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NEW BURMA WEEKLY 23rd Adjust 1958 11

A HISTORY OF BURMA

down to the end of the Thirteenth Century by

,

^FOREWORD ter just because Dr. Than Tun “ HAD It Is with fear and trepidation I write this BEEN” a Marxist. I do not see any rea­ .foreword to Dr. Than Tun’s “History of son why the Union Government can Burma down to the end -of the Thirteenth not be as tolerant as the University of Century” . Since I was an undergrad in London. In the University of London 195® Dr. Than Turn has been my mentor. there are many dons who are professed CHAPTERS Writing a foreword to one’s mentor’s work Communists, Perhaps Burma is just is not very comfortable. One must be able another America with a Burma-brand to forget one’s emotion for him and one’s Macarthy and his set rule. The University of Rangoon is very bias. Even if one is able to do so, one is Introduction (Writing of Early likely to be accused of being very partial. fortunate indeed to have Dr. Than Tun To foe impartial and impersonal is my back. But is the University, which regret­ Burmese History) watchword. tably has very few scholars like Dr. Than Tun, making proper use of him? Is the Burma before the Burmans Came I Dr. Than Tun is a Master of Arts and a University, where there is no freedoom of law graduate of the University of Ran­ speech, taking advantage of him? No. The goon. After getting his first degree, he University should be sensible enough to City of the Parched Land II joined the Department of History in the know that it is a shame nay, a crime, to same University, the Department to which shelve persons like Dr. Than Tun. It is a Expansion South III he still humiliatedly belongs. Later he grand conspiracy. In England an eminent migrated to the School of Oriental and scholar like Dr. Than Tun would at least African Studies, University of London. be a Reader. But in our Truth-forsaken Conquerors Conquered IV He submitted his thesis“ TH£ BUDDHIST country talent does not go far. No won­ CHURCH DURING THE PAGAN der the country is in such chaos. Burmanisation V PERIOD” to the University of London, Dr. Than Tun has been reading learned and he was duly awarded the degree of papers ever since his return, some of Final Conquest of the North VI Doctor of Philosophy. On the merits of which are:- firstly,“Law of Inheritance in his epoch-making thesis he was awarded Burma during A.D. 1044 to 1287” , second­ the B.C. Law Prize for the year 1955-56. ly, “ Social Life in Burma” A.D. 1044 to Rival Sects of the Religion VII The B.C. Law Prize was founded in 1946 1287” , thirdly, History of Burma: by Dr. Bimala Churn Law of Calcutta and A.D. 1044 to 1287” , and lastly “ Nachon- Administrative System VIII is awarded annually to a student of dis­ khyam” . At present he is compiling a tinction from among those studying such History of Kengtung. Asiatic languages as ,, Prakrit, It is not for me to write how eminent Social Life IX Tibetan, Chinese, Burmese and Sinhalese and hoW accomplished a scholar Dr. Than a»t the University of London. His prin­ Tun is. His “ History of Burma” will Economic Life X cipal sources were the epigraphs, both in speak for him.This series is not meant for Mon and Burmese, of that period. While specialists alone. It is meant for laymen as XI in London he read two papers to the well. We will publish his learned articles Art and Architecture School; firstly, “Slaves of Burma during on the fourth Saturday of every month. the Pagan period” and secondly, “ Admin­ He is one of the very few who have read Decay XII istration Under the Burmese Kings all the epigraphs of Burma that have been during the Pagan period” . discovered down to the Fourteenth Cen­ Destruction XIII There has been a loud acclamation tury. And he is one of the few persons who lately that Burma is truly democratic. I have read the stones proper, sometimes in certainly do not endorse this . I am situ and sometimes at the protected places. Resume XIV amused. But my sense of humour must be The standard history of Burma is yet to very peculiar. Is there freedom of con­ be written. But who will write it? After viction in Burma? Decidedly no. Dr. Than Professor G.H. Luce, Dr. Than Tun is Tun was pushed out of the Defence Ser­ our only hope. vices Institute by the then Defence Minis­ Tin Hla Thaw 12 NEW BURMA WEEKLY 23rd August 1958

INTRODUCTION

The Writing of Early Burmese History

INSCRIPTIONS provide all the material Ananda had hundreds of glazed Compilers of chronicles were aware of for writing the Burmese history of the plaques depicting scenes from the Jataka the fact that they should use the material- Eleventh to the Thirteenth Century. When with Mon legends. As a matter of fact, from the inscriptions to check the compared with other countries of South- Mon seems to be the official language of authenticity of certain statements East Asia, Burma is very rich in inscrip­ the early part of our period. There are in the Chronicles written before tions especially for the period concerned. also thirty-five tablets from Taungbi, them. who compiled the “ Great: For our period, there are more than five east of Ananda, Pagan. Names of some Chronicle” in about 1720 was the pioneer hundred inscriptons, mosly engraved on fruits and trees are written on them and in this respect: but Twinthin Mahasithu- Webu (mica-schist) stones. Some are judging by the script and spelling, they are who produced the “New Chronicle” in written on the walls of the hollow- considered the earliest writing in Burmese. about 1790, was the first person’ to make (ku). Most of these inscriptions In all probability they must have a serious attempt to check history by are found in such places known in olden survived the period A. D 1113-1174, when means of inscriptions’. When the “ Glass days as Sunaparanta (o^oo6|^oo) and Burmans started writing their own Palace Chronicle” was compiled in 1829 language using Mon script. The Tatkale eleven inscriptions were used to check Tambadipa which are the lands Pagoda Inscription (Pl. 12, A. D. 1192) the old statements (see GPC pp. 65 68, 70 north of the Irrawaddy and south of the gives us a good example of the script, 71, 90, 129, 129, 129, 129, 130 and 130) Irrawaddy respectively. (The big river in spelling and style of . The in connection with our period. But their the middle of Burma runs east to west script originally belongs to Pallava use of epigraphic evidence was very little. and hence this north and south division.) (Conjeveram) of South India. Inscrip­ None of them had made a real attempt to In old Burmese these places are tions became more numerous towards the write the history entirely depending on called kharuin and tuik (c^cS) end of the Pagan Dynasty. Rubbings of the inscriptions which the modern scholar district has eleven Kharuin these inscriptions—over five hundred considers the only possible and correct and Minbu district has six Kharuin. altogether, should be taken first. Then method. When Silavamsa wrote the Kharuin formed the original home they should be deciphered and “ Celebrated Chronicle” in about 1520, he of the Burmese people. Perhaps it would transliterated. When this is done, another had only a few sentences to write on the be more suitable to call them ‘nurseries’ important part of the strenuous work is story of Pagan butU Kala had it enlarged because the Burmese expanded their to card-index faithfully the material that to more than two hundred pages. He settlements from these Kharuin into tuik they afford. Once this is completed, one is used local legends and many Jataka later and from tuik into liuinharh(^Sc) — ready to write the history. (The Burma stories for this purpose and evidently Historical Commissionisnowcollecting the these stories have little or no historical the empire. Very roughly kharuin and tuik rubbings of inscriptions found in Burma value. Why were these stories incorpo­ areas form' the Dry Zone of Central and its collection will soon be complete rated? Because of the desire to des­ Burma and nuinnam extended from Takon and ready for scholars to decipher and cribe a given episode with a similar (obei.TDoS) andl$fachohkhyam(cGSOoS^0) card-index the inscriptions. Inscriptions and better known story from the in ihe north to Taluirisare (coc^SooGSj) of Burma in five portfolios published Jataka or the misinterpretation of the by the University of Rangoon are the old records. When two brothers quar­ and Tawai (oob) in the south and from photographic reproductions of the rub­ relled and the younger won, part of the Macchakiri —the Chin Hills, in bings of ‘over fivehundred inscriptions’ Mahajanaka story where the brothers the west to Salwan (ooc^S)—the Salween of our period. One should start reading fought is retold. When a son of a junior River, in the east. Burmese inscriptions the inscriptions with these photographs queen was given the throne superseding are fairly distributed throughout this and check the readings with rubbings the sons of senior queens, part of the -—most numerous in the ‘nurseries’. available at the Burmese Department, Ramayana where Dasaratha appointed a School of Oriental and African Studies, junior son as heir to the throne was f he earliest inscriptions, of our period, University of London; the Burmese retold mutatis mutandis When they yet discovered are the ‘seals’ of Aniruddha Department, University of Rangoon; misread or misinterpreted old records, (£©?$§) .They are all on terra-cotta votive the Burma Historical Commission they invented new stories to explain them. tablets and bear the name of Aniruddha in and the Department of Archaeological The name of a king Thaktawshe—Long Sanskrit or Pali ( in'the latter Survey, Burma. When in doubt, the final Life—was misread Chaktawshe—Long cast i The northernmost place where decision should be made only after having Navel Cord—and as a result, the story these seal are found is at the Shweli- a look at the inscription stone itself. A that the king, when young, cried incessantly Irrawaddy. junction and the southernmost book on old Burma by Professor G.H. so as to cause inflammation of the navel place at hwante. After these we have Luce will soon be published by the cord and had thus acquired the nickname Mon inscriptions of Kyanzittha (A.D. Burma Historical Commission and many of Long Navel Cord (see GPC pp. 106 and 1083-1113) edited by C. O. Blagden and of his old pupils are eagerly awaiting its 111) is given. Another name Nadaung- published i . the Epigraphia Birmanica. The appearance). mya—Lord of many Ear Ornaments—was NEW BURMA WEEKLY 23rd August 1958 13

misread Nandaungmya—For Whom It Sakarac (Burmese Era) and Anno Buddhae (Buddhist Era) would be given in Anno Was Made Many Entreaties For the Domini (Christian Era, Julian) and the conversion is worked out from the tables by Throne—and a relevant portion of the Sir A. Irwin: “ The Elements of the from A.D. 639-1752”, Indian Ramayana is retold (see GPC p. 141). Antiquary, 1910, pp. 289-315. Old Burmese names are Romanized in accordance Certain unimportant kings would be with the table given. A new list of kings with identification and corrected regnal omitted in the first instance but when years is also given. inserted again two kings would appear as one and in a wrong place. Thus Man Yan (0800^) (1256) and Narasihgha Ucc|ia ;($6p3o5go) (1231-5) became Minyin CONSONANTS N aratheinhka o f 1171-4 in the Chronicles. CO KA © CA q TA CO TA 0 PA CO VA CD 5A. Apart from these mistakes in genealogy © KHA SO CUA THA CO THA © PHA 9 RA 03 HA and names, we also find that the Chroni­ <3 cles had made grave errors in the history o

Fig. 1 — SRIK^ETRA — The City oF Splendour built in A.D. 638 NEW BURMA WEEKLY 23rd August 195g 15

One urn inscription (Pl. 354a) mentions that Harivikrama (not the founder of the dynasty) died at the age of 41 years, 7 months and 9 days on the 24th day of the 2nd month in the year 57 (A.D. 695). Fig. 2 In plan, the city was almost circular (see Fig. 1) and it used large bricks for its Urn Inscriptions, wall. There were moats, one within and another without the city. The area en­ zSri Ksetra closed is about 18 square miles, i.e. larger than Pagan. It seems that the northern half was meant for paddy fields and this arrangement was strange. Ordinarily cultivation should be outside the city wall. Perhaps the city was planned to withstand a long siege in times of war. So to-day, when a person looks for CHAPTER I through the influence of {Guhadipa, guru historical sites within the city wall, he to both princes. should concentrate his attention only on Burma before the Burmans Came the southern half, i.e. on the south of the ZSrI Ksetra was not exactly on the river railway line which almost bisects the city WE KNOW VERY LITTLE about Burma bank. It is now 5 miles to the south-east site. Streets and gates are not discernible before the Burmans came into the of Prome. But when it was built, a stream now. Present breaks in the wall may or country in the 9th century A.D. The (Nawinchaung) must have touched its may not coincide with the old gates. earliest people we know of, who at one north and north-west before emptying time lived in Burma, were the Negritoes. itself into the Irrawaddy. There is a The palace site (^S6oo5o^s) has its From the north-west of Burma they popular belief that the city was a sea own wall and moat. A brick platform of moved south and passed into the Malay port. It is one of the modern myths like 210 square feet seems to be the place Peninsula. After them peoples of the supposing Pagan was green with vegeta­ where once the palace stood.(Thayettaw— Austric family appeared. It was during tion eight hundred years ago. (We shall the old museum, is on the south of this the 1st milienium B.C. Mon, Lawa, Riang deal with this in Chapter III). It is for palace site and Kyaukka Thein Gon—the and Palaung were among them. South­ the geologist to determine how old the new museum, is on its north. Thayettaw eastern Burma from Kyaukse to Tavoy Irrawaddy Delta is, but it cannot be Museum is not in use now and its exhibits became Mon area. As a matter of fact, wrong to say that it is well over one will soon be completely transferred to south-eastern Burma and the whole of thousand five hundred years old. the Kyaukka Thein Gon Museum which was ‘Monland’ until the 13th houses the larger finds of various century. They were Buddhists and had The city was built in A.D. 638. It was ‘diggings’ since 1907. Many of the known the art of writing from the 7th the new city of a new dynasty known as smaller and finer pieces found were century or earlier. Vikrama which inaugurated a new era to sent to the Archaeological Office at By the use of irrigation, they turned be called Sakarac that dated from the and to the Indian Museum at Kyaukse into a cultivable land long be­ time when the solar and lunar years Calcutta. fore the Burmans came to settle there. started almost simultaneously. Sakarac They had to stay away from the banks is of course a lunar calendar but one The Maunggan gold plates are at the of the great river Irrawaddy because the peculiarity we have noticed is that, un­ British Musem—OR. 5340a. The Kyaukka more militant Pyu (Tircul) of the Tibeto- like modern Burmans who are still using Thein Gon Museum has six great stone Burma group, who were already at the the Sakarac, the Pyu did not have names reliefs, one with aPyu inscription together Burma-China border by the middle of for their months, nor did they reckon with royal urns and many carved, the 3rd century A. D., had moved further their days in accordance with the waxing fragments in stones and clay. Images of south and occupied the whole river course and waning of the moon. Gupta style are from the Udeinna Natsin- from to Prome. Pyu had evolved a civilization of its own by the 7th century. Its king (tda:ba:) called Harivikrama (PL. 365a) must have been quite a powerful monarch to have had the resources to build a city that r a s to be known as the City of Splendor (Sri Kgetra) on the west of the Irrawaddy. It was also known as the Hermit City ( s^gooJI) . Jayachandravarman, his elder brother, but perhaps less able, built another one ealled the City ;(8oco^§|§) near Kokkogwa, 11 miles west ot . He was neither a rival nor a subordinate to his powerful brother Harivikrama. There was an agreement, which we would to-day call a peaceful co-existence between them- largely 16 NEW BURMA WEEKLY 23rd August 1958

