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The National Stadium: Social Violence and Spectacular Power in Chile 1968- 1976

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The National Stadium: Social Violence and Spectacular Power in Chile 1968- 1976 THE NATIONAL STADIUM: SOCIAL VIOLENCE AND SPECTACULAR POWER IN CHILE 1968- 1976 by COLIN MAYCOCK B.A. The University of British Columbia, 1990 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS In THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Geography We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April 1998 © Colin Maycock, 1998 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) Abstract The Chilean Commission for Truth and Reconciliation noted that, "it is absolutely essential that we understand the crisis of 1973...in order to understand how the subsequent human rights violations we were charged to investigate came about."1 This thesis is one attempt to take that admonition seriously. The human body's role in the creation and maintenance of modern social reality is a complex issue; however, the careful examination of a society in crisis will illuminate some of the body's elemental connections with the broader social sphere. To trace these connections, I examine the manner in which open political conflict dismantles, on material and representational planes, the overt manifestations of civil society, in essence making it subjectively unreal. As civil strife intensifies, there is less shared representational and material space. The absence of a broad consensus about the constituent elements of social reality is, in fact, the absence of social reality itself. It is my contention that the erosion of the multiple material and ideological elements that constituted Chilean social reality that occurred during President Salvador Allende's government was not halted by the Junta that seized power on September 11, 1973. The civil conflict that was literally deconstructing Chilean's lived realities was reconfigured on a mythic plane by the Junta and the resulting social reality was then militarily imposed on the subject population. The Junta's version of reality, was radically different from the 1 Report of the National Commission on Truth and Human Rights Volume 1. Trans Phillip E. Berryman. (Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1993), 47. ii iii experienced reality of the subject population. The Junta used excessive violence as a means to bring external reality into correspondence with its precepts. The Junta's violence generated further discourses that doubled back in defence of their initial premises. The late 1960s and early 70s was a period of intense civil unrest in Chile. Public manifestations social strife were brought to an abrupt end by a violent military coup. The Chilean military Junta used torture and disappearance as a means of maintaining political control of the country and its citizenry. Political violence is an intriguing phenomena because it usually involves behaviour that is unrelated to the actor's espoused ideological goals. The physical human body serves to bridge the disparity between act and purpose. There are innumerable, trans-cultural instances where actual human bodies, rather than their representations, are mobilised as a means of attesting to the veracity of non- material ideas. The literal physicality of the human body is used as an analogical device in order to imbue ideas with a material form. In order to install its version of reality, the military creates two geographically contiguous but radically different landscapes. The first presents an experiential image of social peace while the second is filled with bestial violence. Both of which are dependent upon and defined by the other. The National Stadium functions as an icon and a manifestation of the Junta's mythological construction of reality, while for the subject population it is the clearest symbol of the repressive nature of the military regime and the fearful and disconcerting social reality they are forced to endure. The Stadium was a iv means by which the Junta brought into material reality their vision of social reality, for example it served to make visible the presumed, but unseen, terrorists that threatened the nation. By literally making materially real, through the application of violence, what was, in fact, wholly imaginary, the Stadium served to demetaphorise the Junta's discourse. It is through that demetaphorisation that the subject population glimpsed the covert apparatus of repression that became generalised throughout the Junta's reign. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE ABSTRACT ii Table of Contents v List of Figures vii Acknowledgement viii Adventures in Unknown Spaces 1 CHAPTER 1 "You Say You Want A Revolution" Popular Culture, Violence and the Via Chilena Staring into a Broken Mirror: Latin and American Popular Culture 15 'Revolution' as an Aesthetic Element in Popular Culture: The World's Youth in Revolt 25 The Institutionalisation of 'Revolution' In Chile 40 'We All Want To Change The World' 47 The Via Chilena is not One Road But Many 52 Windows onto Fractured Landscapes 66 Mediating the Revolution 71 Things Fall Apart 79 Bodies In Space and Meanings Out of Time 86 Table of Contents Page CHAPTER 2 Living In the Shadow Of the Stadium 97 Situating the National Stadium: Spectacular Violence in the Temple of Sport 101 Spectacular Atrocity and Its Uses 121 Broadcasting The Abstract Spectacle 138 The Power Of Pain 163 Reconstructing The Nation 175 The Stadium As An Icon Of The Nation's Unity 189 Another Kind Of War Story 193 Bibliography 200 vfl. LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 1. The Battle For Moneda September 11, 1973 96 Figure 2. The National Stadium in 1940 103 Figure 3. Young Communists in the Stadium 105 Figure 4. The Public Image of the Prisoners in the National Stadium 112 Figure 5. The Telephone 159 Figure 6. Working In the Quirofano 162 Figure 7. The Engagement of Chile 183 Figure 8. The Stadium as Icon 189 \ Acknowledgements First and foremost, I thank my wife, Barbara Towell for her tireless support throughout the torturous gestation of this thesis. My parents, lan and Kathy Maycock have unstintingly provided invaluable emotional and financial support throughout my lengthy educational career and deserve far more in return. I would also like to thank the Geography department of UBC for giving me the mental space to develop my ideas, I am particularly grateful to Dan Clayton and Lynne Stewart/Black for their continuous indulgence and consistently insightful comments. I would like to thank each member of my committee; Terry McGee, Bill French and, of course, my Supervisor, Alf Seimens, who may yet get the definitive definition of popular culture. I would also like to thank my partners in the Campus Times for letting me tell them regularly that next week, for sure, I'd be finished. I would like to thank all the different people who patiently listened to me babble on about torture, particularly Brett Christophers, Andrew Hamilton and Jennifer Applebaum. Alexa Deans and Joe McCarthy, whose careful and speedy copy editing helped straighten my often tangled syntax, and dangling modifiers. I am also deeply indebted to the numerous Chileans who struggled comprehend my appallingly accented Spanish and who, more often than not, graciously introduced me to yet another fascinating aspect of that country. Steve Cummings provided many stimulating hours of conversation and introduced me to the joys of Gram Parsons among others. The sounds that have accompanied the development of this piece are far too varied to list here but special mention must go to the sharp toothed whine of the Sex Pistols, the pampas reggae of Los Fabulosos Cadillacs, the shined chrome romance of Bruce Springsteen, the tremulous anger and fear of Elvis Costello, the gospel techno of A3 and the chiming glory of Blue Mountain. Lastly, I'd like to thank Fester, without whom none of this would have happened. Adventures in Unknown Spaces All societies live by fictions taken as real. What distinguishes cultures of terror is that the epistemological, ontological and otherwise philosophical problem of representation — reality and illusion, certainty and doubt - becomes infinitely more than a "merely" philosophical problem of epistemology, hermaneutics and deconstruction. It becomes a high powered medium of domination.'1 My first trip to Chile was during the twilight of the military regime in the summer of 1988. When I arrived there, I knew little about the country beyond some very vague notion that it had an authoritarian military government which may or may not have done some bad things some time ago. I was going there ostensibly to work on yet another a seismic crew operating in yet another desert. The Atacama Desert was spectacular. Snow-dappled and perfectly conical volcanoes, as if plucked from a child's picture book, dominated the eastern horizon, while the high desert skies were clearer than Waterford crystal. At night, the stars glittered like carelessly scattered diamonds on a swath of cool black velvet; on the first evening I spent in Toconao, I immediately understood why there were so many observatories placed on the nearby mountains. The physical beauty of the place, however, paled in comparison with the generosity of the people I met there. Unlike my previous experiences in the physical deserts of Saudi and Yemen, or the mental deserts of northern England and southern Alberta, I was not the object of excessive rural paranoia. Or at least, I didn't appear to be.
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