Three Essays on the European Sovereign Debt Crisis with a Special Focus on Greece

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Three Essays on the European Sovereign Debt Crisis with a Special Focus on Greece City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2017 Three Essays on the European Sovereign Debt Crisis with a Special Focus on Greece Flora Leventi The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/2319 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THREE ESSAYS ON THE EUROPEAN SOVEREIGN DEBT CRISIS WITH ASPECIAL FOCUS ON GREECE by FLORA LEVENTI A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Economics in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2017 ii © 2017 FLORA LEVENTI All Rights Reserved iii This manuscript has been read and accepted by the Graduate Faculty in Economics in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Professor Merih Uctum Date Chair of Examining Committee Professor Wim Vijverberg Date Executive Officer Professor Merih Uctum Professor Wim Vijverberg Professor Tao Wang Supervisory Committee THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iv ABSTRACT THREE ESSAYS ON THE EUROPEAN SOVEREIGN DEBT CRISIS WITH ASPECIAL FOCUS ON GREECE by FLORA LEVENTI Advisor: Professor Merih Uctum This dissertation consists of three chapters where I examine several aspects of the European so- vereign debt crisis. The first chapter focuses on systemic risk. Following the financial crisis of 2007-08, both in academic as well as policy circles, much of the research has focused toward the systemic importance of financial institutions. Parallel to that research, but to somewhat lesser extent, there have been improvements in our understanding of how risk is transmitted from the fi- nancial system to the real economy. This chapter investigates a related yet distinct manifestation of systemic risk, namely systemic sovereign risk. Using data on sovereign credit default swap spreads from 11 euro member countries the study seeks to examine how the sovereign risk of one member country can affect others, as well as the overall impact in the system. The proposed work is based on the approach of Adrian and Brunnermeier (2010), used to assess systemic risk contributions among financial institutions. Focusing on sovereigns rather than financial institutions, this work will expand a small but growing body of literature examining the recent European sovereign debt crisis. In the second chapter I present a brief overview of the stylized facts for the Greek economy starting from the period after the end of the military dictatorship and the transition to democracy up until early 2016. In the third chapter I revisit the issue of fiscal sustainability in Greece in a retrospective framework, meaning that our interest lies in evaluating the sustainability of past fiscal policies and whether v these can lead to a sustainable fiscal path. My empirical analysis uses annual data from 1970 to 2015 from a single source (AMECO). The econometric methodology is divided into two parts. In the first part, I focus on the sustainability of government debt using unit root tests that allow for structural breaks. In the second part, I test for cointegration between government revenues and expenditures with two procedures, namely the Bounds test of Pesaran and Shin and Johansen’s test. The results from both the unit root tests and the cointegration tests indicate Greek fiscal policy is unsustainable. In order to account for structural breaks, I employ the methodology of Bai (1997) and Bai and Perron (1998) and incorporate the breaks when testing for cointegration between government revenues and expenditures. The methodology employs the Dynamic OLS framework of Stock and Watson (1993). Even when I account for structural breaks, I find no evidence of strong form sustainability between the two series. However, my results do not reject the weak form sustainability of Quintos (1995). I argue that evidence of weak form sustainability for Greece can be interpreted as a higher risk of unsustainability, which can be used to explain Greece’s current fiscal distress. Acknowledgments This work is dedicated in memory of my father. His passion for knowledge and excellence helped me build and accomplish my own dreams, even though I was not fortunate enough to have him by my side through my studies. Thank you for instilling in me the beauty of the “road less travelled”. My profound appreciation and gratitude goes to my mother, without whose support and count- less sacrificies, I would not have been able to complete or even begin this work. I am also indebted