DOCSLIB.ORG

Political Parties

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Political Parties Political Parties Hitoshi Abe, Muneyuki Shindō and Sadafumi Kawato 1 The 1955 System In October 1955, the previously divided right and left wings of the Japanese socialist movement were unified, creating the Japan Socialist Party (jsp),1 and, in November, the conservative Liberal and Democratic parties combined to form the Liberal Democratic Party (ldp). The influence of these events— the emergence of the two major actors in the postwar party system—on the course of Japanese politics between 1955 and 1993 was of such moment that the political system thus created is still commonly referred to as the “1955 sys- tem.” The characteristics of this system included the following, first, between them, the jsp and the ldp won over 80 percent of the vote and held over 90 percent of the seats in parliament. What evolved, however, was not a two- party system in which the two major parties alternate in power, but a “pre- dominant party” system in which the ldp held power continuously. The parliamentary strength of the jsp was never more than about half that of the ldp; consequently, some described the situation as a “one-and-a-half- party” system. Without alternation in power, the best that can be said is that there were “pseudo-turnovers” of ruling power among the coalitions of fac- tions within the ldp that controlled the cabinet. The battles for power pre- viously fought among the multiple conservative parties were now carried on within the ruling ldp. The result was intense competition and rivalry among factions within the ldp. The exercise of political power within the government was as much a reflection of the factional dynamics within the ldp as it was the will of the people, the press of issues, or any desire for good government. Second, the leitmotif of domestic Japanese politics between the 1950s and 1990s was the opposition between the Right and Left. The Right and Left fought it out on the following ground. Source: Abe, Hitoshi, Muneyuki Shindō and Sadafumi Kawato, “The Political Parties,” in Hitoshi Abe, Muneyuki Shindō and Sadafumi Kawato, The Government and Politics of Japan, transl. by James W. White, Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1994, pp. 115–139. 1 In 1991, the party changed its English name to the Social Democratic Party of Japan, however, the Japanese name, Nihon Shakai Tō, remained unchanged For this reason—and to avoid confusion with the Democratic Socialist Party and the Social Democratic League—we shall refer to the party as the Japan Socialist Party, or jsp. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi:10.1163/9789004380523_005 88 Abe, Shindō and Kawato In foreign policy and defense, the conservatives supported a role for Japan as a member of the Western camp of industrial democracies, while the Left unceasingly advocated unarmed neutrality. In public security, policing, and justice, the conservatives had had a strong interest in social control and domestic public order, while the Left attacked this as an invasion of the rights and freedoms of the people. The conservatives stressed tradition and the status quo of the structure of society, while the Left attacked those traditions that were putatively con- nected to prewar militarism, viewing ldp support for tradition as an attempt to re-create the repressive political climate of the 1930s.2 These cleavages set the tone for political debate and constituted the fundamental political bat- tleground of Japanese politics. What was missing was mutual trust and any common ground that would make compromise between ruling and oppo- sition parties possible. The ldp saw the Left as desiring to create some sort of totalitarian socialism, while the Left feared that the ldp wanted to re-create a totalitarian fascism. Third, separate conflicts over each of these issues converged in parliament. The 1955 system emerged just as the social chaos that accompanied defeat and occupation had come to an end and parliament and the political parties were beginning to assert their leading role in the political system.3 The ldp was able to monopolize governmental power, but it was not able to enact all of its poli- cies into law. The ldp was never able to win the two-thirds majority in parlia- ment necessary for constitutional revision, and vehement opposition, both in parliament and in the streets, deterred the ldp from pushing other measures. In this sense, the jsp and the other parties of the Left, which supported and defended the postwar Constitution, were able to perform the role of an ef- fective opposition by frustrating the aims of the ldp to enhance the position of the emperor, rearm Japan, and strengthen the central government by revis- ing the Constitution. In other Words, although “the Opposition does not initiate or carry through major policy decisions,” nevertheless “the Opposition parties do affect deci- sions in certain ways by their very presence.”4 The opposition freely used in- traparliamentary tactics of obstruction and boycott, and extraparliamentary 2 Kyōgoku Jun-ichi, Gendat Minshusei to Seijigaku (Contemporary Democracy and Political Science), Iwanami, 1969, pp. 225–26. 3 Takabatake Michitoshi, “Taishū Undo no Tayōka to Henshitsu” (Diversification and Deterioration of Mass Movements), in Nihon Seiji Gakkai, ed., Gojūgonen Taisei no Ketsei to Hōkai (The Formation and Breakdown of the 1955 System), Iwanami, 1979, p. 323. 4 J. A. A. Stockwin, Japan. Divided Politics in a Growth Economy, London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1982, p. 167..
