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King's and Queen's Place in the Interior of the Georgian Church

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King's and Queen's Place in the Interior of the Georgian Church NATALIA CHITISHVILI George Chubinashvili National Research Centre for Georgian Art History and Heritage Preservation KING’S AND QUEEN’S PLACE IN THE INTERIOR OF THE GEORGIAN CHURCH Similar to the general liturgical practices of the Christian World, a rule based on the principles of hierarchy has been established over the centuries in the Georgian liturgical tradition, which regulated the arrangement of people in the church space. Special places were allotted for different ranks of clergy and laity. The presence of secular rulers, ecclesiastical authorities, monks, women, etc. at the service resulted in various divisions in the church space. However, it has to be taken into account that this was done in different ways in different countries and even in different regions within one country. Therefore, it would be inappropriate to make general conclusions based on isolated examples. The present article deals with the questions of where kings and queens (and their courtiers) stood during the service in the Georgian church and how the spaces assigned to royal persons were arranged. Arrival of a king at the church was a processional event in Medieval Georgia.1 Owing to lack of sources, we are unaware when this comcept of a procession emerged, how it was formed and what kind of alterations it went through. However, the 14th-century Georgian code of laws entitled “Regulations of the Royal Court”2 allows us to imagine at least partially the king’s festive procession moving towards the church during a religious celebration: Now let us speak about the Epiphany, a grand occasion. It is the custom that all the Christians, as many as there might be, all of them, should go to the King, wherever he is. A large banner is attached to a staff [and carried in front of the procession] which is headed by the kettle- drummers; then comes the cross-bearer robed in vestments and carrying the wood of the True 1 For the procession of the Byzantine emperors see: R. J. Mainstone, Hagia Sophia, Architecture, Structure and Liturgy of Justinian's Great Church (London, 1997), pp. 231-235; G. Dagron, Emperor and Priest, The Imperial Office in Byzantium (Cambridge, 2003); G. P. Majeska, “The Emperor in His Church: Imperial Ritual in the Church of St. Sophia,” in: H. Maguire (ed.), Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1204 (Washington, 2004), pp. 1-11. 2 Regulations of the Royal Court, Texts prepared for publishing, translated into English, annexed by introduction, dictionary, notes and comments by K. Surguladze (Tbilisi, 1993), pp. 14-15. 1 Cross (lit. the wood of life) in his hands. After the blessing of the water they go back in the same order. When the King arrives at the church the drummers stop beating their kettle-drums and the banner is put in front of the church porch. After leaving the church the King passes [to the palace] with the banner and stands in front of the entrance. The darbazoba takes place according to protocol, major or minor, as the King would wish. On entering the church, the king occupies his due place. Unfortunately, evidence on this subject is rather sparse and irregular in terms of time. A large part of the written and archaeological evidence comes from the mid-17th century, while there actually exists no material concerning the earlier period. It can only be presumed that the north-west niche of the minor church of the Holy Cross in Mtskheta dating from the 6th century might have been the place assigned to either the catholikos3 or the governor of Kartli (Fig. 1).4 Fig. 1. The Minor Church of the Holy Cross at Mtskheta. Interior. Looking west From the 10th century, there is some evidence in the historic south-western Georgian province of Tao (now in Turkey), in the churches of Oshki, Khakhuli and Parkhali built by the representatives of the Bagrationi royal family, David Kuropalates and his brother Bagrat 3 G. Chubinashvili, Pamiatniki tipa Djvari (Tbilisi, 1948), p. 11, pl. 35, 38. 4 N. Chitishvili, “Svetitskhovlis samepo saqdari,” Saqartvelos Sidzveleni, 16 (2013), pp. 154-155. 