to my uncle, who contributed the most to the completion of my studies. I would like to thank Victor, for his patience and support during the last phases of this work. Much of my time that rightfully belonged to him, was spent working on my thesis. I am very grateful to the members of my committee for their patience and support, especially given that I was away from New York during the most critical stages of my dissertation. Also to Professor Herron for sharing his thesis LaTeX template along with very helpful comments. Last, but certainly not least, many thanks to my lifelong friend Konstantis whom I would have never been able to compile the final document without! vi Contents Contents vii List of Tables x List of Figures xii 1 Conditional risk in the euro-zone: Using CDS data of European sovereigns to quantify interconnectivity 1 1.1 Introduction . .1 1.2 Statement of the Problem . .2 1.3 Background of the Study . .3 1.3.1 The characteristics of credit default swaps . .4 1.3.2 The joint dynamics between bank and sovereign CDS spreads . .5 1.3.3 The relationship between sovereign CDS and bonds spreads . .7 1.3.4 Sovereign CDS spreads and economic fundamentals . .9 1.3.5 Contagion and spillover effects among sovereigns . 11 1.4 Conditional risk in the euro-zone . 14 1.4.1 Introduction and background . 14 1.4.2 Data description and sources . 19 1.4.3 Results: Baseline model . 20 vii CONTENTS viii 1.4.4 Results: Model with lagged risk factors . 21 1.4.5 Higher stress regime . 22 1.4.6 Conclusions . 24 1.4.7 Comparison of results with similar studies . 25 1.5 Extensions . 27 1.5.1 Quantile examination . 27 1.5.2 Different conditioning events . 28 1.5.3 Different time periods . 30 2 The Greek sovereign debt crisis: A brief historical account 55 2.1 Introduction . 55 2.2 The Greek economy after WWII and up until the early 1990s . 56 2.3 The Greek economy from the mid-1990s and up until the mid-2000s . 60 2.4 The Greek economy during the late 2000s and up until early 2016 . 75 3 Fiscal sustainability in Greece: Evidence from 1970 - 2015 88 3.1 Introduction . 88 3.2 Statement of the problem . 92 3.2.1 Motivation . 94 3.2.2 Stylized facts . 94 3.3 Background of the Study . 100 3.3.1 Literature review . 100 3.3.2 The concept of sustainability . 105 3.3.3 Theoretical background . 106 3.4 Methodology: Empirical tests on fiscal policy sustainability . 110 3.4.1 Fiscal policy sustainability using government debt series: Unit Root tests . 110 CONTENTS ix 3.4.2 Fiscal policy sustainability using government revenues and expenditures: Cointegration tests . 112 3.4.3 Fiscal policy sustainability using government revenues and expenditures: Cointegration tests in the presence of structural breaks . 121 3.4.4 Data description and sources . 128 3.5 Results . 129 3.5.1 Unit Root tests . 129 3.5.2 Cointegration tests . 131 3.5.3 Cointegration tests in the presence of structural breaks . 133 3.6 Conclusion . 138 A Data sources for Chapter 2 153 Bibliography 154 List of Tables 1.1 Descriptive statistics of the series . 44 1.2 CoRisk metric for changes in sovereign CDS spreads baseline model evaluated at q = 0:95, Apr 2008 - Jun 2014 . 45 1.3 CoRisk metric for changes in sovereign CDS spreads model with one lag, evaluated at q = 0:95, Apr 2008 - Jun 2014 . 46 1.4 CoRisk metric for changes in sovereign CDS spreads baseline model evaluated at q = 0:99, Apr 2008 - Jun 2014 . 47 1.5 CoRisk metric for changes in sovereign CDS spreads, model with one lag evaluated at q = 0:99, Apr 2008 - Jun 2014 . 48 1.6 Systemic Importance . 49 1.7 Vulnerability . 50 1.8 GDP, public debt and corresponding country weights . 51 1.9 CoRisk metric for changes in sovereign CDS spreads, evaluated at q = 0:95, Apr 2008 - Jun 2014 . 52 1.10 CoRisk metric for changes in sovereign CDS spreads: core and periphery model evaluated at q = 0:95, Apr 2008 - Jun 20 . 53 1.11 CoRisk metric for changes in sovereign CDS spreads, evaluated at q = 0:95, subs- amples . 54 x LIST OF TABLES xi 2.1 Main aggregates of general government, 1995-2004 (as percentage of GDP) . 72 2.2 Main aggregates of general government, 2005-2014 (as percentage of GDP) cont. 73 2.3 Main macroeconomic indicatorsa ........................... 84 2.4 Main aggregates of general government, 2015 (as percentage of GDP) . 86 2.5 Elections and governing parties: 1974-2015 . 87 3.1 Descriptive statistics of the series . 141 3.2 Lag selection using Information Criteria . 142 3.3 Zivot-Andrews Unit Root tests for Public Debt - Model A . 142 3.4 Zivot-Andrews Unit Root tests for Public Debt - Model B . 143 3.5 Zivot-Andrews Unit Root tests for Public Debt - Model C .
