Emotional States: Marriage and the Pursuit of Happiness in East and West Germany, 1949–1989
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Emotional States: Marriage and the Pursuit of Happiness in East and West Germany, 1949–1989 Oscar Magnus Ax Stragnas, Sweden M.A., Uppsala University, Sweden, 2008 B.A., Uppsala University, Sweden, 2006 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Virginia August, 2015 ii ©Copyright Oscar M. Ax All Rights Reserved August 2015 iii ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the institution of marriage in East and West Germany from 1949 to 1989. It traces the attempts by state representatives, religious organizations, and a wide variety of other groups to shape the meaning of marriage in the postwar period. I argue that changes in people’s views and behavior related to the institution of marriage were not fundamentally influenced by the ideologies of East and West Germany. Instead, other forces, active on both sides of the Iron Curtain, caused the general changes in people’s attitudes toward marriage in the forty years this study covers. I show how these shifts were the result of phenomena such as consumerism and growing individualism rather than a consequence of religiously and politically motivated attempts to change people’s lives. I further demonstrate how the East and West German states were very similar in their conservative approach to marriage, their opposing political systems and ideological differences notwithstanding. Contrary to previous studies on marriage in modern Germany, this dissertation pays special attention to the role emotions played in people’s imagination of a happy life with a partner. I show how in the early postwar years, marriage experts were more interested in rational decision-making and ensuring that people chose the “right” partner than they were in spouses’ emotional bonds. By the 1980s, though, virtually all experts were convinced that romantic love needed to be the foundation on which a happy marriage is built. Finally, whereas East and West Germans followed many of the same traditions and slow transformations in their changing views on married life, they differed in one key aspect by the end of the Cold War. Although marriage was still popular among East Germans in the 1970s and 1980s, it was generally not considered to be the supreme iv form of relationship it had once been. Marriage also lost ground in the Federal Republic, but its almost mystical powers as an institution binding people together for life never quite disappeared from the imagination of West Germans. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Dissertation writing is an inherently solitary activity. At the same time, it would be almost impossible without the support of friends and the criticism, insights, and help from other scholars. I am delighted to have the opportunity to thank the many people and institutions without whose contributions this study would not have been possible. My graduate advisor at the University of Virginia, Alon Confino, warrants special recognition. He welcomed me as a student from abroad, stood by the project, wrote references, and opened doors. Alon’s imagination and perceptive ways of looking at the past is why I came to write about marriage and happiness in the first place. In times of doubt, he helped me move past hurdles – personal as well as academic – we all run into at one time or another. I am greatly indebted to him. I would also like to thank Allan Megill, whose seminars, criticism, and always astute comments have made an enormous impact on my academic development. Lenard Berlanstein, who sadly passed away in 2013, has been, and will continue to be, an inspiration for me in my academic endeavors. I am deeply indebted to Sophia Rosendfeld who has written countless letters of recommendation on my behalf, been exceptionally supportive of me, and whose insightful reading of my work and suggestions how to improve it cannot be emphasized enough. I would like to thank Ekaterina Makarova for her valuable comments and for introducing me to some of the sociological perspectives on which this study depends. Throughout the various stages of this project, I have benefitted greatly from feedback at various conferences and seminars. John Lyons and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation gave me the opportunity to present and discuss early drafts at the Summer Seminar on Poetics and Modern Emotion. The German Historical Institute in vi Washington, D.C., the University of Virginia Center for German Studies, and a Huskey Travel Grant made it possible to present my ideas at a number of conferences. I received tremendous assistance from a number of institutions and foundations. Fellowships from the Fulbright Foundation and the Sweden-America Foundation made it possible for me to pursue a doctoral degree in the United States to begin with. They not only provided financial assistance, but also helped in many other ways on my many trips between Charlottesville and Stockholm. In