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Making of China's Peace with Japan
    The Making of China’s Peace with Japan Mayumi Itoh The Making of China’s Peace with Japan What Xi Jinping Should Learn from Zhou Enlai Mayumi Itoh Princeton New Jersey, USA ISBN 978-981-10-4007-8 ISBN 978-981-10-4008-5 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-981-10-4008-5 Library of Congress Control Number: 2017939730 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2017 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institu- tional affiliations.
    [Show full text]
  • REVOLUTION GOES EAST Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University
    REVOLUTION GOES EAST Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University The Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute of Columbia University were inaugu rated in 1962 to bring to a wider public the results of significant new research on modern and contemporary East Asia. REVOLUTION GOES EAST Imperial Japan and Soviet Communism Tatiana Linkhoeva CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS ITHACA AND LONDON This book is freely available in an open access edition thanks to TOME (Toward an Open Monograph Ecosystem)—a collaboration of the Association of American Universities, the Association of University Presses, and the Association of Research Libraries—and the generous support of New York University. Learn more at the TOME website, which can be found at the following web address: openmono graphs.org. The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International: https://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0. To use this book, or parts of this book, in any way not covered by the license, please contact Cornell University Press, Sage House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850. Visit our website at cornellpress. cornell.edu. Copyright © 2020 by Cornell University First published 2020 by Cornell University Press Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Linkhoeva, Tatiana, 1979– author. Title: Revolution goes east : imperial Japan and Soviet communism / Tatiana Linkhoeva. Description: Ithaca [New York] : Cornell University Press, 2020. | Series: Studies of the Weatherhead East Asian Institute, Columbia University | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2019020874 (print) | LCCN 2019980700 (ebook) | ISBN 9781501748080 (pbk) | ISBN 9781501748097 (epub) | ISBN 9781501748103 (pdf) Subjects: LCSH: Communism—Japan—History—20th century.
    [Show full text]
  • Assesing the People's Diplomacy and Its Impacts
    HAOL, Núm. 7 (Primavera, 2005), 67-81 ISSN 1696-2060 ASSESING THE PEOPLE’S DIPLOMACY AND ITS IMPACTS ON THE US-JAPAN SECURITY ALLIANCE Tao Peng Minnesota State University, United States. E-mail: [email protected] Recibido: 10 Marzo 2005 / Revisado: 15 Abril 2005 / Aceptado: 07 Mayo 2005 / Publicado: 15 Junio 2005 Resumen: For years, in regard to the East Asia However, within three years, the changing cold war and the Chinese foreign policy, international situation in East Asia forced the scholars have focused more on the Sino- PRC to abandon such a radical policy. American confrontation or tough Sino-Soviet Following the conclusion of the PRC-Soviet relations but ignored China’s policy toward alliance treaty in early 1950 and PRC's Japan. Actually, different from its tough policy intervention in the Korean War later this year, toward the United Status, the Chinese Japan Sino-American confrontation had become the policy during the Cold War was largely flexible major theme of the East Asian cold war. and soft, which was typically shown in its Besides economic embargo and military People’s Diplomacy with emphasis on non- confrontation in Korea, the United States also governmental contacts. This paper not only signed the peace and security treaties with discusses the origins and development of this Japan and forced Japan to conclude a separate new diplomatic approach but also explores its peace treaty with the defeated Chinese impacts on Japan and the US-Japan security Nationalist government in Taiwan rather than alliance. Based on Chinese, American, and the Communist government in the mainland.