Fig. 4—Halingyi, the later Capital of Pyu (8th - 9th Century A.D.) destroyed by Nan-Chao in A.D. 832 NEW BURMA WEEKLY 23rd August 1958 17

gon on the south of the palace site.) Out­ Buddhas and four disciples found at Khin ‘argument’ (vitarka ) and ‘charity’ side the city wall, buildings or places of Ba’s mound, we get three more names, (varadamudra) are also f ound. The disciples historical importance are Payagyi on the presumably kings in lineal descent, viz., Sariputtra and Moggolana) would be in north-west, Payama on the north­ Suriyavikrama who died in A.D. 688, the pose of ‘prayer’ anjali mudra and the east, Bawbawgyi, Bebe, Laymyethna, Harivikrama who died in A.D. 695 and in the pose of ‘pastime’ (lalita ‘Vishnu Queen’s Cemetery’ ( 8 ooos § eps Slhavikram^ who died in A.D. 718. mudra). All popular Bodhisattva like The fall of Sri Kgetra as mentioned in the Pogaunggon and ‘Fort of Maitreva, Aval okitefs vara, Padmapani, great Shwe Zigon inscription of Pagan, Manjdsri and are well represented Vishnu’ (8ooo|s^) on the south. This (Ep. Birm. I, ii, 125) in A.D. 656 is including the Dyani—Budda Amitabha. ‘fort’ is quite close to the city, moated definitely wrong. It must be in the last Statuettes are mostly made in silver, and square in plan. Cemeteries are located half of the 8th century that the city fell, rarely in bronze and glass. Terracotta on the south-western side outside the due perhaps to the invasions of Cakraw. votive tablets usually have yedharma city wall, mostly on the ridges called Halingyi in Shwebo district became their hetuprabhava, etc., written underneath Theindaung and Kanthonzindaung. capital then. Unfortunately, Pyu had to the Buddha in high relief in Nagari recognise the suzerainty of Nan-chao who script on the obverse with the donor’s From the cemeteries, we learn that the were very active on the present Burma- name in Pyu added on the reverse. Pyus burnt their dead and stored the ashes China border area in the 8th century. They vary in size and the largest measures in urns. Usually earthern urns were for Halingyi is a square city (see fig. 4) and 10x7 inches in the shape of a banyan leaf. the commoners, bronze or copper for its condition in about 802 is described in Terracotta carvings on large panels (some the nobles and stone for royalty. The some detail in the T’ang Dynastic His­ measure 26-1/2” x9” x6”) with various epitaph would be written either on the tories because it was in 801-2 that their floral and animal designs are also found urn itself (Pl. 354abcd, see Fig. 2) or king (Yung-ch’iang or K’un--chang) (see Fig. 5 abed). Pyu pots are of the on a tombstone (Pl. 357a, Stone 96 of sent a mission through Nan-chao to usual bulbous shape or straight-sided, Pagan Museum, see Fig. 3). White pebbles, China. In spite of this, it was destroyed sometimes elaborately decorated with nails and iron pins, hooks, knife-blades, by Nan-chao in 832. Except for the coins, florals. Exquisite ornaments like gold rods, some ornaments, etc., are often which were found in plenty there, the chains, beads, necklaces, rings, etc., are found with the ashes. With the exception city site affords little or no evidence as unearthed every now and then but only of big stone urns of the kings, (one big to Pyu art and architecture or religious few find their way to museums. Coins urn is 38” high with a 26” diameter) an thoughts and beliefs. Fof these we shall are found in the relic chambers and in the average urn is six to nine inches high. have to go backto'Sri Ksetra. funerary urns. Most of them are in silver, Thanks to these urns, in addition to such one in copper and none in gold. They vary names as Harivikrama (Pl. 365a) the The Gupta art in the earlier period and from Kyat size to five-pyas size. A the Paia art in the latter period had some Chinese account of the 9th century (Man founder of'Sri Ksetra^Jayachandravarman influence over the Pyu. Moulds for (Pl. 365a) the founder of Vishnu City, Shu) also states that the Pyu had a silver terracotta votive tablets suggest their coinage. Signs of Indian origin such as Prabhuvarma and his wife PrabhudevT— place of origin as north India (). donors of a gilded silver casket of four the conch, trident, elephant-hook, guttae, But it would be hard for a Pyu artist to , sun and moon with rays are conform strictly to all the conventions of the Indian art, and sometimes we find figures which have totally lost the Indian features. With the Pyu, figures in relief were more popular. The triad—Buddha flanked by either two disciples or two Bodhisattva or two 'Sakti was the usual theme. Brahmanic stone sculptures, mostly Vaishnava are also found.They are usually in South Indian Pallava style. Buddha would be shown mostly in the pose of ‘earrh-touching’ (bhunispai^a mudra), but other poses like "‘meditation (dyana mudra), ‘turning the wheel of law’ (dhar- macakra mudra), ‘fear not’ (abhaya mudra)

Fig. 5 a Fig. 5 b Fig. 5 c 18 NEW BURMA1WEEKLY 23rd August 1958

Encased pagodas which were much more 3. G. H. Luce: “ Fu-Kan-Tu-Lu” , JBRS popular with the later age were also to be XIV, ii, 91. found then. Small vaulted-hollow-pagodas 4. G. H. Luce: “ The Tan (97-132 A.D.) like Bebe, Laymethna and East Zegu are and the Ngai Lao” , the prototypes of Pagan temples contract­ JBRS. XIV,ii, 100. ed in the plan of a Greek cross with 5. G. H. Luce: “ Countries neighbouring four halls, a corridor around and Burma” , ZBRS',XIV,ii,138 a cell with central pier. In these build­ 6. G. H. Luce: “ Names of the Pyu” ,. ings, the Pyu used ‘radiating arch’ and JBRS XXII,ii,90. this was passed on to the people of Pagan. 7. G. H. Luce: “ The Ancient Pyu” , The religious thoughts and beliefs of JBRS XXVII,iii, 239-53, the Pyu were many and varied. The pre­ sence of Vaishnavism is certain, though 8. G. H. Luce: “ Coming of the Bur- the presence of Shaivism is’ doubt­ mans” , one of the three ful. Mahayanism also flourished, but lectures given at the Hinayanism was most popular. Extracts Annual Conference of from Abhihdamma are found copied on the Defence Services, gold plates, and it is a good proof that 1956 and privately was flourishing in about circulated. the seventh century in lower Burma. But 9. G. H. Luce ‘‘Burma down to the curiously enough many of the loanwords and P. M. Tin: Fall of Pagan (An Out­ in Pyu are Sanskrit in origin. The city line) Part I” JBRS,. was also mentioned as Buddhistic by XXIX,iii,264-82 Hsuan-tsang in648and I-tsing in about 675. Chinese accounts also mention the Pyu CHAPTER II of Halingyi as ‘good Buddhists, peaceful and decorous’. City of the Parched Land In language, Pyu was the distant cousin BURMANS ARE MONGOLOID by of the Burmese. It was mainly monosylla­ race and their language is akin to both bic and had a well developed tonal system, the Classical Tibetan and the Archaic using dots to denote them in writing. Chinese. They possessed quite an advan-. When writing Pali theyused ascript similar ced Neolithic culture in about 2000 B.C. to the Kadamba script of western India. In fact they were “ equals of the Chinese But when writing purely Pyu as late as in civilization” then. Many of their the 12th century, they used the subscript beautiful clay urns with geometrical ‘anchor’ Y (oooS) which was no longer patterns (see Fig. 9 a,b,c,&d) still survive. used in India from the 5th century.Z5ri Their original home until the contrary Terracotta carvings 5d (from Author’s Ksetra fell in the last half of the 8th is proved, is at the T’ao river valley, some Sketch Book) century and Halingyi rose to become their 50 miles south of Lan-Chou,the capital of later capital until it was destroyed by Kansu Province. They lived in the valley, stamped on the coins. Perhaps the coins Nan-chao in 832. The same enemies des­ but they carried their dead to hilltops for were then used as talisman and not as a troyed the Mon in 835 Thus their falls burial. One of these graves was discov­ medium of exchange. It is to be noted that made it easy for the Burmans to enter ered by J. G. Anderson in June 1924 (see Nandi—the bull of Siva, is not found on Burma in the 9th century and conquer the Fig. 10). It is known as the P’ien Chia Kou these coins (see Fig.6). plain. When Burmans settled in central grave. A skeleton of a man (of about 40 Burma, it seems that the Pyu mixed freely years of age) is found lying on his left side Of Pyu architecture Bawbawgyi and Lay- with the Burmese so that they were inahccker position and twelve beauti­ myethna are fairly representative of quickly absorbed. ful urns (five of them shown here in and ‘vaulted-hollow-pagoda’ respectively. Fig. 9) are ranged around it. The people Bawbawgyi is a cylinder in bricks 150 ft. Suggested References: who lived and died in that T’ao valley high with three terraces at the base. The were supposed to be ancestors of the base bricks are very large. Above the 1. C.G.Blagden:“ The ‘Pyu’ Inscriptions” , Burmans. Their occupation was more terraces the stupa in the form of a JBRS. VII, i, 37-44. pastoral than agricultural, because they cylinder is 73 ft. high' and 240 ft. in 2. C.O. Blagden: “ The Pyu Face of the were known to their Chinese (then called circumference. Payagyi is now a ruin but Myazedi (sic) Inscription Shang) neighours as the Ch’iang—western it also must have been a cylinder with a at Pagan” , Ep. Birm, l,i, barbarians who raise sheep or goats. tapering top. It has three circular terraces 59-68. These western Ch’iang were often at the base. Payama is also another ruin perhaps of the same cylinder style. This style is.best shown in relief on large stone slabs which were once used as lids of relic chambers. In these reliefs, the stupa has terraces for a base pierced with niches for crosslegged images in medita­ tion pose and the cylinder is rounded at the top, and crowned with casket and pole for tiers of umbrellas and streamers (see a b c d Fig. 7). From these cylinders the bell­ Fig. 6—Pyu Coins, a.b. Ksetra; c.d. Halingyi Linyon, I,xii,57 shaped pagodas of-the latter times evolved. NEW BURMA WEEKLY' 23rd August 1958 19

disturbed by the Chinese who expanded west and therefore they left their original home and moved south. For two centuries they roamed about finding ‘no real resting place’ until they reached the plains of Burma. During these two thousand years of unrest, they lost most of their Kansu Culture (also known as Yang Shao Culture). Some of them reached the northern early in the 8th century. Nanchao, in that early 8th century, rose to become a power to take part as a third party in a series of conflicts between China and since 663. The western frontiers of China from Kansu to were in constant trouble. From their centre at Meng-she, Nanchao made military campaigns in all directions bringing the trouble down to northern Burma, where many tribes including proto-Burmans were living. The proto- Burmans were the P’u, the Wang-chu and the Mang tribes. Their land stretched from the Nmai Hka—Salween watershed in the north to about Hsenwi in the south. They wore thin red silk turbans, cane bamboo waistbands and trousers. They were warlike and many of them were enlisted in the Nanchao army. It was also a time of development for northern Burma. Gold was either mined or washed, amber was mined and salt wells were worked near Myitkyina and Hsenwi. Salt in lumps of fixed weight was used as the'medium of exchange.

Fig. 7. — Pyu type stupa (in relief on the lid of a relic chamber).!

Horses, long-hobned oxen and; dwarf elephants were bred for domestic use. Lychee, areca-nut, myrobalan, coconut, wild mulberry for bows, sago palm, jack fru it,, melons, Job’s tears, a species of tree-cotton, musk, rhinoceros leather, cowries, wax; realgar, various textiles, wood with medicinal and other properties — were the products of these lands. Nanchao demands for recruits became excessive. Because of their many wars, between 751 and 794, most of the able- bodied men from frontier tribes were taken away either for fighting or for working in the gold or amber mines. Some must certainly have escaped into the plains of Burma where Nanchao disliked to fol­ low because of heat and malaria. They, however, came south in 832 and sacked the Pyu capital taking away 3,000 prisoners. In 835'they came again and sacked Mi-

Fig. 8. — Bodhisattva and lay devotees— probably Pyu, in high relief found at Haiingyi. 20 NEW BURMA WEEKLY 23rd August 1958

TONPLUN KHMUIIN

PU T K K

CAKU1H

JNAPAKCH*

TAPLAKSA WtAKkttAXA

lAWANRAY TANK

S A N T W A X CAN) AU

A A K A N C U iN

) T H U tW ^l «R.APiKHUJ«rutN

iARHAK

A U t i A

o ^ N t A ' l '

HKT MlfctK M t

■ui jj . j H - - ...... Fig. 11. — The Eleven Villages — The First Home of the Burmans in Burma NEW BURMA WEEKLY 23rd August 1958 21

(a) Chess Board Pattern

(b) Eight Gourds Pattern (c) Ovals Pattern

(d) Six Rhombus Pattern (e) Four Spirals Pattern

Fig. 9. — Urns of beautiful geometric patterns made by the ancestors of Burma. 22 NEW BURMA WEEKLY 23rd August 1958

Fig. 10.— The Grave of an Ancestor of the Burmans 4,000 years ago.