Recommended publications
  • Sino-Greek Relations in Greek and Chinese Media, 2020
    ‘ Sino-Greek Relations in Greek and Chinese Media, 2020 Plamen Tonchev Research Associates: Pavlos Petidis, Yuliana Porja, Yannis Yannopoulos March 2021 FOREWORD The Institute of International Economic Relations (IIER) has carried out systematic research into Sino-Greek relations in recent years, including in-depth studies of ‘Chinese Investment in Greece and the Big Picture of Sino-Greek Relations’ (2017) and ‘China’s Image in Greece, 2008-2018’. Since 2016, the institute has regularly contributed chapters on Greece to the annual reports released by the European Think-tank Network on China (ETNC). This report is yet another step forward in enriching IIER’s China expertise. What is qualitatively new about this specific research is the comparative analysis of Greek and Chinese media in 2020 and early 2021. It is hoped that the report will contribute to a growing body of international literature on the crucial role of media in shaping perceptions and, in particular, the way China projects its narratives as foreign policy tools. The study is based on a mix of: (i) quantitative media monitoring within a representative sample of influential Greek print media outlets, while several TV channels are also covered by the research; (ii) a qualitative appraisal of Greece-related themes presented by major Chinese media; (iii) comparative analysis of media coverage of the two countries and their relations by Greek and Chinese media. After an extensive review of data on both sides, the team dove beneath the surface for possible explanations of the trends identified. The research methodology is presented in the Annex. While writing this report, the authors have identified areas for further research into the specific audience targeted by Chinese media in Greece or appropriate metrics that could help capture the effectiveness of China’s policies in the media sector.
    [Show full text]
  • Task Force on Economic and Monetary Union Briefing 22 First
    Task Force on Economic and Monetary Union Briefing 22 First revision Prepared by the Directorate General for Research Economic Affairs Division The opinions expressed are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the position of the European Parliament Although Greece is making remarkable progress towards economic convergence, it remains the only EU country that does not satisfy any of the Maastricht criteria. Luxembourg 28th. April 1998 PE 166.453/rev.1 EMU and Greece Contents Introduction 3 Fulfilment of the Criteria 4 a) Inflation 4 b) Long-term interest rates 5 c) Budget deficit as a percentage of GDP 6 d) Public debt as a percentage of GDP 7 e) Exchange rate stability 9 f) Independence of the Greek Central Bank 9 g) Growth and Unemployment 10 h) Balance of Payments 12 The Political background 13 a) Government policy 13 b) The Opposition 13 c) Industry 13 d) Trade Unions 14 e) Privatization 15 f) The Press 15 g) Public opinion 15 Tables and Charts Table 1: Convergence criteria for Greece 4 Table 2: Gross public debt - structural characteristics 8 Table 3: Sustainability of debt trends 9 Chart 1: Inflation (1990-1999) 5 Chart 2: Long-term interest rates 6 Chart 3: Budget deficits as a percentage of GDP (1990-1999) 7 Chart 4: Public debt as a percentage of GDP (1990-1999) 8 Chart 5: Growth of GDP (1990-1999) 10 Chart 6: Unemployment (1990-1999) 11 Chart 7: Occupation of the labour force in 3 sectors of the economy 11 Chart 8: Balance of payments 12 Authors: Alexandros Kantas and Jérome Durand Editor: Ben Patterson 2 PE 166.453/rev.1 EMU and Greece Introduction On the 25th March the Commission and the European Monetary Institute published their separate reports on progress towards meeting the convergence criteria for Economic and Monetary Union.
