Security Cooperation and Challenges
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Israel: Alternative Regional Options in a Changing Middle East
Report June 2013 Israel: alternative regional options in a changing Middle East By Yossi Alpher1 Executive summary Today Israel confronts broad regional security challenges reminiscent of those it faced in the early decades of its existence. Then it responded to the threat posed by the hostile Arab states that surrounded it by developing the “periphery doctrine”. It formed strategic ties with Iran, Turkey and other non-Arab, non- Muslim or geographically distant Arab states and minorities that shared its concerns. The original periphery doctrine ground to a halt between 1973 and 1983 and was in many ways replaced by the Arab-Israel peace process, both bilateral and multilateral. Eventually, the failure to register significant progress toward a solution of the Palestinian issue blunted this momentum. Currently Israel sees itself increasingly ringed by hostile Islamists in Egypt, Gaza, southern Lebanon and probably Syria, as well as non-Arab Turkey and Iran. Once again it confronts the spectre of regional isolation. But it is far better equipped than in the past to deal with a hostile ring of neighbours. Its policy options include not only a “new periphery” (Azerbaijan, Cyprus, Greece and Ethiopia, among others), but also the projection of both soft (particularly economic) and hard power, a search for accommodation with political Islam beginning with Hamas in Gaza, and a partial or comprehensive two-state solution agreement with the West Bank-based PLO. Introduction hostile Arab states motivated by Arab nationalism and led Today Israel confronts broad regional security challenges by Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser. These neighbouring that in some ways are reminiscent of those it faced in the countries were smarting from a string of military defeats at early decades of its existence. -
Israel: Growing Pains at 60
Viewpoints Special Edition Israel: Growing Pains at 60 The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mideasti.org The maps on pages 96-103 are copyright The Foundation for Middle East Peace. Our thanks to the Foundation for graciously allowing the inclusion of the maps in this publication. Cover photo in the top row, middle is © Tom Spender/IRIN, as is the photo in the bottom row, extreme left. -
Elections 2006 CANDIDATES for CONGRESSIONAL DIST
! J 8 Elul 5766 On the web at: www.jvhri.org September 1, 2006 A glimpse into Lebanon Israelis speak on war; annual campaign begins By J onathan Rubin [email protected] PROVJDENCE - Jona than Marcus's summer break ended abruptly on July 12; he was sining on a beach on the coast of Israel when a fe llow soldier told him that H ezbollah had just killed and kidnapped soldiers on the Lebanese border. Soon he and his troops were being shipped north. Marcus, 21, entered the Israeli Defense Forces shortly after making aliyah in 2002. He was trained A MEMBER OF THE INDIA N CONTINGENT OF UNIFIL, the UN peacekeeping force, drinks an early for operations in hilly Lebanon, morning cup of tea as his comrades keep watch at a lookout near Kibbutz Manara near the Lebanese but never thought he'd need it. "-<>101,y-.u,..,•ut,,,, border. Aug. 26. JONATHAN MARCUS, staff Marcus, originally from sergeant of the Israel Defense Denver, gave a briefing of what Forces, spoke at an Israel fund Olmert fights to keep power it was like to fight in the Leba raising event in Pr:,vidence on non \.Var II .it events l\londay Monday. By Lc,lie Susser In an impassioned speech panel under a former Mossad to raise funds for Israel. The first event was held for those JERUSALDI UTA) M onday night in I laifa, O lmcrt summer, when camp.1igner,; ,It who had been to Israel on - A protei,t, continue againsl announced the establishment of theJcwi,;h Fedcution of Rhode" N EWS ANALYSIS Jewish Federation missions, tht: ~-crnment ·, conduct ofthe three les~er panels rather than l,;land were preparin.'!: for the and the second, for physicians w.u .i~a1n.\t I fe7l:,olb.h, Prime the full-Acdgcd state commis chief, Nahum Admoni, would September Lmnch of their S-U and medical professionals. -
Why Does Israel Support the Kurdish Independence? Publish Date: 01/10/2017