CORRIGENDA Page 11, 2nd Columm 1st Paragraph, Line 8 For “with” read “where” 3rd Paragraph, Line 7 For “Nachonkyam” read “Nachonkhyam” 4lh and last Paragraph, Line 11 For “ few” read “ fewer” NEW BURMA WEEKLY 23rd August 1958 23

ch’en, another kingdom in iBurma. They in the Irrawaddy 4 miles below Mun, they must have chosen a place on captured Hanoi in 863. In all these cam­ Migyaungye (see Fig. 12). The Burmans the Irrawaddy as their ‘advance-base’. paigns, conscripts of thePyu, the proto- did not go beyond the tuik at first. It But why Pagan in the semi-desert was. the Burmans and various other tribes of was only in the eleventh century that they choice was a mystery. Perhaps it was northern Burma and Yunnan had to take conquered the lands beyond and built up within easy reach of all places by the part. These wars exhausted the Nanchao the nuinham ^8c). river route. The land around Pagan very much so that their power declined was known to the Mon as Tattadesa— rapidly towards the last quarter the Parched Land. It was certainly not a of the 9th century. Taking advantage of We must bear in mind that when the place with much rain as suggested by this weakness of the Nanchao power, the Burmans came into Burma, they found J. C. Mackenzie in his article “ Climate in Burmans came south and entered the the country already occupied by Burmese History’,, JBRS, III, pp. 40-6. plains of Burma. It was a pity that these various other peoples. In the first He based his theory on the fact that Burmans who were used to cold highlands instance, Lawa (coo) and Ponlon there were many ‘wet-cultivation’ fields and green forests had had no time to get ( go18gcoo8) were almost anywhere near and around Pagan and he got this acclimatized when coming down suddenly information from an imperfect English into a burning lowland of scrubs. on both banks of the Irrawaddy. Rmen translation of the Inscriptions of Pagan or Mon occupied the south-eastern In the plains, was their and Ava published by the portion of Burma including the Kyaukse government in 1199. Professor first home. They probably entered the district, because they had to leave the district from the south-east by the - Luce says: “ So far as I am Irrawaddy valley to the more warlike Pyu. aware, no paddy-cultivation on more hteik Pass and seized the land from the When the Burmans entered the Kyaukse Mon. Their first eleven villages known as than a very modest scale is mentioned in district the Mon were, split into the old inscriptions in the neighbourhood the eleven kharuin were spread two and the larger group withrew .of Pagan” . The traditional date of A. D. all over the irrigated part of that place. south while the remnants went 849-50 as the founding of Pagan is too They were from south to north (1) Pahlay north and settled at the Myitnge- early. But the existence of Pagan (oScouS), (2) Planmana (3) Zawgyi junction which came to be known was known to its eastern neighbours as the Muin Kharuin ( ^ 9 ^ ) containing Mlacsa , (4) Ranun , (5) before the middle of the 11th century. The classical name for Pagan is Mrankhuntuin (§S^cr^8), (6) Panan Tanluin rwama ( co^c§8§|9g) . It seems that the Burmans could not have Arimaddanapura — the Crusher of the (o^),(7) Tamut (oo^cS), (8) Santon any difficulty in occupying the Enemies, and the country which it controlled was mentioned in A. D. 1283 ( ooSgoooS) , (9) Makkhara (oogsp), plains because, as mentioned in Chapter II, the Nanchao forces had as Tambadlpa — the Land of Copper. We (10) Taplaksa (oo^cSooo) , and (11) destroyed the power of the Pyu as well do not know the meaning of its native Khamlhu (see Fig. 11) . The last as the Mon in the second quarter of the name Pagan. The Mon mentioned it as Pokam, Pukam and Bukam and the village is actually the Mon settlement. Next 9th century. From the northern portion they crossed the Irrawaddy and settled in of Shwebo district up to Myitkyina Burmese spelled it Pukam (90S) or Pukam the Salin-Sagu area of the modern district was the land of Kantu (oo^o0. (9008) The existing walls of the city show Minbu district. This area came to be The Sak (oocS) lived further south and, that it was not a big city and unlike the known as the six. kharuin of Mapinsaya Pyu it did not include cultivable lands with­ Lekaing and the second home of after the fall of the Pyu, .they became in the city walls. The city is roughly a the Burmans. There was another powerful in the Dry Zone. square with perhaps no wall on the west place called by the name of A peak eight miles to the south­ as it stands right on the river bank. This east of Pagan was called Mount kharuin and it was Tonplun ( gcooS ^ ^ ) City of the Parched Land became the Sakcuiw ( oocS^SgoooS)— the ruler of on the north of Mandalay. It was from centre of the expansion in the 11th century these places that the Burmans spread the Thets. Around Tabayin lived when Aniruddha became rnankri — the fanwise and occupied the plains of the Saw Kantu (ooSoo^o^)- The Karens chief king of all the Burmans. (Figures central Burma which was to become the were in lower Burma and they fell I and II are reproduced from Children deeply under the Mon influence. The o f the Yellow Earth by J. G. Andersson tuik (c^cS). and the two maps are drawn after In the north, the tuik includes Cakraw (©(038), mentioned in old Professor G. H. Luce.) the lands between the Chindwin Burmese, were probably one branch of the and the Irrawaddy south of Tagaung. Karens and they, together with the From south to north, there were Ponlon, ( go18gcoo8) were living in (he Suggested References Latuy Tuik (rocquSc^cS) , Muchuikhrum six kharuin when the Burmans enter­ 1. J. G. Andersson: Children o f the Tuik (^(§lSc^cS), Muchuiphuiw Tuik ed it. The Khyan (^ 8 ) were left in Yellow Earth. London. Kegan Paul. 1934. peace by the Burmans in the Chind­ , Pancan Tuik (o8©^c^c8) , 2. G. H. Luce: “ Note on the People of win valley. It was the Maw Shans Burma in the 12th-13th century A. D.” and Slamsa Tuik Beyond who drove them up,the hills in the 14th Census o f India 1931, XI, I, 296-306. the Chindwin was the Pahkli 10 Tuik century. Thus, with the exception of the 3 G. H. Luce : “Economic Life of the (o8^§ oo c^cS) . Far up the Yaw was the Khyan (sj]8), the Burmans fought with Early Burman” , JBRS, XXX, i, 289-90. Tamakha Tuik (ooGob^cS). On the the Thet, the Kadu,, the Mpn, the Karen, 4. G. H. Luce : “ Pagan Dynasty I the Shan and the Wa-Palaung and took (A.D. 900-1174)” , one of the three borders of the s’ix kharuin were Pucaw their lands and turned them into their lectures given at the Annual Conference Tuik (9®6c^d5) and Munton Tuik kharuin and tuik. of the Defence Services, 1956 and ( ^ gcooSc^cS) . The tuik also included privately circulated. the ricelands fof Taungdwin and its While they were expanding like 5. Jr C. Mackenzie : “ Climate in southern limit was the Prantawsa this to occupy the river valleys Burmese History JBRS, III, 40-6. ;Klwan ({ygSooSoooc^) (Kyundaw Island) of the Irrawaddy, the Chindwin, the Mu, 6. R. C. Majumdar: Champa. Lahore. the Yaw, the Kyaw, the Salin and the 1927. p. 209. 24 NEW BURMA WEEKLY 23rd August 1958

Fig. 12. — Map of Burma showing Kharuin and Tuik (c^cS) NEW BURMA WEEKLY 27th September 1958 1ST