    [Show full text]
  • IRELAND JANUARY-JUNE 1990 Meetings and Press Releases 7-22
    COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES PRESS RELEASES PRESIDENCY: IRELAND JANUARY-JUNE 1990 Meetings and press releases 7-22 May 1990 Meeting number Subject Date 1400th General Affairs 7 May 1990 1401st Internal Market 14 May 1990 1402nd Health 17 May 1990 1403rd Culture 18 May 1990 1404th Energy 21 May 1990 1405th Agriculture 21-22 May 1990 - 1 - COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITIES GENERAL SECRETARIAT PRESS RELEASE 6025/90 (Presse 55) 1400th Council meeting - General Affairs - Brussels, 7 May 1990 President: Mr Gerard COLLINS, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ireland 6025/90 (Presse 55 - Gl EN - 2 - 7.V.90 dey/BS/ep The Governments of the Member States and the Commission of the European Communities were represented as follows: Belgium: Mr Mark EYSKENS Minister for Foreign Affairs Mr Paul DE KEERSMAEKER State Secretary, European Affairs Denmark: Mr Uffe ELLEMANN-JENSEN Minister for Foreign Affairs Mr J0rgen 0RSTR0M M0LLER State Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Germany: Mr Hans-Dietrich GENSCHER Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs Ms Irmgard ADAM-SCHWAETZER Minister of State, Federal Ministry of Foreign Affairs Greece: Mr Antonis SAMARAS Minister for Foreign Affairs Spain: Mr Pedro SOLBES MIRA State Secretary for relations with the European Communities France: Mr Roland DUMAS Ministre d'Etat, Minister for Foreign Affairs 6025/90 (Presse 55 - G) EN - 3 - 7.V.90 dey/BS/ep Ireland: Mr Gerard COLLINS Minister for Foreign Affairs Ms Maire GEOGHEGAN-QUINN Minister of State with responsibility for EEC matters ~: Mr Gianni DE MICHELIS Minister for Foreign Affairs Luxembourg: Mr Jacques F. POOS Minister for Foreign Affairs Netherlands: Mr H.
    [Show full text]
  • Analyzing the Telecoms Privatization in Greece from a ‘Discursive Institutionalist’ Perspective
    Privatization in the Name of ‘Europe’: analyzing the telecoms privatization in Greece from a ‘discursive institutionalist’ perspective Christos Dimas GreeSE Paper No 41 Hellenic Observatory Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe NoveNovembermber 2010 All views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Hellenic Observatory or the LSE © Christos Dimas _ Table of Contents ABSTRACT ______________________________________________________ iii 1. Introduction______________________________________________________ 1 2. Theoretical Background ____________________________________________ 4 2.1. Discursive institutionalism _______________________________________ 4 2.2. Europe as a legitimating factor ___________________________________ 6 3. The case-study ___________________________________________________ 10 3.1. The pro and anti European politics in Greece during the 1970s and 1980s 10 3.2. The Greek disjointed corporatist system ____________________________ 15 3.3. OTE as a case study ___________________________________________ 17 4. Empirical Analysis _______________________________________________ 19 4.1. The Mitsotakis government 1990-1993 ____________________________ 19 4.2. Papandreou governments 1993-1996 ______________________________ 24 4.3. The Simitis governments 1996-2004 ______________________________ 32 4.4. The Karamanlis governments 2004-2009 __________________________ 37 5. Conclusion______________________________________________________ 41 References ________________________________________________________
    [Show full text]
  • 09. Juli 2015, Von Michael Schöfer Schwesterparteien