Artical Name : Isolating Threats Artical Subject : Why does Israel Support the Kurdish Independence? Publish Date: 01/10/2017 Auther Name: Mona Soliman Subject : 9/30/2021 3:40:09 PM 1 / 2 The statement of the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, issued supporting the independence of the Kurdistan region, revealed that the Israeli position runs contrary to most regional and international powers opposing the referendum. Tel Aviv seeks to use Iraqi Kurdistan to pressure Iran, incite the Kurds in Iran, Syria and Turkey to secede and create a geographical buffer zone against Iran. The Israeli stance is inseparable from the history of close cooperation between Israel and Iraqi Kurds.Secession¶s SponsorshipThere are several indicators, which demonstrate Israel¶s support for the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan: 1. Official statements: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu voiced, more than once, his support for the secession of Iraqi Kurdistan from Iraq and the creation of a Kurdish State in the North of the country. In a speech in 2014 at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv, Netanyahu called the Kurds ³a nation of fighters [who] have proved political commitment and are worthy of independence´a statement that angered Baghdad at that time. He also reaffirmed his stance during a meeting with a delegation from the US Congress, on August 13, 2017, stressing that he backs Iraqi Kurdistan¶s independence from Iraq, because the Kurdish people are brave and loyal to the West, as well as they share the same values with Israel. On the other hand, the Kurds cheered those remarks by raising the Israeli flag during their demonstrations in favor of independence in Erbil and several European capitals, where there are Kurdish communities such as Paris, Brussels and Berlin.In addition, several Israeli politicians declared their support for the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan from Iraq. -
Israeli Involvement in Central America Nothing New Deborah Tyroler
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiCen Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 2-4-1987 Israeli Involvement In Central America Nothing New Deborah Tyroler Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen Recommended Citation Tyroler, Deborah. "Israeli Involvement In Central America Nothing New." (1987). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen/395 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiCen by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 077181 ISSN: 1089-1560 Israeli Involvement In Central America Nothing New by Deborah Tyroler Category/Department: General Published: Wednesday, February 4, 1987 * For the majority of Americans Irangate provided the first hint of Israeli military involvement with the contras. However, Israel's support of reactionary governments and other groups in Central America is nothing new. That nation has provided arms to the military, advice and training to police forces, and sophisticated counter-insurgency techniques to Central American dictatorships for at least 30 years. Israel has not broadcast its role in Central America, nor has the mainstream US media considered Tel Aviv's actions in the region worthy of consistent coverage. Torn between gaining the good will of the American right-wing, on the one hand, and with offending liberals, on the other, Israel has opted for a low profile. In part, Tel Aviv's reaction to the Iran-contragate revelations stems from fear that the full story of Israel's role in Central America will become widely known. -
Index to the US Department of State Documents Collection, 2010
Description of document: Index to the US Department of State Documents Collection, 2010 Requested date: 13-May-2010 Released date: 03-December-2010 Posted date: 09-May-2011 Source of document: Freedom of Information Act Officer Office of Information Programs and Services A/GIS/IPS/RL US Department of State Washington, D. C. 20522-8100 Fax: 202-261-8579 Notes: This index lists documents the State Department has released under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) The number in the right-most column on the released pages indicates the number of microfiche sheets available for each topic/request The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file. The public records published on the site were obtained from government agencies using proper legal channels. Each document is identified as to the source. Any concerns about the contents of the site should be directed to the agency originating the document in question. GovernmentAttic.org is not responsible for the contents of documents published on the website. -
Israeli History