A History of Burma down to the end of the Thirteenth Century fey Than Tun

Chapter IO Expansion South

ANSRUDDHA popularly known as Plate 13a: Anawrathaminsaw was in power by the Seal of Aniruddha. third quarter of the 11th century. Except for the chronicles we have no means of knowing the exact dates of his reign, and the chronicles do not agree with one the reverse, another legend of another. Perhaps we could work it out mixed Sanskrit and Pali was like this. We know definitely that written, in rough hand­ Thiluih Man or Kyansitiha became' king writing, perhaps at the time in A.D. 1084. The Rajakumar inscription when the ‘seal’ was made gives us that date. He succeeded Man (see fig. 14). It says: Lulah or Sawlu who reigned seven years. Jatapurii Rajawaii (e'OOQO^spe'oS) is Desiring that he may be considered more trustworthy than any freed from Sariisara, the other chronicle. The dates given in it for great prosperous king later kings agree with the evidence from Aniruddha himself made inscriptions. Sawlu.became king in A.D. this (image of the) Lord. 1077, when he succeeded his father Note carefully that he Aniruddha who', Jatapurii says, reigned used a pure Sanskrit form thirty three years. . Thus we get A.D. for his title Sri Aniruddha- 1044-1077 as the period of Aniruddha’s . In Pali it would be Siri Anurud- in A.D. 863, were having an administra­ reign. dhadevar The spread of the ‘find spots’ of tive centre on Mo-ling or Ch’i-hsein Mts. Aniruddha was the greatest of the kings these ‘seals’ throughout Burma supports overlooking the plains of the Irrawaddy. of Burma. He. was the first to unify the to some extent the legend that the king This success over a Nanchao fortress in Burmese and extend their control over the , was warlike and he had expanded the Burma — perhaps below Katha — pro­ plains of Burma. In recognition of his Burmese empire greatly. bably gave rise .to the Chroniclers’ story service to Burma, he was known to his that the mighty king Aniruddha invaded successors as the Universal Monarch The seals were found at several places (Cakravatin— Pl. 912, 94a4, 160a6. around Pagan and they were found mostly Gandhalaraj (ogoccspS) and ‘tamed’ But unfortunately we have no evidence to at the pagodas alleged to have been built King Udibwa (Skt. Udaya — Lord of the show his greatness except for the pagodas by Aniruddha. They are the Shwesandaw, Sunrise). Other seals were found at the alleged to have been built by his royal the Lokananda, the (West) Petleik, the of Tagaung, Sameikshe orders and some terra cotta plaques Myinpyagu (not by Aniruddha), a small near Thazi in district, Paunglin commonly known as the ‘seals of ruined pagoda near Mingalazedi, the of Salin township in Minbu district, the Aniruddha’. Kyazin (post-Aniruddha), an encased Bawbawgyi pagoda of Old Prome^ and Une of the seals shown here (fig. pagoda near the Seinnyet, a site near the the Maung Di pagoda near Sanywa in 13abc) measures 5 jx 7 x 2 inches. The , a site near the Dhammayan- Twante township. The seal found at obverse has the image of Buddha in relief gyi, and an unknown site near Pagan. Twante proves that he came south against sitting in the ‘earth-touching’ pose with The most important thing, however, is to the Mon and had established his autho­ a lotus throne under him and a stupa know the ‘find-spots’ outside the ‘first rity over Lower Burma. The seals canopy above. He is surrounded by ten and second homes’ of the Burmese, so do not always have the figure and ten sitting Buddhas of the that we may infer from these finds, the of Buddha exclusively. One found same pose in relief. A beaded frame limits of his empire. So far, the spot near the Seinnyet pagoda has Padmapani encompassed all these figures. A legend furthest north is at the four old pagodas (a form of Bodhisattva) in the centre. of Ye dhamma hetupabhava in the Nagari of Nwa-tale Ywazo, a mile from Nga-O Some seals have t^ o Script was written at the bottom. It on the Shweli River. This place is well (Meitreya and Avalokitesvara) flanking the means: above Tagaung which was the centre of Buddha and sitting in the ‘pastime’ (lalita The Lord has told us the causation Kantu (Kadu) and therefore we are mudra) pose. These strongly support the and effect of everything. He also told inclined to think that Aniruddha had fact that the king was not the champion of us the way to annihilate the matter forced his way up the up the Buddhism as alleged by the and mind. This is His way. to about Katha fighting first against the chronicles although he might have taken It seems that the moulds to make these Kantu and secondly against the Nanchao, special interest in the propagation of the, ■‘seals’ were imported from India. On who on the authority of Manshu written Buddhist Religion in both forms. Of his expansions north and south, the the Burmese. The King of Pegu submitted Ari is derived from Ariya and wish to drive south is the more important. The himself to a subordinate alliance to connect them with Tantric Buddhism. hordes of Nanchao had devastated the Aniruddha but Makuta of lost They are perhaps misled by the traditional plains of Burma in the second quarter of his throne and was taken captive to accounts that the Ari practised jus primae the 9th century: since then, southern Pagan. He was allowed to retain a noctis (o^s ^scgcS) and some wall paint­ Burma was divided under petty chiefs. The semblance of kingship at Myinkaba near ings of Nandminnya, Payathonzu and Mon were also fighting among themselves. Pagan. The mention Abeyadana pagodas at Pagan were Thaton, Pegu, Ligor (Nagara Sri this episode as two separate campaigns, thought to be obscene. All we can say is ), Lopuri (Dvaravati) and i.e. Aniruddha capturing Thaton in A.D. that starting with Dhammaceti, people Lamphun (Haripunjaya) were all quarrell­ 1056-7 and Kyanzittha and three others who wrote about the religious works of ing among themselves. Then the Krom helping the King of Pegu against the Aniruddha were over-anxious to give (Khmer) of Kambuja () moved Krom invaders; but the Mon chronicles more credit than was his due to the first west at the cost of the Mon. This treat these as phases of one cam­ national hero and in order that his brought about a fresh set of troubles in paign. The earliest known record the 11th century. The Khmer were Shaivites of these events was made in A.D. religious achievement might be given a at first and then they became the followers 1480 by King Dhammaceti (i.e. in grand setting they gave a very bad picture of Vaishnava Buddhism where * the the Kalyani inscription of Ramadhipati) of the Ari. But we are in favour of Buddha is taken as a reincarnation of whose main interest was the Religion — taking the Ari as a term that derives Vishnu. This struggle between Sanskrit its rise and development in Burma. There­ from Arannavasi meaning the ascetics Shaivism and Pali Vaishnava Buddhism fore the motive of Aniruddha’s conquest who live in seclusion in the forest, at was felt throughout the ‘Monland’. It of the south was not purely religious and/ least 500 ta (co l) away from any human gave the best of opportunities to the religion of Thaton that he introduced habitation. These ‘fprest-dwellers’, of Aniruddha who was bent upon conquering at Pagan was not exactly the course, modified that idea and had huge other lands. Thaton was under Makuta Buddhism as alleged. In spite of the monastic establishments just outside big (Crown of Kings) who was wise and popular belief that Aniruddha received cities and towns and they grew in number able and had been elected by the people. Theravada Buddhism from Thaton, The chronicles mention him as . archaeological remains there show that in the 13th century. Their leader was The Krom after conquering the Kingdom there was only a mixed type of Buddhism one Mahakassapa who died between A.D. of Dvaravati invaded northern Siam and which was influenced to a large extent by 1272 and A.D. 1278. They were popular Lower Burma. Lamphun was still indepen­ Vaishnavism. There is also evidence to and were supported by even the royalty. dent and an ally of Pegu. It seems that show that the Buddhism at Pagan before It is wrong to connect them with Tantri- Thaton stood alone while Pegu invited the Conquest of Thaton was not a very cism and we are quite sure that they were the Burmese to fight against the Krom debased form and that the so-called never officially suppressed^ at least, in the invaders. With the Burmese help the Ari sect was not in existence then. Pagan period. Thus, we must correct the invaders were decisively repelled. The There are several theories regarding the old theories in view of the following, Mon, however, lost their independence to Ari sect. Some maintain that the term facts: 1. That the Burmese were Buddhists inscriptions as Man Lulan — the Youpg Suggested References. k / long before Aniruddha’s con­ King. He assumed the {regnal title of Sri 1. C. Duroiselle: ‘‘The Ari of Burma quest of lower Burma; Bajrabharana — the Victorious Bearer of and Tantric Buddhism” , .2. That the Buddhism he introduced the Thunderbolt. In the inscriptions of Archaeological Survey of from lower Burma was not Thiluin Man, there was a vague sugges­ India Report 1915-16, exactly Theravada as alleged; tion of troubles in the Burmese empire. pp. 79-93. 3. That the motive for attacking There is mention that the enemies took 2. C. Duroiselle: ‘‘Short Survey of the the south was not religious; away the people as war captives down the Religious Aspect of the 4. That the Ari as a popular sect stream (Ep. Birm, I, ii, p.l 16, n.ll). History of Burma, prior was not in existence during the This is probably a rebellion^of the Mons to the 11th century A.D. early half of the Pagan period; who had been subjugated by Aniruddha Archaeological Survey of 5. That when it appeared in the nearly three decades ago. This may have India Report 1936-7, pp. latter half of the dynasty, it was been the first time that the Mons rebelled 156-66. not a debased form of the Order against the Burmese but unfortunately 3. W. Geiger : Culavamsa, I, (1953 Re­ even though they may have been they failed. The chronicles put it down print) pp. 202 and 214. unorthodox; as the Ngayamankan rebellion when the 6. That it got a popular support; and 4. G. H. Luce: “ A Cambodian? Inva-- 7. That it was never officially sup­ E S0! BBA VA MA HA &A 4A pressed. Like Burma, Siam had ‘forest-dwellers’ in the 13th and 14th centuries. The conquest of lower Burma had two - important results of great consequence. In the first instance, the Burmese came into closer contact with Mon culture and thus for the next half century the Mon had a great cultural influence over the Burmese. In the second instance, a direct contact with India and especially with Ceylon, was opened. Vijaya Bahu (Sirisinghabodhi, 1065-1120) of Ceylon was engaged in a desperate struggle with the Cola (Tamils) who were in control of half of the island. Being a Buddhist king himself, he expected help from another Buddhist King across the Bay of Bengal as he took his struggle against non- Buddhistic enemies to be of some religious nature. He needed supplies and Aniruddha was not slow in sending them to him in about A.D. 1060. When fightings were over and Vijaya Bahu had established “ DESIRING THAT HE MAY BE FREED FROM SAMSARA THE GREAT himself firmly on the Sinhalese throne, PROSPEROUS KING ANIRUDDHA HIMSELF MADE THIS IMAGE OF THE he wanted to revive Buddhism in his LORD”. country. He again needed help from Fig. 2. The writing on the Reverse of a Seal of .Aniruddha. Burma and Aniruddha promptly sent him monks in A.D. 1071 to carry out a religious reformation. Out of gratitude, Burmese king was killed and Thiluin Man sion of Lower Burma”, the Sinhalese king sent him a replica of was popularly elected to succeed him in JBRS XII, ii 39-45. the tooth relic of the Lord, which he A.D. 1084. 5. G. H. Luce: Pagan Dynasty, I A.D. enshrined in the Shwezigon pagoda. 900-1174, one of the These dealings with Ceylon were import­ So far we have seen that the Burmese three lectures given at ant as they marked the beginning of a people, as a young nation, had established the Annual Conference close religious alliance between Burma themselves firmly in the plains of Burma of the Defence Services, and Ceylon which was interrupted only into which they started to enter in the 1956, and privately cir­ for a short while in the reign of 9th century. By the middle of the 11th culated. Imtawsyan (Kalagya, 1165-74). We must century they became masters of the 6. U Mya : “Wall Paintings .of the also take note that at this time, it was whole of central Burma. Then there Abeyadana temples” Burma which helped to purify the appeared an ambitious and capable man Archaeological Survey of religion in Ceylon. This was reversed in in the person of Aniruddha who was a India Report, 1930-31, later times when Burma had to follow usurper according to the chronicles. He pp. 181-4. the Sinhalese form in the organization of extended the Burmese empire from the 7. N. Ray : Brahmanical Gods in the Order until the time of in Shweli Valley in the north to the Irra­ Burma. the late 18th century. waddy delta in the south and from the 8. U. Tin : “ Mahayanism in Pagan” In his imperialistic designs, it is Chin Hills in the west to the Salween JBRS.XIX, ii, pp. 36-42. not improbable that Aniruddha also valley in the east. He wanted to go further 9. : The Kalyani Inscription went as far as the in south but he died before he accomplish­ (1892). the east. But we do not think that he ed it. His son carried out his designs 10. H.G.Q. Wales: ‘‘Aniruddha and the ever attacked Arakan. In the south, he and reached Mergui. Then a Mon Thaton Tradition”. controlled the entire delta and he must rebellion broke out and the Burmese King JRAS, 1947, pp. 152-56. have had intentions of going further into was killed. At this crisis the Burmese Tenasserim, because his son continued were very wise in allowing the most N.B. We have great pleasure to announce his policy and left a fine Pali inscription capable man of the times to take the that in the next two issues we will at Mergui (Pl. 548a), proving that he did helm. Thiluin Man was popularly be publishing Dr. Than Tun’s Notes -succeed in getting there. That son,popular­ elected king of Pagan and he restored on Burmese Regalia with illustra­ ly known as Sawlu, was mentioned in the peace and order in the empire. tions.—Ed. 1901 NEW BURMA WEEKLY 27th September 1958

The Burmese Municipality Delegation

Nikolai Bobrovnikov, Chairman of the Moscow City Soviet of Working People’s Deputies, gave a reception in honour of the Delegation. From left to right'. U On Nyunt, U Maung Maung, Nikolai Bobrovnikov and the Burmese Ambassador, U Kyin.

Professor A. Shabanov, senior doctor of the Botkin Clinical Hospital, gives medical aid to one of the delegates.

The delegates inspect the ambulances of the Hospital.

The delegates inspect the drawing and model of a heavy industry exhibition hall to be built in Rangoon.

Photos by courtesy of the Soviet Embassy.- NEW BURMA WEEKLY 25th October 1958 311

Upper Burma Diary OUR BURMA For Sale I was glad to find on my return journey kyats per month for eight consecutive from Mandalay that the military authori­ months. According to law, continued French arrivals of German superior ties had slackened their enthusiasm in failure to pay for a year would automatic­ Spectacle Frames and best quality searching passengers’ baggage to mere ally disqualify any future claims against English Optical Lenses...... enquiries. When I went up-country a the father. The applicant was represented —Nation. few weeks ago, the train stopped for over by her mother, who had her grandson (Tun Khin, B.O.C. Chauk.) an hour in Togyaunggale and in came playing in the court. The defendant military personnel in battle dress and father wore a sad expression on his face, * * * fully-armed to look through all luggage perhaps out of hisJwits tryingto find the re­ A telegraphic message caused first thoroughly. In one carriage, they pro­ quired forty kyats. After a few questions much ado and then humour recently bably suspected the College co-eds re­ by the Sub-divisional Magistrate, the defen­ in Kawkareik. The local Subdivisional turning home of being in liaison with the dant asked whether the amount due could Officer was in receipt of a telegram “ comrades in the jungle” and they were not be reduced, and he started bargaining from D.C., Pa-an informing him that asked to unroll all their bedding. with the magistrate from twelve kyats, ’ was arriving Naturally, no arms, illegal or otherwise slowly rising to fifteen, and to twenty. there, and he should make all were found. Tn one carriage, a middle- When the Magistrate told him firmly that necessary arrangements for receiving aged scholarly-looking gentleman had all unless he paid up forty five kyats (i.e. the Sayadaw. The party receiving the his papers searched. The soldier sieved including the current month), he would visitors at the foreshore had their through all the letters, holding some up be locked up, the defendant gave up his cars flying the Buddhist . But against the light and trying his best to read bargaining and pleading unemployment, when the boat arrived, they were the address on the envelope. I escaped made arrangements to pay twenty kyats surprised to find that the visitor was rather lightly, but I was wondering what during the next fortnight and the remain­ only the Deputy Commissioner him­ would be the passengers’ feelings at the ing twenty five kyats in the following self and not a ‘Phongyi’. The mistake, time. Eveh if they could excuse the fortnight. Two features struck me deeply it was discovered to their amusement, change-over as expedient and necessary, while watching the proceedings. First, the apparently lay in the telegraphic yet what would they feel about these poverty of people to whom a sum of five process where “ Kyundaw” (self) was personal humiliations? kyats per mensem means so much. It put down as “ Sayadaw” . amounts to 17 pyas per day— less than the I calculated the whole business in terms —Kyemon. of profit and loss, and I am afraid I came cost of a cup of tea in town. Second, the to the conclusion that this aspect of their irresponsible attitude and the degeneration (Tin U, 13, Ma Kyee Kyee Road, vigilance constitutes a loss of prestige of moral standards. I sometimes wonder Kemmendine, Rangoon.) and sympathy to the Army. I imagined what can be the solution. * ❖ * if any letter were to be addressed to * * . * Thakin Than Tun, it would not be written A widely published reception in under his own name but under a The truth of the word ‘‘downtrodden honour o f ...... the veteran politician pseudonym. If under a pseudonym, say grass” came vividly to light in my visit to turned out to be a near fiasco. U Tha Din, his assumed name in the a few villages in Upper Burma. They underground, in English, will our were afraid of everybody — the Army, Out of a whole list of distingui­ illiterate-looking soldier be able to Police, Civil authorities, Pyusawhtis and shed speakers only a few attended. decipher it, I wonder? all brands of insurgents. In one village, The guest of honour himself ...... * * - * they are now paying all government taxes failed to put in an appearance. More­ yet on the other hand they still have to Although it is true that this country is over, the thirsty guests returned “donate” towards the fund of an organi­ without any light refreshments, for all suffering from all kinds of maladies, yet sation who previously levied taxes while it is undeniable that somewhere in the the cold drinks were taken back they held sway over the land. Of course, because they hadn’t been paid for. country some construction work is going there are also a few fortunate villages on. I recalled the “ 100 days in the Union However, those v/ho came said what­ which escape both taxes—of the insurgents ever they had to say in honour of of Burma” , a Russian film when I saw a who have just left and the government dam under construction in Upper Burma.. who have not come in yet. As well, the I was in a very low mood when I saw the — Nation. villagers are afraid to live in any good (Doris Jackson, Russian picture and it suddenly dawned wooden-houses in case robbers think they upon me that everything was not so bad 84, Kyaukmyaung Tamwe P.O., are rich. Thus solid timber houses were Rangoon.) after all and it was really worth living. It left to waste and decay with about a is indeed gratifying to watch the dam quarter of an inch of dust when we * * * under construction, a constructive work moved in for a rest. I sometimes wish against the background of political there were a law to force all our warring U ...... retired Deputy Inspector turmoil, personal recriminations, accusa­ leaders to live in these villages for six General of Police (Criminal Investi­ tions and counter-accusations of our months each. The bankruptcy of the gation Dept.), and his wife were “ leaders” and the generally destructive leadership of all parties has never been robbed by two gunmen at their resi­ attitude prevalent in the country. more vividly shown in the villages who dence in Insein at 1 a.m. on 16th * * * furnish the wealth of the country but October, 1958. In one Sub-divisional Officer’s Court I they themselves live in ignorance and —Candid Daily. visited, I watched an interesting case in fear of death, poverty and disease. (Aye Win, being heard. A father had failed 235, Creek Street, Rangoon.) to pay maintenance for his son at five T. L. A HISTORY OF BURMA by Dr. Than Tun

Chapter IV

Conquerors Conquered Fig. 15: Stucco caiving Nan Pay a, Uth century.