    09. Juli 2015, von Michael Schöfer Schwesterparteien Manche Aussagen sind so dämlich, dass sie fast schon wieder lustig sind. Aber eben nur fast. Die von Vangelis Meimarakis beispielsweise. Meimarakis ist nach dem Rücktritt von Andonis Samaras Interimsvorsitzender der konservativen Nea Dimokratia (ND). Er war frü- her Verteidigungsminister und Parlamentspräsident, gehört somit in Athen seit langem zum politischen Establishment. Dieser Vangelis Meimarakis erdreistet sich nun, dem grie- chischen Premier Alexis Tsipras (SYRIZA) die Unterstützung gegenüber den Verhand- lungspartnern in Brüssel zu entziehen, weil Tsipras im EU-Parlament frühere griechische Regierungen für den Schuldenberg verantwortlich machte. [1] Was daran falsch sein soll, hat Meimarakis allerdings nicht gesagt. Das wird er wohl auch kaum können, denn es ist schließlich eine unbestreitbare Tatsache, dass die Schulden Griechenlands hauptsächlich in den Regierungszeiten von Nea Dimokratia und PASOK angehäuft wurden. Schließlich ist Tsipras erst seit Januar 2015 am Ruder. Und die Staatsschulden Griechenlands belie- fen sich am 31.12.2014 auf 317,1 Mrd. Euro. [2] Nachfolgend die Liste der griechischen Regierungschefs seit Ende der Obristen-Diktatur im Jahr 1974: [3] Name Partei Beginn Amtszeit Ende Amtszeit Konstantinos Karamanlis ND 23. Juli 1974 9. Mai 1980 Georgios Rallis ND 9. Mai 1980 21. Oktober 1981 Andreas Papandreou PASOK 21. Oktober 1981 2. Juli 1989 Tzannis Tzannetakis ND 2. Juli 1989 11. Oktober 1989 Ioannis Grivas - 11. Oktober 1989 23. November 1989 Xenophon Zolotas - 23. November 1989 11. April 1990 Konstantinos Mitsotakis ND 11. April 1990 13. Oktober 1993 Andreas Papandreou PASOK 13. Oktober 1993 22. Januar 1996 Konstantinos Simitis PASOK 22. Januar 1996 10. März 2004 Kostas Karamanlis ND 10.
    [Show full text]
  • West European Politics the Transformation of the Greek Party
    This article was downloaded by: [Harvard University] On: 11 July 2010 Access details: Access Details: [subscription number 915668586] Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37- 41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK West European Politics Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713395181 The transformation of the Greek party system since 1951 Takis S. Pappasa a Politics at the Aristotle University, Thessaloniki, Greece To cite this Article Pappas, Takis S.(2003) 'The transformation of the Greek party system since 1951', West European Politics, 26: 2, 90 — 114 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/01402380512331341121 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380512331341121 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.
    [Show full text]
  • Dr. Theodoros G. Stamatiou1,2,3
    DR.THEODOROS G. STAMATIOU1,2,3 Business: Division of Economic Analysis & Financial Markets Research, (+30)214 4059708 Eurobank Ergasias SA [email protected] 8 Othonos st., Athens, 105 57, Greece [email protected] Current Employment • Eurobank-Ergasias SA, Division of Economic Analysis & Financial Markets Research— – Senior Economist, April 2015 to present – Voting Member & Ambassador for Greece, Working Group for Euro Risk-Free Rates (jointly organised by the ECB, the FSMA, the ESMA and the EC, with the task of identifying and recommending alternative risk-free rates), January 2018 to present4 Academic Appointment • Dpt. of Banking and Financial Management, University of Piraeus—July 2013 to present – Research Fellow Previous Employment • Ministry of Finance, Hellenic Republic—September 2014 to March 2015 – Member, Council of Economic Advisors • Eurobank-Ergasias SA, Division of Economic Research & Forecasting—October 2009 to September 2014 – Research Economist Education • Dpt. of Banking and Financial Management, University of Piraeus—2004 to 20095 – PhD Thesis: Essays in Market Microstructure Supervisor: Professor Gikas A. Hardouvelis • Athens PhD Program in Economics, Joint PhD Program organized by the Dpt. of Economics, Uni- versity of Athens & Dpt. of Economics, Athens University of Economics and Business—2000-2002 – MSc in Economic Analysis • Cardiff Business School,University of Wales—1999-2000 – MSc in International Economics, Banking & Finance – MSc Dissertation: Purchasing Power Parity and the Greek Drachma: A Cointegration Analysis Supervisor: Professor David Peel • Dpt. of Economics, University of Athens—1994-1999 – BA in Economics 1Linkedin Profile: http://www.linkedin.com/pub/theodoros-stamatiou/35/9ab/883. 2Fullfiled military service: Hellenic Navy (February 2008 – February 2009). 3I can provide references.