2 Magistros, as well as in the Cathedral of Ishkhani completed in 1032 after several reconstructions. Fig. 2. Church of St John the Baptist in Oskhi. Interior. Niche in the south-west pier of the dome Niches of semi-circular plan cut into the piers supporting the dome of the church of St John the Baptist at Oshki have been identified as being associated with local rulers (Fig. 2). W. Djobadze noted that they “could have comfortably accommodated the sovereigns not only seated but also standing.”5 The conch of the niche cut in the south-western pier is made up of radial beams and looks like a shell. The conch as well as the pilasters of the niche had been painted red. A badly damaged figure of a saint is depicted in the niche under the conch. Its iconography (the way of depicting the hair, the nimbus without the cross) suggests that it must have been the representation of St John the Baptist. On both sides of the figure, on the imposts of the conch arch, there are above-the-waist sculptural images of David Magistros and Grand Duke Bagrat accompanied by supplicatory inscriptions in Georgian capital (asomtavruli) script. The one carved next to David mentions the Virgin, while the other next to Bagrat mentions St John the Baptist.6 5 W. Djobadze, Early Medieval Georgian Monasteries in Historic Tao, Klarjeti, and Šavšeti (Stuttgart, 1992), p. 100. 6 ibid, pp. 135-136. 3 The assignment of the southern arm of Oshki to the king and his courtiers, i.e. its somewhat “secular” nature, is emphasized by a mural painting in the southern apse (Fig. 3),7 which represents the wedding of King Bagrat IV and the festive procession bringing the Holy Nail to Georgia, which had been sent with his wife Helena, the niece of Emperor Romanos III, as part of her dowry.8 Its representation close to the place where members of the royal family stood must bear a special ideological significance. Fig. 3. Church of St John the Baptist in Oskhi. Interior. Mural painting in south apse. Detail A similar semi-circular niche is also observed in the north-western pier in Oshki (Fig. 4). At a glance, this niche, unlike the first one, is rather modestly decorated. However, on closer examination it becomes clear that the sculptural decoration of the niche has been intentionally 7 According to the inscription, the painting was executed in 1036 at the expense of Jojik Patrikios. See: E. Takaishvili, 1917 tslis arqeologiuri eqspedicia samkhret saqartveloshi (Tbilisi, 1960), pp. 43, 56; N. Thierry, “Peintures historiques d’Ošk’i (Tao),” Revue des études géorgiennes et caucasiennes, N° 2 (1986), p. 135-136; W. Djobadze, Early Medieval Georgian Monasteries..., p. 140. 8 N. Thierry, “Peintures historiques d’Ošk’i (Tao),” pp. 136-138; A. Eastmond, Royal Imagery in the Medieval Kingdom of Georgia (Philadelphia, 1998), pp. 232-234. 4 destroyed .9 The damage renders it impossible to recognise the original images and thus complicates identification of the niche’s function. Fig. 4. Church of St John the Baptist in Oskhi. Interior. Niche in the north-west pier of the dome However, this can be done with the help of analogous archaeological evidence from other churches of Tao. In Khakhuli, the niche cut in the north-western pier was painted (Fig. 5-6). At present, only a small fragment of the painting remains. It shows that there was a canopy resting on four pillars depicted here, of which only its upper part, fragments of two left-side pillars and a roof, can be identified. A one-line capital (asomtavruli) inscription made under the canopy mentions Matthew, a priest of the Khakhuli monastery.10 Although the niche is contemporaneous with the church, built in the second half of the 10th century, paleographical peculiarities of the inscription seem to indicate that it was made later, in the 12th -13th centuries. 9 N. Chitishvili, “Svetitskhovlis samepo saqdari,” p. 157, note 22. 10 E. Takaishvili, 1917 tslis arqeologiuri eqspedicia..., p. 65, pl. 94. Nearby, at the upper left side of the niche, there is an incised two-line lower case (nuskhuri) inscription: “God, have mercy on Papuna. Amen”. 5 Fig. 5. Church of the Mother of God in Khakhuli. Interior. Niche in the north-west pier of the dome Fig. 6. Church of the Mother of God in Khakhuli. Interior. Niche in the north-west pier of the dome. Inscription The content of the inscription and its location suggest that the niche was designed as a standing place for the priest of the Khakhuli Monastery - at least at the time when the niche was 6 painted and the inscription executed. As for the identification of the painting, owing to its poor condition it is hard to say what had been depicted here. According to W. Djobadze, it was the scene of the Presentation of Jesus in the Temple;11 however, the small area in the niche designated for the painting raises some doubts. It is more likely that there were isolated figures depicted under the canopy - probably the Saviour, or a saint, or even the priest Matthew himself. In this latter case, the supplicatory inscription would appear above his head. In Parkhali, the niche in the north-western pier was also painted. The painting was still visible, although very poorly, in 1917 when E. Takaishvili visited the church. On either side of the head of the figure depicted in the niche there was a supplicatory inscription mentioning Abraham, the priest of Parkhali.12 Fig.
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