particular I would like to mention Monica Dahlén for always lending a helping hand. At University of Virginia, the Dumas Malone Foundation and Institute of Humanities and Global Cultures offered generous research funding. Stephen A. Schuker and the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation deserve equal acknowledgment for their support. A fellowship from the Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD) enabled me to conduct one year of archival research in Germany. I was also lucky to be awarded a one semester Foreign Research Fellowship from the University of Virginia Graduate School of Arts & Sciences for further research in German archives. During my time in Germany, I had the pleasure of getting to know and work with many wonderful people. Ute Frevert at the Max Planck Institute for Human Development was kind enough to invite me to participate in the Institute’s colloquia on the history of emotions. At the Humboldt University of Berlin, Anna Brömmer helped me navigate the ins and outs of the German university system. Ruth Pabst at the Evangelisches Zentralarchiv in Berlin, and Jana Pautsch at the Bundesarchiv, Berlin-Lichterfelde, provided invaluable help in my archival research. I would like to thank André Hawelky and his family for their friendship and generosity throughout these years. Berlin also vii holds a special place in my heart, since it is where I met Sarah. Her patience with me throughout this project is commendable. It is difficult imagining this dissertation being finished without her constant encouragement, emotional support, love, and incessant belief in me. While much time was spent in Germany to do research for this study, Charlottesville has been my home for the past seven years. I would like to thank Kathleen Miller, Ella Wood, and Jenni Via at the Corcoran Department of History for having made life as a graduate student so much easier. Linda Callihan at the ISO deserves equal recognition. The staff at Alderman Library, and in particular Renee Reighart at Interlibrary Services, were tremendously helpful, no matter how obscure or frequent my requests. Many colleagues and friends shared the ups and downs of graduate life with me. Mike Caires encouraged me in times of doubt and was always willing to listen to my arguments and ideas. His friendship has been a constant source of support. I would also like to thank Jon Grinspan, RaeAnne Caires, Hamutal Jackobson, David and Randi Flaherty, Jack Furniss, Nic and Alison Wood, Kobi Kabalek, Jenny Le Zotte, and Martin Öhman. I will not soon forget their companionship and good humor. Finally, I would like to extend special thanks to my family in Sweden. My grandparents, Berit and Bengt, not only assisted me financially, but even more importantly, supported me with their profound kindness and care. My parents and their extended families never ceased to believe in me, even when I decided, many years ago, to pursue a career in history. I am particularly indebted to my mother. I dedicate this study to her. viii To my mother, Gunilla Kristina Söderholm ix TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 1 THE “CRISIS OF MARRIAGE” 1949–1961 20 Introduction 20 West Germany 23 East Germany 51 Conclusion 76 2 THE SLOW REVOLUTION 1962–1971 80 Introduction 80 West Germany 82 East Germany 110 Conclusion 138 3 SOCIETY AND ITS DISCONTENTS 1972–1982 141 Introduction 141 West Germany 143 East Germany 164 Conclusion 196 4 THE MARKETPLACE OF LOVE 1983–1989 199 Introduction 199 West Germany 202 East Germany 229 Conclusion 251 CONCLUSION 255 BIBLIOGRAPHY 260 1 INTRODUCTION From the moment East and West Germany were founded in 1949, state representatives, religious organizations, and wide variety of other groups fought for power, influence, and the right to interpret the meaning of marriage. These actors were all united in their belief that marriage is an essential component of a good life. But while they shared the conviction that marriage needs special protection, they differed greatly in their interpretations of what a good life actually means, just as they disagreed about what the ideal society should look like. This study examines the ways these interest groups tried to shape the meaning of marriage in East and West Germany from the foundation of the two German states to the fall of the Berlin Wall forty years later. Throughout this period narratives of “the good marriage” were engines of national, group, and individual self-consciousness and identity. We can see this in legal debates, in Churches’ struggles to hold on to their traditional authority, and in attempts by social scientists to reshape the institution of marriage in their ambitions to build a better future. How did these narratives overlap and influence each other? And equally important, to what degree did the various undertakings to reshape the meaning of marriage change people’s everyday behavior? In my attempts to answer these questions, I have mainly focused on elites and their aspirations to form the opinion of the general public.