1 Ron’s Web Site • North Shore Flashpoints • http://northshoreflashpoints.blogspot.com/ 2 • http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wb6IiSUx pgw 3 British Mandate 1920 4 British Mandate Adjustment Transjordan Seperation-1923 5 Peel Commission Map 1937 6 British Mandate 1920 7 British Mandate Adjustment Transjordan Seperation-1923 8 9 10 • Israel after 1973 (Yom Kippur War) 11 Israel 1982 12 2005 Gaza 2005 West Bank 13 Questions & Issues • What is Zionism? • History of Zionism. • Zionism today • Different Types of Zionism • Pros & Cons of Zionism • Should Israel have been set up as a Jewish State or a Secular State • Would Israel have been created if no Holocaust? 14 Definition • Jewish Nationalism • Land of Israel • Jewish Identity • Opposes Assimilation • Majority in Jewish Nation Israel • Liberation from antisemetic discrimination and persecution that has occurred in diaspora 15 History • 16th Century, Joseph Nasi Portuguese Jews to Tiberias • 17th Century Sabbati Zebi – Declared himself Messiah – Gaza Settlement – Converted to Islam • 1860 Sir Moses Montefiore • 1882-First Aliyah, BILU Group – From Russia – Due to pogroms 16 Initial Reform Jewish Rejection • 1845- Germany-deleted all prayers for a return to Zion • 1869- Philadelphia • 1885- Pittsburgh "we consider ourselves no longer a nation, but a religious community; and we therefore expect neither a return to Palestine, nor a sacrificial worship under the sons of Aaron, nor the restoration of any of the laws concerning a Jewish state". 17 Theodore Herzl 18 Theodore Herzl 1860-1904 • Born in Pest, Hungary • Atheist, contempt for Judaism • Family moves to Vienna,1878 • Law student then Journalist • Paris correspondent for Neue Freie Presse 19 "The Traitor" Degradation of Alfred Dreyfus, 5th January 1895. -
Parliamentary Debates House of Commons Official Report General Committees
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES HOUSE OF COMMONS OFFICIAL REPORT GENERAL COMMITTEES Public Bill Committee NATIONAL SECURITY AND INVESTMENT BILL First Sitting Tuesday 24 November 2020 (Morning) CONTENTS Programme motion agreed to. Written evidence (Reporting to the House) motion agreed to. Motion to sit in private agreed to. Examination of witnesses. Adjourned till this day at Two o’clock. PBC (Bill 210) 2019 - 2021 No proofs can be supplied. Corrections that Members suggest for the final version of the report should be clearly marked in a copy of the report—not telephoned—and must be received in the Editor’s Room, House of Commons, not later than Saturday 28 November 2020 © Parliamentary Copyright House of Commons 2020 This publication may be reproduced under the terms of the Open Parliament licence, which is published at www.parliament.uk/site-information/copyright/. 1 Public Bill Committee24 NOVEMBER 2020 National Security and Investment Bill 2 The Committee consisted of the following Members: Chairs: SIR GRAHAM BRADY,†DEREK TWIGG † Aiken, Nickie (Cities of London and Westminster) † Onwurah, Chi (Newcastle upon Tyne Central) (Lab) (Con) † Tarry, Sam (Ilford South) (Lab) † Baynes, Simon (Clwyd South) (Con) † Tomlinson, Michael (Lord Commissioner of Her † Bowie, Andrew (West Aberdeenshire and Majesty’s Treasury) Kincardine) (Con) † Western, Matt (Warwick and Leamington) (Lab) Fletcher, Katherine (South Ribble) (Con) Whitehead, Dr Alan (Southampton, Test) (Lab) † Wild, James (North West Norfolk) (Con) Flynn, Stephen (Aberdeen South) (SNP) † Zahawi, -
Israel and Turkey: from Covert to Overt Relations
Israel and Turkey: From Covert to Overt Relations by Jacob Abadi INTRODUCTION Diplomatic relations between Israel and Turkey have existed since the Jewish state came into being in 1948, however, they have remained covert until recently. Contacts between the two countries have continued despite Turkey's condemnation of Israel in the UN and other official bodies. Frequent statements made by Turkish officials regarding the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian dilemma give the impression that Turco-Israeli relations have been far more hostile than is actually the case. Such an image is quite misleading, for throughout the years political, commercial, cultural and even military contacts have been maintained between the two countries. The purpose of this article is to show the extent of cooperation between the two countries and to demonstrate how domestic as well as external constraints have affected the diplomatic ties between them. It will be argued that during the first forty years of Israel's existence relations between the two countries remained cordial. Both sides kept a low profile and did not reveal the nature of these ties. It was only toward the end of the 1980s, when the international political climate underwent a major upheaval, that the ties between the two countries became official and overt. Whereas relations with Israel constituted a major problem in Turkish diplomacy, Israeli foreign policy was relatively free from hesitations and constraints. For Israeli foreign policy makers it was always desirable to establish normal relations with Turkey, whose location on the periphery of the Middle East gave it great strategic importance. -