THE CONQUEST OF LOWER BURMA the Mon area of those days and this Vaishnavism and Naga worship. Yet he offered the Burmese an opportunity of partly explains Thiluin Man’s love for was personally an ardent Buddhist and having a closer contact with the Mon the Mon culture. He is popularly known the principal religion practised in his and their way of life including art, as Kyanzittha, but in all his inscrip­ kingdom was Buddhism. On 3 June 1093, architecture, and religious thoughts and tions he is mentioned only by his regnal at Prome he issued an order enumerating beliefs. Since then these had a profound title of Sri Tribhuvanadityadhammaraj — the and recording his meritorious deeds. influence over the Burmese. Thiluin Man the Fortunate Buddhist King, Sun of Note that this Burmese king issued an ( o8c§Sg8) made a deliberate effort to the Three Worlds. He was the first of order in the from the old introduce Mon civilization to the Burmese the Burmese kings to adopt this regnal Pyu capital. According to this order, it who were more vigorous but compara­ style and it was followed by almost all was he who alone built the famous tively less cultured. Culturally the the later kings of Burma. According to Jayabhumi, popularly called Shwezigon conquerors were conquered. History the Prome Shwesandaw inscription (fig. 16). He collected and purified the affords many parallels of such happy dated 3 June 1093, he belongs to adicca* three holy Pitaka which had become results. A large number of inscriptions vamsa — the solar race in paternal des­ obscure, sent men, money and material to belonging to the period after Aniruddha cent. His mother is of the ‘Bael-fruit effect repairs at the holy temple of Sri are in the Mon language. The Burmese stock’. We know this is impossible. It Brajras (), offered the four learnt the art of writing from the Mon. is however certain that he was not a son necessities (i.e. shelter, robes, food and In-architecture, most of the pagodas of of Aniruddha as alleged. He was a minor medicine) to the monks very often and chief whose ambition prompted him to converted to Buddhism a Coli (Tamil) that time the Patothamya, Nagayone, try his luck at the capital where he Abeyadana, Gubyaukgyi and Nanpaya, prince who visited Pagan. That prince finally became king after many in gratitude presented him with a virgin are all in the Mon style. The proto-type vicissitudes. But to cover up his obscure perhaps goes back to Pyu times but the daughter. He dug tanks, made dams and Mon had developed it so that it became origin he invented a Buddha-prophecy improved the irrigation system in order worthy of being copied. A Mon temple saying that he was a sage called Bisnu that the yearly agricultural produce may is always an artificial cave of one storey Vishnu) at the time of Buddha’s increase and his kingdom prosper. It with small windows and dark passages death and that with the help of Gavampati, also meant an increase in the revenue and leading to an image of the Lord in the , Bissukarma and Katakarma, he built the king aroused mass-enthusiasm by centre which is dimly lit by a small hole holding festivals, shows, etc. in the time the city of Sriksetra. After that he of tax paying. He created game sanc­ in the roof (see fig. 19.) There is also passed away to be born again in the ‘solar tuaries as he was a great lover of birds another type called stupa like the Shwe- race’ and become the famous king Sri zigon (see fig 16) which is an improvement Tribhuvanaditya of Arimaddanapura (Pagan). and animals. He built the Mrakan (goo^): on the Pyu type. Thus we are justified He became king in 1084 and his corona­ Lake at the foot of Mt. Tuyin to the east in saying that after A.D. 1057, until the tion took place in 1086. This delay in the of Pagan and the stone library in Mon time of Cansu II (©gSotf A.D.1174) the coronation was due perhaps to a Mon style near the lake. On 16 April 1098 he caused the repair of Kyak Talan Burmese culture was more or less a copy rebellion which broke out even before he of the Mon. The period betvzeen 1113 was made king. After that was duly (ocpcSoocoS) at Ayetthema and the and 1174 is one of transition. This suppressed he carried out the work of reconstruction and rehabilitation. When ‘great relic of Satih (ooc8cS)’ north of adoption of a foreign culture quickened peace was restored, with the help of a Taungzun in the Mon country near their cultural progress and it was Thiluin Thaton. Man who made this possible. mahathera, he administered justice and extirpated heresy. After having reigned for seventeen Thiluin Man or Thiluin Syan (o8c^8oqj£) By heresy, he did not mean non- year's he felt that he needed a new palace. was the chief of Htilaing, a village some Buddhisric but non-compliance to the It was built entirely of wood — this is 30 miles north-east of Meiktila. We' tenets of any religion. He tolerated the usual With the Burmese — and therefore must note that it was on the fringe of existence of other beliefs, especially nothing of it remains today. We are told. became king and married his dauther by another wife to Sawyun, son of Man Lulan. A young prince was born of this union and the king being unaware that he already had a son, made that grandson his heir. The son appeared two years after his accession and therefore he had to be content with a mere governorship . Now, Thiluin Man became king in 1084 and therefore the son appeared in 1086. But we know definitely that the grandson Cansu I or Alaungsithu was born only in 1088. Therefore the above story is not true. It seems that Cansu was made heir not by accident but after careful consider­ ation. To understand this we must go back to the time when Thiluin Man became king. Professor G.H.Luce gives the following suggestion. The rebel (Nga Ramankan) led an army and warboats up the Irrawaddy and overwhelmed the king at the battle of Prantawsa klwan, Kyunda Island above Thayetmyo, where the site is still remembered. He advanced to Myinkaba and besieged Pagan, meantime raiding as' far north as Ava. At this moment Aniruddha’s chief general, the king of Htila- ing, nowadays called Kyanzittha, then in disgrace and exile, was called in as the one man able to retrieve the situation. He defeats Nga Ramankan in a series of battles and drives him headlong that it was magnificent with flamboyant He was a good administrator, just and Makara and Sri pediments. There was a humane and he ruled conscientiously and special apartment for prayer where the well. He promised to act as the chief images of Buddha and Gavampati were bull ever leading the herd to better and kept. The king must have been powerful sweeter pastures. He also recognised the and wealthy to have the resources to ancient rights of all local chiefs. His build such a grand palace in a com­ attitude towards his subjects is beautifully paratively short time. The building described in the following extract from started in December 1101 and it was his Shwezigon inscription. completed in April 1102. The inscription that records the building of this palace Of those who were parted describes the ceremonial aspect in detail from their dear ones, of those and it is interesting to note that a great who were sick at heart, by a deal of importance was attached to course of benefits, with water of Vaisnavite rituals and that places of compassion, with loving kindness / honour were given to Mon notables. which is even as a hand, he shall wipe their tears, he shall wash There was ‘a mixed ceremonial proceed­ away their snot. With his right ing under the very eye of the mahathera hand rice and bread, with his left Arahan’ and the whole affair was left in hand ornaments and clothing, he the hands of the Brahman astrologers who shall give to all his people. Like were versed in housebuilding except children resting in their mother’s for 4,108 Buddhist monks who were bosom, so shall the king watch invited to bless the site by reciting the over them and help them. — a Buddhist ritual formula or order of service invoking protection. The King had a son called Rajakumar Even then the water used for the occasion (spe'O^GO^) born of Queen Tiloka- was carried by the Brahmans and the atamsika ( c8gQ300o6£>038oo) and why he conch which is the symbol of Vishnu was was not made heir is a mystery. The used to hold the water. This shows that gives this answer. the Buddhism of that day, was much Man Lulan (Sawlu) on the advice of his influenced by Vaishnavism though counsellors recalled Thiluin Man (Kyanzit- Thiluin Man claimed that he had purified it tha) soon after his accession. Thiluin Man with the help of Arahan. A Vishnu left Thambula who was pregnant, com­ temple now called Nat Hlaung manding her to bring him the child when Fig. 17: Standing Buddha, Ananda. Late still stands close to the palace site. born if it was a boy. Thiluin Man later 11th century. paintings inside their temples with terra­ sea, but we find no mention of his travels cotta plaques of relief figures on their in the inscriptions. He probably lived for exteriors. The Myinkaba Kubyaukkyi, the seventy seven years and died in 1165 and Nagayon, the Abeyadana, the Alopye, the was succeeded by his son Imtaw Syan Pathothamya, the ;Vnanda and the Daman- (raSooScqS)— the Lord of the Royal yangyi are examples of this style. House, or Kalagya — he who died at the The Rajakumar Inscription, wrongly hands of the Indians. called the Myazedi, gives us the last scene of Thiluin Man’s life. It was in 1113 and Suggested References Man was on the verge of death. 1. C.O. Blagden: Epigraphia Binnanica, The disinherited son, remembering many I, i, ii and III, i. great favours with which the king had nourished him, made an image of Buddha 2. C. Duroiselle: “ The Stone Sculp­ in gold, built a ku — hollow pagoda, to tures in the , at Pagan” , enshrine it and dedicated three villages of ASI, 1913-14, 63-97, and JBRS, VII, slaves to it. He then approached the ii, 194-5. father’s death-bed and reported the 3. C. Duroiselle: “ The Ananda Temple meritorious deeds done on his behalf. In at Pagan, ASI. Memoir No. 56, 1937. approval, the dying king said: Thic a thic a 4. G. H. Luce: Burma’s Debt to Pagan” , — Well done! Well done ! JBRS, XXII, iii, 120-7. Cansu I (Alaungsithu) became king in 5. G. H. Luce: “ Mons of the Pagan 1113 and had a long reign. His name Dynasty” , JBRS. XXXVI, i, 1-20. Cansu is the burmanised Jayasura meaning 6. U Mya: ‘‘Wall Paintings of the the Victorious Hero. His other names are Abeyadana Temple” , ASI, 1930-1, 181-4. Saktawrhan — Long life, Rhuykudayaka — 7. U Mya: ’‘A Note on the Nanpaya onor of Shwegu Temple, and Sri Temple and Images of carved Tribhuyanadityapavaradhammaraja-— Sun of on the pillars inside it, Myinpagan” , the Three Worlds, Most Excellent King ASI, 1934-5, 101-6. of Law. He left a very important record 8. H. Parmentier: L’Art Architectural in the form of a Pali-Sanskrit inscription Hindoudans L’lnde et en Extreme Orient. of two faces set in the wall of the Pl. XX. Shwegugyi pagoda of Pagan. Except for 9. Th. H. Thomann: Pagan Pl.V, XXVI, Fig. 18: the date which is written in Sanskrit, the LXII. 11th century. rest of the inscription is in Pali verse of 10. P. M. Tin: “ The Shwegu Pagoda poetical . The dates were Inscription” , JBRS, X, ii, 67-74. down the rivet given in the Saka Era of A.D.78. The building began on Sunday 17 May 1131 11. P. M. Tin: ‘‘The Saka Era in Pagan” , 1084 A.D. JBRS, XXII, iii, p. 151. ascended the1 and was completed on Thursday 17 receiving cere: December 1131. The king is alleged to 12. P. M. Tin: “A Mon Inscription by two years later, have been a great traveller even visiting Kyanzittha at Ayetthama Hill”, JBRS, places far beyond Burma by land and XXVIII, i, 92-4. At the height of the crisis, when the rebel was at the gates of Pagan, what did the Mon royalty do? — Makuta himself and also his son were now dead. From certain later inscriptions it appears th-at Makuta’s grandson did not side with the rebel, but fled to Mt. Popa with part of the Pagan regalia, the royal boat, . meaning to s^art a rebellion on his own. H'^was dissuaded from this, li^^ever, by Kyanz'ittha, who mH^ed his own daughter to Makuta’s great grandson and (I add this as my own explana­ tion of the facts) appears to have promised that his own heir should be no son of his but the ' son of the union of his daughter with the Mon prince. If this is true, Thiluin Man must be considered as the most statesmanlike of all the Burmese kings. He used Mon as the official language of his kingdom and with this, he hoped that the Burmese and the Mon would soon forget their racial difference and become a single nation as Saxons and Normans mixed freely and became the English nation. He also used Mon art and architecture for all his reli­ gious buildings. The Mon usually had wall- Culavamsa, the Burmese king severed all trade relations with Ceylon which A HISTORY OF BURMA was especially interested in buying Burmese elephants. He stopped the fey sale of elephants by asking exorbi­ tant prices and cancelled the old custom, of giving an elephant to every vessel Dr. Than Tun bringing gifts. The Sinhalese envoys were no longer entertained as state guests and some of them were imprisoned in Malaya. No Sinhalese vessel was allowed Chapter V to touch any port of Burma under penalty of death. He also seized a Sinhalese princess on her way to Cambodia. These Burmanisation made Parakkama Bahu very angry. He decided that the Burmese king must be either captured or killed and assigned the IMTAW SYAN means the Lord of the The two countries were friendly as task to Adicca and Kitti. At the port of Royal House, but the name does not both upheld Buddhism and the kings ex­ Pallavavanka, a fleet of ships many hund­ apply to all kings of old Burma as changed envoys and gifts often. We have reds strong was built within five months. A Pharoah—the Great House, is used for all mentioned above that Aniruddha was year’s provision of food and an abundant kings of ancient Egypt. Imtaw Syan here friendly with VijayaBahul. But when supply of weapons, including armours is the son and successor of Cansu I and he ThiluinMan became king, the relationship and iron-tipped arrows were given. The is popularly known as or between the two countries became last were effective against elephants and Kalagya. We cannot say when he became strained because ThiluinMan fought the this shows that the Sinhalese army king. He started building the Damayangyi Cambodians (A>om) who were the allies expected fighting against elephant-troops in 1165 and he left it unfinished as he of Ceylon; and he was on good terms in Burma. They also expected poisoned was assassinated in that year. His oppres­ with the Tamils (Cola) who were Ceylon’s arrows from the Burmese archers, and sive rule must have been sufficiently long bitter enemies. Vaishvana-Buddhism malaria from the swamps of lower Burma for him to have been noted for treachery, which he favoured was also against the which was counted upon as one of the cruelty and injustice. It is also said that Sinhalese concept of Buddhism. On the dreaded enemies: they brought with lie died at the hands of foreigners from other hand, from the time of Aniruddha them pincers to extract arrow-heads, Patikkara, in Tipperah north of Chitta­ the policy of the Burmans was .to control antidotes against poisoned-arrow wounds gong. The Sinhalese chronicle called the Malay Peninsula which was an im­ and medicines' against infected swamp Culavamsa (Ch. 76) supports the fact that portant stage in the trade route from water. Doctors and nurses formed he indeed was cruel and stupid but it goes India and Ceylon to all lands of South another important part of the troops. further and claims that it was the East Asia. An epigraphic evidence shows The armada looked like a “ swimming Sinhalese who put an end to his un­ that the Burmans were in control of some island” . Some were lost in the worthy life. This agrees with a contempo­ part of the peninsula until the first storms and some drifted away from rary inscription of Devanagala in quarter of the 13th century. Burmese the marked ports. One laftded at Kegalla district, some 10 miles east of interference in the Sinhalese-Cambodian Crow’s Island (? one of the Andamans) Kandy (see fig. 20). The relevant portion trade became so serious in the reign of and took away many captives. Kittinagara- of the inscription (lines 15-22) translated Imtaw Syan that Parakkama Bahu I decided giri, one of the commanders mentioned says: to use force to stop it. But we must in the inscription quoted above, landed On the tenth day of the waxing remember that it was the Burmans who at Bassein with five ships and devastated moon in (the month of) Poson in the started the quarrel. According to the the countryside. Adicca, the chief com- twelfth year when His Majesty was enjoying the royal splendour (in the noble city of Pulasti). Whereas, a person named Bhuvanaditta, lord of Aramana, when reigning, said “We shall not contract a treaty with the island of Lanka”, and whereas, when His Majesty had commanded “ Put men on board thousands of vessels, send (them) and attack Fig. 20 Aramana,” and Kit Nuvaragal (in pursuance of the said command), had D evanagala taken by storm a town called Inscription Kusumiya and when ... for five which mentions months, the Aramanas sent envoys th e Sinhalese saying ‘We shall contract a treaty’ ... Invasion of Burma in A.D. Here the date is 1165. Just before the 1165. monsoon in May and June Parakkama Baku I (1153-86) ordered a campaign against Aramana i.e. Ramanna with its ex­ (Epi graphic tended meaning including all Burma. The Zeylanica, III, commanders of the expedition were vi, Plate 37). Damila'dhikarin Adicca and Kittihagdragiri. Thousands of ships were said to have been used to convey the troops. Kitti took Bassein (Kusumiya') by storm. Bhuvanaditta may be any Pagan king but we prefer to identify him with Imtaw Syan the successor of Cansu I. 84 NEW BURMA WEEKLY 29th November 1958