    [Show full text]
  • An Analysis of the Greek Economic and Military Mobilization of the 1909-1923 Period.1
    Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 20, ISSUE 1 Studies The Economic forces of victory versus those of defeat: An analysis of the Greek Economic and Military Mobilization of the 1 1909-1923 period. Dr. Ioannis-Dionysios Salavrakos (*) Introduction. The intellectual aspiration of the paper is to highlight the economic forces, which played an immense role in the wars in which Greece participated during the 1909-1923 period. These were four major conflicts: The two Balkan wars of 1912-1913 against the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria; the First World War (1914-1918) and the Greek-Turkish war of 1919-1922. The tragic period started with Greek victories and ended with the greatest defeat of the modern Greek state. Although these conflicts were different, there is a clear nexus between them. In the Greek as well as the international bibliography, the majority of studies highlight the strategic, tactical, operational, diplomatic, psychological dimensions of the conflicts of the period, as well as, the personal motives of political and military leaders. Under this intellectual framework, the economic forces of the conflict are marginalized by most academics. The final conflict of the period is primarily known as the ‘Campaign of Asia-Minor’ in the Greek bibliography, whereas in the Turkish bibliography it is considered as ‘the Great Patriotic War.’ Thus in this article we aim to demonstrate that the conflicts of the period are connected and also that the Greek defeat 1 This article is dedicated to the memory of my beloved grandmother Stavroula Poulea Koutsikou (1921- 2019) who passed away. She had lived the Second World War and had told me many stories from that era.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Full Text
    Courant Research Centre ‘Poverty, Equity and Growth in Developing and Transition Countries: Statistical Methods and Empirical Analysis’ Georg-August-Universität Göttingen (founded in 1737) Discussion Papers No. 266 Home bias in humanitarian aid: The role of regional favoritism in the allocation of international disaster relief Christian Bommera, Axel Dreher, Marcello Perez-Alvarez September 2019 Platz der Göttinger Sieben 5 ⋅ 37073 Goettingen ⋅ Germany Phone: +49-(0)551-3921660 ⋅ Fax: +49-(0)551-3914059 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.uni-goettingen.de/crc-peg Home bias in humanitarian aid: The role of regional favoritism in the allocation of international disaster relief Christian Bommera (University of Goettingen, Heidelberg University) Axel Dreherb (Heidelberg University, University of Goettingen, KOF, CEPR, CESifo) Marcello Perez-Alvarezc (University of Goettingen) Abstract This paper investigates whether regional favoritism shapes humanitarian aid flows. Using a rich and unique dataset derived from reports of the Office of US Foreign Disaster Assistance (OFDA), we show that substantially larger amounts of aid are disbursed when natural disasters hit the birth region of the recipient countries’ political leader. While we find no evidence that US commercial or political interests affect the size of this home bias, the bias is stronger in countries with a weaker bureaucracy and governance, suggesting the absence of effective safeguards in the allocation of aid. Keywords: humanitarian aid, natural disasters, regional favoritism, birth regions Acknowledgments: We thank Cooper Drury and Thomas Eisensee for generously sharing their OFDA data. We further thank Stephan Klasen, Sven Kunze, Sebastian Vollmer and conference participants at ETH Zürich (AEL 2018), MIT (IPES 2018) and Oxford University (CSAE 2019) for helpful comments, as well as Patrick Betz, Theresa Geyer, Adrian Monninger, Friederike Schilling, and Wangzhen Xia for excellent research assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • George C. Bitros