    [Show full text]
  • Large Companies and Their Unions
    Cneprm 5 The End of Competitive Coexistence: Large Companies and Their Unions Nrwl Is,ro Ir rs wloery believed in Japan that the activities of large companies and their labor unions play a major role in elections, both for political parties and for individual candidates. Corporate political donations are critical for the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), and socialist par- ties have long relied on the votes and funds provided by labor unions. For individual candidates, the support of union members or corpo- rate employees in their districts guarantees a sizable bloc of reliable votes. In a "company town" dominated by a single large firm, the com- pany and its union can sway the voting results for that districr. This chapter focuses on the Aichi Eleventh District, which includes Toyota City, and the Ibaraki Fifth District, which includes Hitachi City, in examining the disrrictJevel electoral activities of major cor- porations and their unions. Toyota Ciry is the Iocation ofthe head- quarters of the Toyota Motor Corporation, and a number ofToyoras business operations and other Toyota Group member companies are also located in Toyota City and its surrounding municipalities. In the Hitachi case, of the ten corporatc facilities that Hitachi, Ltd. operates within Ibaraki Prefecture, five facilities and a research center are lo- cated in Hitachi Ciry A large percentage of the employees ofToyota and Hitachi corporations, and their families, reside in these two cities. In addition, many of the other residenrs have some kind of relation- ship with these corporarions. Tbe End of Competitiue Coexistence In neither case do the company and the union necessarily compete by supporting different candidates in Iocal elections.
    [Show full text]
  • Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations
    Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Cohort IV Expert Voices on Japan Security, Economic, Social, and Foreign Policy Recommendations U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Cohort IV Arthur Alexander, Editor www.mansfieldfdn.org The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation, Washington, D.C. ©2018 by The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation All rights reserved. Published in the United States of America Library of Congress Control Number: 2018942756 The views expressed in this publication are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation or its funders. Contributors Amy Catalinac, Assistant Professor, New York University Yulia Frumer, Assistant Professor, Johns Hopkins University Robert Hoppens, Associate Professor, University of Texas Rio Grande Valley Nori Katagiri, Assistant Professor, Saint Louis University Adam P. Liff, Assistant Professor, Indiana University Ko Maeda, Associate Professor, University of North Texas Reo Matsuzaki, Assistant Professor, Trinity College Matthew Poggi Michael Orlando Sharpe, Associate Professor, City University of New York Jolyon Thomas, Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Kristin Vekasi, Assistant Professor, University of Maine Joshua W. Walker, Managing Director for Japan and Head of Global Strategic Initiatives, Office of the President, Eurasia Group U.S.-Japan Network for the Future Advisory Committee Dr. Susan J. Pharr, Edwin O. Reischauer Professor
    [Show full text]
  • Asian Socialists and the Forgotten Architects of Post-Colonial Freedom
    Lewis, S. L. (2019). Asian Socialists and the Forgotten Architects of Post-Colonial Freedom. Journal of World History, 30(1-2), 55-88. https://doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2019.0028 Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to published version (if available): 10.1353/jwh.2019.0028 Link to publication record in Explore Bristol Research PDF-document This is the final published version of the article (version of record). It first appeared online via University of Hawaii Press at https://muse.jhu.edu/article/729105. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. University of Bristol - Explore Bristol Research General rights This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies. Please cite only the published version using the reference above. Full terms of use are available: http://www.bristol.ac.uk/red/research-policy/pure/user-guides/ebr-terms/ Asian Socialism and the Forgotten Architects of Post-Colonial Freedom, 1952–1956 Su Lin Lewis Journal of World History, Volume 30, Numbers 1-2, June 2019, pp. 55-88 (Article) Published by University of Hawai'i Press For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/729105 Access provided at 11 Jul 2019 10:40 GMT from Bristol University Asian Socialism and the Forgotten Architects of Post-Colonial Freedom, 1952–1956* SU LIN LEWIS University of Bristol N a photograph taken in 1953, Sutan Sjahrir arrives off an airplane in IRangoon and is greeted warmly on the tarmac by Burmese socialist leaders U Ba Swe and U Kyaw Nyein, as well as his close friend Ali Algadri, the Arab-Indonesian chargé d’affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future