mander of the campaign, landed at Papphalama (net identified) and proceeded to Ukkama (? Pagan) w hich he to o k w ith a surpise attack and killed its king. Then by the beat of drums, he proclaimed a formal annexation of Burma by the Sinhalese. This invasion, though recount­ ed in the Sinhalese chronicle with some exaggeration, seems true. The Burmese sent messengers to the Sinhalese to intercede and it was perhaps largely Fig. 21 through their good offices that peace and friendship was restored after a lapse of Thatpyinnyu: plan, nine years. section and perspec­ tive, the earliest T his interregnum fro m 1165 to 1174 specimen of the had a profound influence over the Burmese type of Burmans. The Sinhalese influenced them tem ples. both culturally and politically and brought about great changes in the history of Burm a. Thiluin Man's policy of giving (Henry Permentier: preference to the Mons was set aside. L'Art Architectural Burmese-Mon kings of his line were Hindou dans I'lnde et ousted from the throne of Pagan and en Extreme Orient, Aniruddha's line was restored in the person Plate XXI). o f Cansu II, popularly known as Narapa- tisithu. Mon cultural influence receded giving place to a steady growth of Burmese art and literature under Sinhalese patronage. Vaishnava-Buddhism also disappeared quickly as the Burmans began C IpfeStedr Denfi-ptaps jS.ujsM.tu15 to favour Sinhalese Buddhism. Never­ theless the Burmans were at this stage advanced enough to absorb a foreign culture and naturalize it as quickly as possible. As a matter of fact a burmanis- ing movement started with full force. The language of the inscriptions which Fig. 22: Htilominlo: typical Burmese simple short sentences. The following was formerly Mon now became Burmese. temple. literal translation of an inscription is a With the change in langage came an (Lu Pe Win: Pictorial Guide good example of the new style. entirely different style of writing. Burmans to Pagan, Illustration No. 9). Having built a monastery, I, Uiw, used Mon letters but at first they wrote Klaw San, on 11 February 1199 dedicated (to the Religion) three monasteries, two complete sets of monastic robes, two robes, a padesa and a cow. Wheresoever I wander in samsara I wish not misery like hell. May (it) be fulfilled. I wish at the end of samsara. M ay all the workers share my merit. I gave a thousand oil lamps, robes, forty needles, twenty jars, four cups, an almsbowl, a bell, tw enty khri nhap. M y capital is small; my wants infinite. The last sentence is remarkable: the lady wanted the best of rewards, with the least of efforts. She gave away a few things in charity and prayed for the boon o f nirvana. There was a change in the architectural style too. Temples of the Mon type had dark interiors while the Burmans used large doorways letting in an ample amount of sunlight. The Pathothamya, Nagayon, Abeyadana, Kubyaukkyi (Myin- kaba) and Nanpaya are typically Mon while the Shwegugyi, Thambula and Laymyethna (Minnanthu) are Burmese. This change-over is easily seen in the

A NEW BURMA WEEKLY 29th November 1958 85

Ananda (fig. 19) and Damayangyi which Cansu II married a Sinhaless princess brothers tacitly accepted his ascension to -are of the intermediate form. The called Vatamsika (U-Chok-Pan) and their the throne. We will deal with these Shwegugyi and Thatbyinnyu (see fig. 21) son Rajasu described his father as ‘born points in detail in the next chapter. are the ‘earliest specimens of the Burmese in the line of Universal Monarchs, Anu- type’ which becomes well-defined in the ruddhas, was the chief of men, Jeyyasura.’ Suggested References Sulamani, Htilominlo (see fig. 22) Gaw- But Cansu II had many other queens, viz., 1. Mr. H. C. P. Bell: “ Archaeological. dawpalin. For interior decoration, the Tonphlan San the South Queen, Mlacphlan Report of the Kegalla District” Ceylon Burmans had their walls painted as the San — the North Queen, Caw Mrakan San Government Sessional Papers, No. XXX. Mons did but they used brighter colours. the Queen of the Emerald Lake, Caw 1892. pp. 73-6. In outward appearance, they loved to Alhwan — Queen Paragon, and Weluwati— make their buildings look tall and there­ Queen Gift of Bamboo; and including 2. Culavamsa, II, Chapter 76, pp. 64-70. fore they used ‘flame pediments’ (see fig. Vatamsika—Queen Ornament of the Head, 3. G. H. Luce: “ The Greater Temples 23). Mons used pediments over their there were six altogether. Caw Mrakan San of Pagan”, JBRS, VII,. iii, pp. 189-98. archways but theirs have a tendency of was the most important of them all. She 4. G. H. Luce: “ The Smaller Temples spreading sideways rather than flaming was the mother of Natonmya, wrongly of Pagan”, JBRS, X, ii, pp. 41-8. upwards (see fig. 24). called Nantaungmya, who became the 5. G. H, Luce: “ Burma’s Debt to The Burmese chroniclers made a grave next king. Here again we are unable to Pagan” , JBRS, XXII, iii, pp. 120-7. mistake in trying to explain the interim accept the popular story that Natonmya 6. G. H. Luce: “ Pagan Dynasty II period of 1165-74 by inserting a borrow­ was the youngest of the king’s sons and (AD 1174-1301)” One of the three ed fable of Weluwadi; and her admirer his mother was only a junior queen. The lectures given at the Annual Conference Minyin Naratheinhka was just a fabri­ king’s whitlow and the queen’s tender of the Defence Services, 1956 and cation. Manyan appeared in 1256 and care of it was another borowed fable. We privately circulated. Narasingha Uccana was king from ?1231 to know certainly that Natonmya was not 7. U Mya: “ A Review on the Monas­ 1235. The chroniclers omit them in their the youngest son of his father, and his teries of Pagan by Captain Braxton respective places and combined the two mother topped the list of the queens. His Sinclair” , JBRS, X, ii, pp. 155-57. Figures names into one and use it as the name of half brothers Rajasu Gangasu and Pyam- 23 & 24 are Plates II & III of this article. the king who reigned from 1171 to 1174. khi were his juniors. Their mother being 8. S. Paranavitana: “Devanagala Rock- The order of kings until now should be a princess from Ceylon, they thought they had a better claim to the throne than Inscription of ” , revised as follows: Epigraphia Zeylanica, III, vi, pp. 312-25. (1) Thiluin Man (Kyanzittha), a pro- Natonmya and though expediency kept the other two submissive, Pyamkhi re­ Figure 20 is Plate 37 of this book. Mon king who usurped the Pagan 9. Henri Permentier: UArt Architectural throne in 1084 from Aniruddha’s belled when Natonmya succeeded the throne and was therefore executed. This Hindou dans PInde et en Extreme-Orient. descendants. Figure 21 is Plate XXI of this book. (2) Cansu I (Alaungsithu), first refutes another popular story of the Burmese-Mon king who ascended origin of Hluttaw. It says that the four 10. Lu Pe Win: Pictorial Guide to Pagan. the throne in 1113. elder brothers of the king met regularly Figure 22 is Illustration No. 9 on p. 25 of (3) Imlaw Syan (Kalagya), second to help him in the affairs of the state and this book. Burmese-Mon king who was thereby they became his four chief minis­ Corrigendum assassinated by the Sinhalese in ters and the place where they usually met 1165. came to be known as Hluttaw — the The last sentence of Chapter IV should (4) An Interregnum of 1165-74 when King’s Council. Now we have epigraphic be: Mon influence receded and a evidence to show (a) that Natonmya was “ Though he lived long, we do not know burmanisation movement set in one of the elder brothers; (b) that he had how and when he died, but we know that under Sinhalese patronage. five ministers; (c) that none of these he was succeeded by his son Imtaw Syan (5) Cansu II (Narapatisithu), whose ministers were his half brothers; (d) that ( ” 8oo8og]8) — the Lord of the Royal ascendancy in 1174 marked the they met at the Kwan Prok to administer House, also called Kalagya as he was restoration of the Aniruddha Line. state affairs; (e) and that not all his half assassinated by the Sinhalese in 1165” .

Fig. 23: Flame Pediments (Gawdawpalin) Fig. 24: Mon Pediments (Nanpaya) (JBRS, X, iii, Plate II). (JBRS, X, iii, Plate III).