    WORKING PAPER SERIES 06-2017 Germany and Greece: A mapping of their great divide and its EU implications George C. Bitros Πατησίων 76, 104 34 Αθήνα. Tηλ.: 210 8203303‐5 / Fax: 210 8238249 76, Patission Street, Athens 104 34 Greece. Tel.: (+30) 210 8203303‐5 / Fax: (+30) 210 8238249 E‐mail: [email protected] / www.aueb.gr 1 Germany and Greece: A mapping of their great divide and its EU implications By George C. Bitros Emeritus Professor of Political Economy Athens University of Economics and Business Abstract The economic constitutions of Germany and Greece have resulted in the postwar period in two economies that are based on two vastly different philosophies. Germany has built a highly competitive, outward looking economy based essentially on the principles of the so-called “Social Market Economy”, whereas Greece has set up a “state-managed econ- omy” by drawing on the principles of central planning and administrative controls. This divide is equally stark, if assessed on the basis of the performance of the two economies. For, as it is known by now, Germany has become once again the powerhouse of Europe while Greece has gone bankrupt. As to the implications of this great divide for the future of the EU, its identification and mapping helps understand why convergence criteria on the basis of economic performance and living standards should be abandoned in favor of criteria based on the widening and deepening of the four European freedoms. A multi- speed Euroland enmeshed in these freedoms is going to be more democratic, more cohe- sive and a much happier union for the European citizens to call homeland.
    [Show full text]
  • Greece Political Briefing: Greek Politics in 2019 George N
    ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 24, No. 1 (GR) Dec 2019 Greece political briefing: Greek politics in 2019 George N. Tzogopoulos 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: Chen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 Greek politics in 2019 Following 4,5 years of SYRIZA (and Independent Greeks) administration, Greece saw a governmental change in 2019. The conservative New Democracy won the national election of 5 July and Kyriakos Mitsotakis became the new prime minister. While the first semester of the year was full with political tensions in view of the national election, the second was relatively calm. The government of New Democracy enjoyed a grace period and was not encountered with significant political challenges. The law allowing Greeks living abroad to vote was one of its successes and received broad political support. 2019 was an election year for Greece. All opinion polls were suggesting that the governing SYRIZA party would lose the national election to the main opposition New Democracy party. This happened in July indeed. The way until the national election was full with political tensions. The year started with the coalition government of SYRIZA-Independent Greek charting separate courses after 4,5 years of close cooperation. The main reason for the divorce was the opposition of the leader of Independent Greeks and Defense Minister Panos Kammenos to the Prespes Agreement signed between Greece and North Macedonia. When this Agreement came to the Greek Parliament for approval, Kammenos withdrew his support to the Greek government.
    [Show full text]
  • The Real Exchange Rate of Euro and Greek Economic Growth ∗ Gregory T
    The Journal of Economic Asymmetries 12 (2015) 100–109 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect The Journal of Economic Asymmetries www.elsevier.com/locate/jeca The real exchange rate of euro and Greek economic growth ∗ Gregory T. Papanikos a,b, a University of Stirling, UK b Athens Institute for Education and Research (ATINER), Greece a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t Article history: This study argues that an overvalued euro has caused the largest ever drop in Greece’s Received 19 June 2014 GDP growth since the World War II. Sharp declines of GDP growth would have been Received in revised form 27 April 2015 avoided had ECB’s monetary and exchange rate policy been different and more conducive Accepted 27 April 2015 to countries that suffered the most from the world economic crisis of 2007. Greece was Available online xxxx the last to be hit, but was unfortunately ‘battered’ really hard. In this study, it is found Keywords: that (a) the real effective exchange rate of euro was 20% overvalued and (b) this has had Euro a negative impact on Greek economic growth. A 10% undervaluation would have increased Real exchange rate the rate of growth of per capita GDP by almost an additional 1.25% per annum. This would Economic growth have made the economic recession less severe. During the crisis years, it seems that the Greece ECB’s monetary and exchange rate policy favored particular countries in the eurozone, and Germany emerges as the big winner.
    [Show full text]