    Japanese Electoral Politics: Reform, Results, and Prospects for the Future Author: Joe Michael Sasanuma Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/470 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2004 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. BOSTON COLLEGE JAPANESE ELECTORAL POLITICS: REFORM, RESULTS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE FUTURE A SENIOR HONORS THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE HONORS PROGRAM OF THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND THE COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES BY JOE M. MICHAEL SASANUMA April 2004 - 1 - Table of Contents Part I: Introduction 3 Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years 4 Part II: Revolution, Realignment, and the Man Named Ozawa 12 Chapter 2: Money and Machine Politics 13 Chapter 3: Ozawa Ichiro’s Reform, Revolt, and Revolution 15 Chapter 4: Hosokawa’s Fall, LDP’s Return, and Ozawa Again 21 Chapter 5: Realignment 24 Part III: The Electoral System: Before and After 38 Chapter 6: The Medium Size Election District System 39 Chapter 7: The Mixed System 43 Chapter 8: Analyzing the New Electoral System 49 Part IV: Previous Elections 66 Chapter 9: The Election of 1996 67 Chapter 10: The Election of 2000 69 Part V: The Election of 2003 77 Chapter 11: Results and Analysis 78 Chapter 12: Predictions and Results 88 Chapter 13: District Analysis 102 Part VI: Conclusion 132 Chapter 14: Prospects for the Future 133 - 2 - Part I Introduction - 3 - Chapter 1: The Lost Ten Years In an interview conducted by the Yomiuri Shinbun newspaper in May of 2003, then- vice-speaker of the Lower House Watanabe Kozo called the past decade of Japanese politics “The Lost Ten Years.”1 Although the term is used more commonly to describe the Japanese economic stagnation of the 1990s, in many ways his use of the term to describe politics was equally appropriate.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan-Republic of China Relations Under US Hegemony: a Genealogy of ‘Returning Virtue for Malice’
    Japan-Republic of China Relations under US Hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Joji Kijima Department of Politics and International Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2005 ProQuest Number: 10673194 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673194 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract Japan-Republic of China relations under US hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Much of Chiang Kai-shek’s ‘returning virtue for malice’ (yide baoyuan ) postwar Japan policy remains to be examined. This thesis mainly shows how the discourse of ‘returning virtue for malice’ facilitated Japan’s diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan during the Cold War era. More conceptually, this study re- conceptualizes foreign policy as discourse—that of moral reciprocity—as it sheds light on the question of recognition as well as the consensual aspect of hegemony. By adopting a genealogical approach, this discourse analysis thus traces the descent and emergence of the ‘returning virtue for malice’ trope while it examines its discursive effect on Tokyo’s recognition of Taipei under American hegemony.
    [Show full text]
  • "Conflicting Japanese Interpretations of the Outcaste Problem (Buraku
    conflicting Japanese interpretations of the outcaste problem (buraku mondai) EUGENE E. RUYLE—California State University, Long Beach In the preface to his classic Argonauts of the Western Pacific, Malinowski urges ethnographers to 'grasp the native's point of view, his relation to life, to realize his vision of his world" (1961:25).1 In the sorts of societies that anthropologists have traditionally studied, this goal is simple enough, in theoretical if not methodological terms. In the com- plex, urban societies that are increasingly coming under anthropological scrutiny, however, there is an important question that must be answered: which natives? Modern societies are characterized by a variety of different life-styles and different points of view. In addition to various folk perspectives, there are also full-time ideological specialists with intellectual heritages that rival the anthropologist's own in subtlety and complexity. slam, Hinduism, Confucianism, and Buddhism all not only are embedded in the "little traditions" of Asian peasantries but also exhibit "great traditions" with rich literatures to which dedicated scholars have devoted their lives. These traditional ideologies, however, are everywhere be- ing challenged by a new ideology, Marxism. Marxism also has a rich literature to which equally dedicated scholars have devoted their lives. Throughout the world, Marxian socialism has become the dominant ideology of resistance to the status quo (except, of course, in those nations where Marxian socialism is ideology of the status quo). The modern world, then, is characterized by ideological conflict, a conflict that grows out of the complex class struggles of the modern epoch. The problem of adopting the "native's point of view," then, becomes increasingly complex.