PLATE III. PEDIMENT OVER ONE OF THE WINDOWS OF THE (llT H CENTURY A. D.) PAGAN. NEW BURMA WEEKLY 3rd January 1959 23-

King of Law. He had a younger sister known as Princess Acaw Man Lha and in A HISTORY OF BURMA their youth both were tutored by a monk on whom he conferred the title of Dhammarajaguru when he became king. by This monk was a native of Molana, a village to the east of Dala in Lower Burma. If he was a Mon by race, which Dr. Than Tun is not unlikely, it is important to note that Mon still remained teachers and Chapter VI advisers at the Court of Pagan though we have seen that the earlier tendency was to forget all Mon influence. Final Conquest of The North and Internal Affairs. It was during the early years of his reign that there were succession disputes THE BURMANS ENTERED BURMA bank of the Irrawaddy just opposite and frontier troubles. Lakkhana Lakway through the Northern Shan States. The Bhamo. There is a local tradition and the made himself known as a successful Hpun who represented the westernmost remains of a wall there to support this. general in the north. In addition to him, wing of the movement reached as far as Thus when we come to the reign of the king had to rely much on his five the Irrawaddy where they met the Kantu Natonmya the Kantu were finally conquer­ ministers in quelling the rebellions. They (Kadu) and were forced to stop at the ed and the Burmans had their adminis­ were Asankhya, Anantasu, Asawat, Raja- second defile. The Kantu were supreme trative centre for the north at Koncan on sankram and Caturangasu. When the in Northern Burma and the Sak (Thet) the opposite bank of Bhamo with Nachon­ troubles were over all of them were hand­ in the Dry Zone. Thus, when the khyam fortress four miles away on its somely rewarded. They were given 700 Burmans established their ‘first and north to guard the frontier. It seems that pay of land each. The minister Anantasu second homes’ they had to subdue the non-Burmans were used for these frontier was Mahasenapati— the Commander in Sak. This is suggested by the presence of services though there were Burmese Chief, of Natonmya. He left a big monastic a mount called Sakcuiw (Ruler of the officers appointed over.them. establishment at Minnanthu to the east Thets) near Pagan and of the title of Pagan. The inscriptions record­ Mahasakthit (Great Terror of the Thets) Natonmya or Naton Skhin means the ing his good deeds throw much light upon being conferred on some ministers by the Lord of the Ear Ornaments, and the the social and economic life of those Pagan King. When they built their empire chroniclers misread his name asNandaung- days. They also give us in some they had to fight against the Kantu in the mya — Many Entreaties for the Throne. detail the life of the big monastic estab­ north. Aniruddha temporarily occupied That was why they had to introduce the lishments where many casan — students, Takon (Tagaung) which was also known as fable of the king’s whitlow and a junior came for Buddhistic studies. The minister Santhway Pran, the capital of the Kantu. queen’s tender care of it. There is also Asawat (?Asvatthama) was, the aklam tan so This is supported by the fact that we find no truth in the other story of how he man amat — the Royal Registrar. An one of his ‘seals’ at the Tagaung Shwe- came to be known as Htilominlo — The inscription left by his widow is of great zigon pagoda. After that he invaded Choice of Umbrella and King. The importance as it gives comparative prices Gandhalaraj, ‘which ought to mean Nan- mistake in reading the king’s name, how­ of the various commodities of those days. chao’. Another of his ‘seals’ was left at ever, was not made' by all chroniclers. Another minister known as Rajasankram Nwatale Ywahaung, close to Nga-o on Such works as Jambudipa-uchon, Jambuk- was a prominent judge of the reign , and the Shweli. The Chronicles say that he wankhya and Sasanavancatam give his name he became the Chief Minister towards the sent north to get a tooth-relic and came correctly. He ascended the throne on close of the dynasty. The minister back without it. This is a ‘hint that Thursday 18th August 1211 and reignedfor Caturangasu was also a judge. Judges of this northern campaign was a failure’. twenty years. As mentioned in Chapter Atam Trya — the Appeal Court, were V he was not the youngest son of the Cansaphan Mlat, Baccrapatiy, Patansa and His successors carried on this northern last king. It is proved by the following Mahaway. These judges were called by drive and in 1196 Cansu II claimed that episode. During the time of Klacwa a the name of sanphama. Of the Builtrya— his empire extended beyond Takon royal commission was appointed to the Lower Court, there were Mahasaman, (Tagaung) and reached up to Nachonkhyam enquire into the authenticity of some Kankaphirac, Atfulaissawir and Narintasu. (Ngasaunggyan) in the north. But there religious lands and two of its members, Sambyan Jeyyapwat, donor of the Zeyaput were troubles in the north until the time viz., Rajasu and Gangasu were described pagoda, East Pwazaw, Pagan, was also an of Natonmya who in 1228 conferred a as manphathuy — the king’s father’s important officer of the reign. The monks ‘reward for bravery in fighting the Takon younger brothers, i.e. Natonmya's juniors. of the religious establishment that he war’ on his general Lakkhana Lakway and It has also been explained above that not supported, had courage enough to oppose this marked the end of troubles in the all his half-brothers agreed to his the king in 1235 when he confiscated their north until the Mongol invasion in 1283. succession.* Singhapican, Pyamkhi and his lands: the king wisely gave in. This Finally the Burmans got as far north as son, together with the king’s son himself Jeyyapwat, in one of his inscriptions, Koncan (Kaungzin). The mention of this (Klacwaj rebelled. But they failed and the gave the exact dates as to when Natonmya name first appears in 1236. It became the two senior princes were executed though and Klacwa became kings. His fellow administrative headquarters of the PyamkhVs son and Klacwa were pardoned. officers were , Cankray, Krammaphat Burmese in the north and only the most and Siri Indrapican. It seems that sambyan trusted minister of the king was appointed The king is also known as Uccana, a is an officer next in importance only to governor. One governor was found to be name adopted for the first time by a amatya — the minister. the kuiwmhu — Commander of the King’s Pagan king. This name probably is derived Body’ Guard. Nachonkhyam was a nearby from Uccanatha — the High Protector. Since the time of Cansu II, Sinhalese fortress. There are many theories as to His regnal title is Sri Tribhavanadityapa- Buddhism had a great deal of influence the location of Koncan and Nachonkhyam varadhammaraja— the Victorious King, in Burma. Religious missions were sent but I prefer to place them on the west Sun of the Three Worlds, Most Excellent to Ceylon taking with them novices to 24 NEW BURMA WEEKLY 3rd January 1959

study in Ceylon and bringing back some joined the rebels during the early years of was much annoyed by the loss of Sinhalese thera to start educational his father’s reign. revenue owing to the great increase of centres on Sinhalese lines at Pagan and religious lands. Therefore he attempted elsewhere in Burma. All these thera The regnal title of Narasingha Uccana to confiscate some of them. One record and their disciples wanted the purifica­ was Sri Tribhavanadityapavaradhammaraja- says: 1 * ' v tion of the Buddhist Order on dhirajadanapati — the Victorious King, Sun Sinhalese lines, i. e. to promote rigid of the Three Worlds, Most Excellent On 19th July 1235 the great king’s observances of the — the rules of King of Lawa, King of Kings, Lord of son Prince Klacwa ascended the golden monkhood. In opposition to this camp, Charity. He had two queens both known mountain and after that all mahadana Natonmya’s reign saw the rise of another by the name of Caw. The first Queen had two sons, Singapati and Tryaphya and a lands of up-stream and down-stream camp known as ‘forest dwellers’ or he took. aranavasi taau klon. They were not so daughter Acaw Lat. The second Caw was the mother of Uccana who became king eager for reforms and they allowed This also implies that he was not as certain lapses in the observance of the after Klacwa. She came to be known as. Phwa Jaw — Grandmother Saw, when religious as the chronicles said. A few Vinaya. From the time of Natonmya monks raised an objection and therefore until the fall of the dynasty, this new her grandson Tarukpliy — King who Fled from the Taruk, became king. She the king appointed a commission to look sect which was in fact the revival of into the matter. It reported in favour of the old practices, became very popular. was a very proud woman and the evi­ dence given by her regarding the royal line the monks. Thus Klacwa had to relinquish After Natonmya they became well some of his claims over the religious organised and therefore well respected is conclusive. In 1272 she said: lands. On the other hand tradition also under the able leadership of Mahakassapa required him to give away lands, etc. in who originally came from Myinmu in The reward of the good deeds thus charity soon after his coronation. It was district. I think they were done by me — may my most excellent during his reign between 1237 and 1248 the Aran of whom +he chroniclers husband lord the king, lord of water that a mission led by Subuticanda and mistakenly spoke very poorly. We shall and land; my son the king; my grand­ Dhammasiri went to Ceylon for educa­ deal with them in more detail when son the king, — may these three kings tional purposes. A religious purification we come to the next chapter. and all the kings to come hereafter, movement possibly started in earnest after get it equally with me. their return from Ceylon. The most Natonmya was succeeded by Narasingha important person of the reign was Uccana. Here again we have to correct Her husband the king was Narasingha Mahasaman who was the chief minister as another mistake of the chroniclers. Uccana, her son the king was Uccana, and well as the governor of the north with They say that Nantaungmya was her grandson the king was Tarukpliy. centre at Koncan. succeeded by Kyazwa. Epigraphic evidence shows that Narasingha Uccana. Klacwa ascended the throne on 19th July Klacwa also tried to improve adminis­ was king in 1231 when he made 1235. His mother died young and he was tration and ensure peace within his king­ a dedication sharing his merit with his brought up by his aunt. He was also dom. An edict dated 6th May 1249 was younger brother Klacwa. Then Klacwa known as Caw Kri. As mentioned above directed against all dishonest people of became king in 1235. Another inscrip­ he appeared to be an usurper, and was the realm. It was to be engraved on tion dated 3rd August 1261 is more very ambitious. Though he was not a stones and put up in every village which precise in its statement that Narasingha rightful heir to the throne he had once had more than fifty houses. It reads : Uccana was the successor of Natonmya. rebelled against his father Natonmya but was pardoned. Then he made himself On Thursday, 6th May 1249 our lord Princess Acaw Lat, daughter of king in 1235 and he ruled efficiently. It Cawkri (i.e. Klacwawhose regnal name Narasingha Uccana who was son and was unfortunate that his reign was short. is Sri Triphavanatittyapavarapandita- of the great king Sri There is no truth in the chroniclers’ story dhammaraja) ordained thus. Those Tribhuvanadityapavaradhammaraja (i.e. that he was a very pious king who took desiring prosperity in this life and in Natonmya and her husband Jeyya- great delight in reading and writing lives hereafter should obey my words saddhiv, the great minister — these Buddhist works and treatises. When he with respect and belief and listen donors, husband and wife, desire the took the throne there was some opposi­ attentively. Because I do not speak boon of sabannutanana which is the tion. The Minwaing Inscription records a in my own words or wisdom but I end of samsara and all the miseries rebellion in the year following his speak after the words of the most like 96 diseases, 32 causes of evil accession. It says: excellent and omniscient Lord. and 25 calamities. On 9th June 1236 when Sirivadhana Kings of the past punished thieves Why the two brothers succeeded one sinned (i.e. rebelled), his elder brother by divers tortures starting with another is a mystery. Narasingha was the Singhapikram was involved in the impaling. I desire no such destruc­ elder brother of Klacwa and when he sin. Our Lord Caw Kri (i.e. Klacwa) tion. I consider all beings as my own died, naturally one would expect one of vj&s sitting in the Kwan Prok N ay— children and with compassion to­ his sons, viz, Singhapati, Tryaphya and the Small Variegated Hall, when wards all, I speak these words. That Uccana to succeed him. But the throne the wife of Singapikram said: is why I say that my words should passed on to his younger brother Klacwa. “Your servant’s husband — let him, be obeyed with intense reverence. After Klacwa, the succession came back to I pray, be allowed to remain here Listen to my words with attention the senior branch and Uccana (who later at Pagan. My slaves, paddy lands because they are spoken after the came to be known as Talapyam Man) be­ and gardens — I would ask my lord words of the most excellent Lord. came king. We are not in a position io ex­ to take them.’’ (The king allowed Obedience will give one prosperity, plain this mystery yet. Perhaps the three Singhapikram) io remain at Pagan (but in this life and in lives hereafter sons were too young when their fatherdied confiscated his estates). without fail. With attention, listen! and therefore their uncle became a regent Do those who live by thieving think and later assumed the kingship. We know He also had some trouble with the that they gain this way? They acquire dhat Klacwa was very ambitious as he monks soon after his accession. He prosperity by destroying other J

NEW BURMA WEEKLY 3rd January 1959 25

people’s villages, wives, children, out of the flesh all over the body; Pah texts. He meant to rule with a goods and chattels. Gains thus being horse-shoed and made to walk; firm hand wiping out dacoity which acquired will be. the very cause of having the head nailed to the ground was ‘always the curse of Burma’. their own destruction in the end. Do by a spike through both the ear-holes Thus Klacwa was taken to be the consider whether these acts are really and then being dragged round and ablest of the later kings of Pagan. beneficial or not. round by the legs; being pounded till Unfortunately he died soon after this the whole body is as soft as a straw and his successor Uccana obviously did When caught a thief is to be mattress; having the body curled into not intend to continue his good work. punished with one or the other of a bundle and chopped to pieces; these punishments. He is impaled. having cuts made all over the body So far we have seen that the Burmans His breast is split open with the axe. and salt or alkali rubbed into the first settled in the Kharuin area viz. He is roasted. His intestines are taken gashes; having bits of flesh cut off Kyaukse, Minbu, and part of the out. His legs and limbs are cut off. while alive and given to the dogs; Mandalay districts. Then they spread He is skinned and smeared with salt. being beheaded and wrapped with fanwise and established the Tuik which His skull is split and boiling oil rubbish and baked alive. These are roughly corresponds with the area we poured in. He is buried in the earth the punishments that a thief has to call theDryZone. After having established up to the neck and a plough driven suffer. these first and second homes, they expand­ over him. He is skewered to the ed and built up Nuinnam — the Empire in ground and trodden over by elephants. Besides, in the next existence, he will be cooked in the Tapano hell. In the 11th century. They took advantage of He is pinned alive to a tree. He is political dissensions in the south among buried alive. He is beheaded. Under this hell, the whole body, both inside the Mon and took all the deltaic region such tortures he experiences great and outside is burnt all day and night without intermission for one hundred together with Tenasserim and went as far misery. Even if he goes scot-free he south as the narrows of the Malay Penin­ cannot have peace’ of mind while thousand years which is the equiva­ lent of ten millions and ... years sula. This gave the Burmans control of sleeping, living, standing, going, etc. the trade route from India and Ceylon to He does not prosper even in the least of our human world. When born to mankind again, he is born blind, and all lands in the Far East. Eventually degree. He lives in constant terror. will live in great poverty. Great it led Burma into serious trouble with He becomes an outlaw and thus he calamities will frequently visit him. Ceylon and ultimately the Burmans aban­ cannot have proper shelter from doned their claim to the Malay Peninsula. sun and rain. Even those who I speak these words... On the east they went as far as the bank live peacefully at home suffer a Thus it is essential to lead a good of the Salween river. On the west they lot when they are sick. The life. As a reward, one will enjoy did not go beyond the Chin Hills. To­ miseiy of this homeless man wealth and prosperity. Make dona­ wards the north, they fought against the when sick would be unthinkable. No tions and practise piety. In the next ThetsandKadus and possibly the remnants' thief has ever escaped punishment existence... of the Nanchao power. Anirudha’s nor­ until now. Perhaps, he manages to thern drive was a failure but all his evade the law for two or three years In order to get prosperity, one successors tenaciously carried on this but in the end he is caught and pun­ should not steal but live a life of policy and the conquest of the north was ished. He can never escape. Accord­ goodliness. completed by Natonmya who had an ing to ‘the Law,’ after death, four May this good deed be an attribute administrative centre at Koncan opposite , viz. niraya, tiracchana, peta to the attainment of nirvana. May all Bhamo with a fortress called Nachon- and will be his abode. There beings enjoy prosperity. May the khyam situated four miles north of it to can be no alternative. Before death, rain and wind be also good. May guard the frontier. The empire thus built when caught, a thief is brought the capital be prosperous. enjoyed a fairly lo g period of peace until before the king who asks his judges the time when the Mongols attacked and to try him. If the verdict is not 444 inscription stones must be captured Nachonkhyam on 3rd December guilty, he goes free. If found guilty, made. A pavilion is to be built (to 1283. amunalwan— (lawbook?) are refer­ shelter each inscription) placed under red to. Punishment varies with the a grand canopy. All villages without Suggested References nature of the offence and he suffers exception must have these inscrip­ according to the degree of his crime, tions. Villages having more than 50 1. Lord Chammers: Further Dialogues o f This is the way of all kings. houses must have this inscription set the Buddha, Vol. 1, pp. 61-2. up. On full moon days, all villagers The thief shall suffer various must assemble round this pillar with 2. G.H. Luce: ‘Pagan Dynasty II, A.D. tortures such as being flogged with a music and offerings. The village 1174-1301’, one of the three lectures leather strap with iron thorns; being headman must wear his ceremonial given at the Annual Conference of beaten with a cane with thorns; robe and read aloud this inscription the Defence Services, 1956 and having his ears and nose cut off; before the assembly. People from privately circulated. having his legs and limbs torn off; small villages where there are no such 3. Daw Mya Than: “ Some of the having his skull trepanned and molten pillars must come to a nearby big Earlier Kings of Pagan Dynasty’’, iron poured in so that the brains village to listen to the reading of this JBRS. XXII, ii, pp. 98-102. boiled like porridge; having his mouth inscription. 4. T.W. Rhys Davids: The Question of fixed open with a skewer and a light­ King Milinda, pp. 276-8. ed lamp put inside; being skinned in These punishments are described in strips from the neck to the hips, so such works as the Majjhima Nikaya, 5. Than Tun: “ History of Burma A.D. that the skin falls in strips round the Anguttara Nikaya and Milinda Panna 1044-1287” , Rangoon University Annual legs; being skinned alive from the The king is traditionally attributed to Magazine, 1955-7, pp. 121-36. neck downwards and having each have written a philosophical work called 6. F.L. Woodward: The Book o f Gradual strip of skin as soon as removed tied the Paramathabindu, but we find that Sayings, Vol. I. pp. 42-3. by the hair so that these strips form he has been translating the terrible and a veil around him; having bits cut dire punishments as described in the NEW BURMA WEEKLY 21st February 1959 273

