos.ch ISSN 2296-0708 source: Center for Governance and Last Update 17 March 2014 LANDis & GYR Culture in Europe STIFTung University of St.Gallen Contents The EuroMaidan in Ukraine, November 2013 till February 2014 3 Editorial by Carmen Scheide and Ulrich Schmid, St.Gallen Maidan 2013 in Kiev: Revolution in People’s Heads 5 by Kyril Savin, Kiev EuroMaidan: Context and Meanings 9 by Andriy Portnov, Berlin EuroMaidan in Dnipropetrovsk: Problems and Peculiarities 15 by Victoria Narizhna EuroMaidan in Lviv: A View From the Inside 20 by Pavlo Ostrovs‘kyj, Lviv Laws are for “Suckers”, not for “Big Shots” 26 by Larysa Denysenko, Kiev The Writers and the Maidan 32 by Alexander Kratochvil, Prague Crimean Passions Around EuroMaidan: An Active Pro-European Minority of Crimeans Against the Autonomous Republic’s Pro-Eurasian Authorities and an Ambivalent Majority 37 by Andrij Ivanec‘ The Blood For Yanukovych 46 by Oksana Syroyid EuroMaidan. Chronology of Events 52 by Alexander Kratochvil and Carmen Scheide Publishing Information/Contact 56 Euxeinos 13 (2014) 2 The EuroMaidan in Ukraine November 2013 till February 2014 he events in Ukraine have unfolded very Another complicating factor is Russia’s Trapidly over the past few months. Initially, imperial claim to this part of the country, it looked as if President Yanukovych could sit which only was incorporated into Ukraine in out the crisis.