Defence and Security After Brexit Understanding the Possible Implications of the UK’S Decision to Leave the EU Compendium Report
Defence and security after Brexit Understanding the possible implications of the UK’s decision to leave the EU Compendium report James Black, Alex Hall, Kate Cox, Marta Kepe, Erik Silfversten For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1786 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif., and Cambridge, UK © Copyright 2017 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: HMS Vanguard (MoD/Crown copyright 2014); Royal Air Force Eurofighter Typhoon FGR4, A Chinook Helicopter of 18 Squadron, HMS Defender (MoD/Crown copyright 2016); Cyber Security at MoD (Crown copyright); Brexit (donfiore/fotolia); Heavily armed Police in London (davidf/iStock) RAND Europe is a not-for-profit organisation whose mission is to help improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org www.rand.org/randeurope Defence and security after Brexit Preface This RAND study examines the potential defence and security implications of the United Kingdom’s (UK) decision to leave the European Union (‘Brexit’). -
Camp David's Shadow
Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2015 © 2015 Seth Anziska All rights reserved ABSTRACT Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska This dissertation examines the emergence of the 1978 Camp David Accords and the consequences for Israel, the Palestinians, and the wider Middle East. Utilizing archival sources and oral history interviews from across Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, the United States, and the United Kingdom, Camp David’s Shadow recasts the early history of the peace process. It explains how a comprehensive settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict with provisions for a resolution of the Palestinian question gave way to the facilitation of bilateral peace between Egypt and Israel. As recently declassified sources reveal, the completion of the Camp David Accords—via intensive American efforts— actually enabled Israeli expansion across the Green Line, undermining the possibility of Palestinian sovereignty in the occupied territories. By examining how both the concept and diplomatic practice of autonomy were utilized to address the Palestinian question, and the implications of the subsequent Israeli and U.S. military intervention in Lebanon, the dissertation explains how and why the Camp David process and its aftermath adversely shaped the prospects of a negotiated settlement between Israelis and Palestinians in the 1990s. In linking the developments of the late 1970s and 1980s with the Madrid Conference and Oslo Accords in the decade that followed, the dissertation charts the role played by American, Middle Eastern, international, and domestic actors in curtailing the possibility of Palestinian self-determination. -
Who's Making UK Foreign Policy?
Who’s making UK foreign policy? PAUL WILLIAMS* Foreign policy is not made in a political vacuum but is shaped by domestic factors (such as public opinion), globalizing pressures (such as communications technologies), integrative tendencies (especially within the European Union) and transnational forces (such as lobbying from NGOs). The logic underlying the UK’s foreign policy process, however, has changed remarkably little over the past century. Ideally, ministers, officials and outsiders with relevant expert- ise should formulate policy on the basis of informed discussion of the possible alternatives and after taking due account of the relevant history and precedents, the positions of the institutions involved and the legality of what is proposed. Once formulated, policy needs to be interpreted by official agents and imple- mented in order to achieve the desired objectives. During all three phases, policy also needs to be presented or ‘sold’ to a variety of audiences both at home and abroad. Formulation, interpretation, implementation and presenta- tion are thus integral stages of the policy-making process; indeed, it is often difficult to judge where one stops and another begins. The combination of actors, institutions and external pressures involved in this process vary depend- ing on the issue in question, but this ideal of how to make policy appears to have remained constant. It is also possible to identify some general characteristics of the process in the UK that apply irrespective of which political party is in office. First, while the same goals and commitments can persist for long periods, foreign policy- making is best conceptualized as a dynamic process that exists in a dialectical relationship with the outside world.