    [Show full text]
  • Disarmament and Civilian Control in Japan: a Constitutional Dilemma
    OccAsioNAl PApERs/ REpRiNTS SERiEs iN CoNTEMpoRARY 0 '• AsiAN STudiEs NUMBER 8 - 1982 (53) DISARMAMENT AND CIVILIAN CONTROL II• IN JAPAN: A CONSTITUTIONAL •• DILEMMA Theodore McNelly ScltoolofLAw UNivERSiTy of 0 ... c:::. MARylANd- 0 ' Occasional Papers/Reprint Series in Contemporary Asian Studies General Editor: Hungdah Chiu Executive Editor: David Salem Managing Editor: Shirley Lay Editorial Advisory Board Professor Robert A. Scalapino, University of California at Berkeley Professor Martin Wilbur, Columbia University Professor Gaston J. Sigur, George Washington University Professor Shao-chuan Leng, University of Virginia Professor Lawrence W. Beer, Lafayette College Professor James Hsiung, New York University Dr. Robert Heuser, Max-Planck-Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Law at Heidelberg Dr. Lih-wu Han, Political Science Association of the Republic of China Professor K. P. Misra, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India Professor J. S. Prybyla, The Pennsylvania State University Professor Toshio Sawada, Sophia University, Japan Published with the cooperation of the Maryland International Law Society All contributions (in English only) and communications should be sent to Professor Hungdah Chiu, University of Maryland School of Law, 500 West Baltimore Street, Baltimore, Maryland 21201 USA. All publications in this series reflect only the views of the authors. While the editor accepts responsibility for the selection of materials to be published, the individual author is responsible for statements of facts and expressions of opinion contained therein. Subscription is US $10.00 for 8 issues (regardless ofthe price of individual issues) in the United States and Canada and $12.00 for overseas. Check should be addressed to OPRSCAS and sent to Professor Hungdah Chiu. Price for single copy of this issue: US $2.00 Reprinted with up-to-date information by Occasional Papers/Reprints Series in Contemporary Asian Studies, Inc.
    [Show full text]
  • The Emergence of the Article 9 Association and Reorganization of Social Movements in Contemporary Japan: a Story of Network Practice for Social Change
    THE EMERGENCE OF THE ARTICLE 9 ASSOCIATION AND REORGANIZATION OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN CONTEMPORARY JAPAN: A STORY OF NETWORK PRACTICE FOR SOCIAL CHANGE A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI`I AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN SOCIOLOGY MAY 2017 By Yoko Iida Dissertation Committee: Patricia G. Steinhoff, Chairperson Hagen Koo David T. Johnson Sun-ki Chai Lonny E. Carlile Keywords: Social movements, Political process, Protest cycles, Abeyance, Networks, Relational sociology ! ! ! ! ! ! ! Copyright © 2017 Yoko Iida To my father, Hiroshi Iida, in celebration of the ultimate optimism. And to my son, Yohji Eduard Iida, in celebration of the universal humanity. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation is a result of many helping hands. I am greatly indebted especially to two very generous persons: First is my chairperson, Dr. Patricia G. Steinhoff, who guided me throughout my student life at UH Mānoa with her knowledge of Japanese society, scholarly well- roundedness, kindness, and warm-heartedness. I can never repay her for the time and energy she had invested in my work, but at least, I would like to express my sincere gratitude and respect to her here. Second is my father, Hiroshi Iida, without whose support and willingness to babysit my newborn son when I needed the time for writing, it was not possible for me to complete the dissertation. “The 1960s generation” himself, his personal accounts provided invaluable insights to this dissertation. I would also like to thank my committee members, Drs. Hagen Koo, David Johnson, Sun-ki Chai, and Lonny Carlile, whose expertise and constructiveness helped tremendously to sharpen my analyses.
    [Show full text]
  • Regime Shift: Japanese Politics in a Changing World Economy
    Regime Shift: Japanese Politics in a Changing World Economy T. J. Pempel For the past several years, Japan has been in the midst of a fundamental re- gime shift.* At least three essentials of the old regime have been undergoing sweeping changes. First, on the political level, the 38 years of dominance by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) ended with the party’s internal fragmen- tation, its loss of a parliamentary majority and executive control, and the in- troduction of a new electoral system for the Lower House of the Diet. In July 1993 the handsome, youthful descendant of a well-established samurai family, Hosokawa Morihiro of the Japan New Party, cobbled together an ideologically disparate, seven-party coalition that made him Japan’s first non-LDP prime minister since the party’s formation in 1955. Soon thereafter, the Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDPJ; previously the Japan Socialist Party, JSP), long the LDP’s bête noire, ended nearly 50 years in the political wilderness as its leader Murayama Tomiichi became prime min- ister in coalition with the LDP and another small conservative party, Sakigake. After taking power, however, the SDPJ also wound up squandering whatever ideological cohesion it once had by reversing its hitherto sacrosanct policy po- sitions on Article IX, defense, the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, and the dispatch of Japanese troops abroad. Largely as a consequence, the party was the heavi- est loser in the 1996 elections and the party’s few remaining parliamentarians fell to quarreling with one another. The mid-1990s were years of rampant party realignment.
    [Show full text]