ligious zeal is also explained in another A HISTORY OF BURMA inscription. He built Jayabhumi on (he northeast of by Pagan; collected and made perfect copies of the Pitaka; sent men, money and material to effect repairs at Bodh Gaya; Dr. Than Tun offered the four necessities to the monks often and converted a foreign prince Chapter VII (Cola) to Buddhism. In spite of his religious zeal shown above, his palace inscription of A.D. 1101-2 shows a mixed Rival Sects of the Religion ceremony under the very eye of the Mahathera Arahan. The whole affair was (PART I) left in the hands of the Brahman astro­ logers who were versed in house-building. The Buddhist monks were invited only to bless the site reciting the Paritta — a SASANA is a Pali loan word used by religious preceptors in Buddhism. Gold Buddhist ritual formula or order of the old Burmese for religion, especially leaf manuscripts unearthed at or near the service invoking protection. Even then that of the Buddha and for the year of site of Sriksetra strongly suggest that the the water used for the occasion was the religion reckoned from the death of Pyu’s knowledge of Pali Buddhism was drawn and carried by the Burmans and the Buddha. There are iraces of many by no means slight. One might even the conch which is the attribute of other religions besides Buddhism. Of the assume that Pali Buddhism had thrived at Vishnu was used to hold the water. many types of Buddhism which existed, Sriksetra and that after its fall towards Although the presence of 4,108 monks is the one which modern Burmans call the the close of the 8th Century the centre mentioned in the inscription, one gets ‘pure’ Theravada, was the most popular. moved north to Halingyi which again fell the impression that the Brahmans were As a matter of fact, Buddhism in those early in the 9th Century. Thus it was left the more important. They were found days was far from pure if we still insist to the Burmans to foster it a century or leading in every step of the construc­ on using the word ‘pure’. Buddhism dur­ two later. It seems that the Pyu and the tion. Therefore it is natural to assume ing Budha’s life time would be considered Burman mixed freely until the Pyu were that the worship of Vishnu proceed­ in a sense pure but as time went by it was absorbed. Excavations at the Petlaik ed all important ceremonies. Offerings modified to suit the time and place and Pagoda, which is generally attributed to are also made to Indra. The Naga Burma is no exception to this rule. I Aniruddha, revealed some mouldings of worship was also performed. Gavampat — would like to add another statement: older structures beneath. It shows that a Shaivaite deity, was placed side by Buddhism during the period under survey Buddhist buildings existed at Pagan before side with the image of the Buddha. There was no different from the Buddhism of Aniruddha and a considerable portion, if are also other vestiges of Brahmanic present day Burma. It was, however, not all, of the Burmans were already influence at Pagan. The chief icon in the much more tolerant as it allowed the Buddhists before the said conquest of Nanpaya built by Makuta is Brahma. A presence of Bhikkhuni — female ascetics, Thaton. From the inscriptions of Thiluin temple of Vishnu known today as in the Order. According to the Sasanavamsa Man's reign (A.D. 1084-1112), we know Nathlaungkyaung stands next door to of Pannasami written in 1861, it was the extent to which Buddhism was modi­ Pahtothamya. Even in the Burmese inscrip­ lower Burma known as Ramanna which fied to fulfil the requirements of the time tions belonging to the later half of the received the Religion first. Perhaps it and how tolerant it was of the existence dynasty we find traces of Brahmanic dates back to the very lifetime of Buddha. of other beliefs and practices. influence. A village named Lintuin (Linga) Then in A.B. 235, Sona and Uttara led a mentioned in an inscription dated A.D. mission to Ramanna known then as In the great Shwezigon inscription we 1235 suggests the presence of phallic Suvannabhumi which is popularly regarded have the eulogy of the king who shall worship at one time. Another village as Thaton. Unfortunately the Rock Edicts rule Pagan after A.B. 1630 (A.D. 1086). called Kula Nat in an inscription of A.D. of Asoka (V and XIII) do not mention According to it the principal religion then 1256 also suggests that the villagers once this mission. Tradition, however main­ practised was Buddhism, but there are worshipped an Indian deity.. God tains that henceforth Thaton became the references to other religions as well. The Mahapinnai, (Mahavinayaka or Ganesa) is centre from which the Religion spread up king professed himself to be a Buddhist, mentioned in an inscription dated A.D. country. but he allowed himself to be declared a 1279. Gavampati is mentioned together with reincarnation of Vishnu. Evidently this Buddha and his two chief disciples in an The conquest of Thaton in 1057 by is due to the influence of Brahmanism. inscription of A.D. 1179. These facts Aniruddha resulted, it is said, in the With the help of Mahalhera Arahan, the enable us to say that Buddhism in the 11th introduction of Theravada Buddhism. king tried to restore Buddhism to its Century was very much a mixture or at Unfortunately there is no contemporary original form, that is to say, to have it least it had to tolerate the popular exist­ evidence to support this famous episode. conform as much as possible to the ence of Vishnavism. After Thiluin Man* It is doubtful whether Thaton was the scriptures. The inscription says that the Mon influence receded. Perhaps the home of Theravada Buddhism and whether Buddhism prospered but it is interesting Brahmanic influence also receded though it reached Pagan only after the aforesaid such a thing as the Kalasa pot was retain­ conquest. When the Burmans came into to note that orthodoxy went side by side with religious toleration. To them ed in architectural designs, perhaps until the plains of Burma in the 9th Century the end of the dynasty. A.D. they first met the Mon who were ‘heritical’ did not mean non-Buddhistic Buddhists in the Kyaukse district. It is as a modern Burman thinks, but it only not unlikely that they converted the means non-conformity with one’s own The Three Gems which were called Burmans to Buddhism. It is also possible scriptures, whether Buddhistic, Brah- Ratnatrey in Thiluin Man’s time became that the Pyu were one of their early manistic or otherwise. The king’s re­ Ratana sum pa in the later period. They 274 NEW BURMA WEEKLY 21st February 1959

were Purha — the Lord, Trya — the Law, inscription in Burmese dated A.D. 1198 without which the pagoda is just a pile of and — the Order, and Sasana — the recorded repairs at the Ceti at Bodh Gaya. bricks and the image is another statue Religion of the Lord, should last for 5,000 To consider Buddha as God is absurd. none of which are considered worshipful. years. But to a man like Lord Cakukri, But to some early Burmans he was The idea and procedure are simple. A few much advanced in thinking than the something like God — the Creator: to monks gather and recite verses 153 and general, the life span of the Religion have infinite faith in him meant having a 154 of the which consists of would equal that of the earth itself. long life and happiness. One donor took words supposed to be first uttered by the Princess Acawkrwam also expected it might Buddha as a living deity and gave Him Buddha after his enlightenment. In none stand for a period of one hundred musicians to enjoy music. Instrumenta­ of the inscriptions of our period do we asankheyya (10,000,000,20). Even today lists, dancers and singers were often find the mention of the Anekaja. Thus we in Burma, with the exception of a few, included in the slaves marked for the know that the people during the period people believe that the religion would last Buddha. In A.D. 1242 Kankasu's wife gave under survey understood the Doctrines of for only 5,000 years and no more. We Buddha a private secretary and a Buddhism very well though they put a few cannot blame them as it is a tradition launderer. Another donor gave palanquin modifications here and there to suit their that comes down from the Pagan times. bearers, umbrella bearers and weavers. genius. Among the parami, for achieving An old Burman, just as his modern Barbers, cooks and betelservers also nirvana the practice of charity was the counterpart, blindly believed that the became slaves of the Buddha. An inscrip­ most popular with them. So many a Religion would last for only 5,000 years tion of A.D. 1241 records that the Buddha cultivable piece of land was turned into and that it was his duty to support it to was served every day with necessities. In a religious land from which the king got the end. To fulfil these duties meant connection with this inscription, Profes­ no tax. working for one’s own attainment of sor made this remark:- Trya in its broadest sense means the law nirvana. The Religion taught him that “Buddha is not wearing his royal and it is not necessarily the law of nothing in this world is permanent and Buddha. It included all laws — moral, that even though one accumulates wealth outer robe as he is represented as being‘at home’, just as a king with legal or religious, and thus it embraced in this life-time, one cannot buy longevity also the customary observances or pres­ and when he dies he leaves everything his robe off might recline on the couch in his state-room after supper, cribed conduct for everybody either behind. Thus to give away one’s own ecclesiastical or lay as the Sanskrit property in charity in an unlimited and not chewing his betel as he listens to the strains of music.” implied. In the period under to be equalled manner asadisadana if survey, trya is used to mean Tipitaka, to possible, was one of the means of acquir­ This anthropomorphism of Buddha mean the sermons, to mean a law suit, to ing merit contributing to the final attain­ worship is still preserved in Burma. mean the judges themselves and to describe ment of nirvana. After every act of merit Most donors prayed for nirvana with a natural phenomenon such as death, trya a donor would pray for the boon of is used again as atan may so trya — the nirvana in the form of a mere araha when no specifications but I have mentioned that there were also a few who prayed law of . The old Burman Boddhisattva becomes Buddha. therefore used the word trya in connection But the more ambitious would ask for for . Kings did that, e. g. Sri Tribhuvanditya, Thiluin Man, Cansu I with all applications of law or discipline the boon of Buddhahood. Sasana, ranging from khuiw trya— a petty theft however, taught them to cherish nirvana and Natonmya. Actually all kings styled themselves as purha Ion— the future case, to aklwat trya— the attainment of and showed them the Way there. It had a nirvana. We do not know the derivation profound influence over them and it is ‘purha’, or purha rhan taw— the living ‘purha’. Some great ministers and learned of this very useful word. Perhaps it is the reflected in their daily life. A queen in Sanskrit rita spoonerised. But if it were A.D. 1266 says:- scholars too asked for Buddhahood. Such a person must necessarily meet Maitreya to be loaned the more familiar dharma “ I pray that I may never be to receive a prophecy from his very lips should have been the chosen word. As a covetous, insatiate, wrathful, bully­ as to the time he would become Buddha matter of fact Mon inscriptions use dharma ing, ignorant, stupid, mean, unchari­ and so they were all anxious to meet the and it is only when Burmese was used for table, faithless, frivolous, forgetful, Boddhisattva. Practising charity, observ­ inscriptions that the phrase buddhadhamma nor ungrateful. But I would cross ing restraint and meditating on love sangha had been changed into purha trya Samsara full of these good graces — known as parami must be fulfilled. The sangha. Trya therefore became analogous modest in my wants, easily satisfied, concept of ten parami is a later invention. with dhamma with only one exception mild of temper, pitiful, wise, cons­ Aninscription dated 1197 gives the time re­ where the — the civil code cious of causes, generous, large- quired as ‘four asankheyya' (10,000,00020, is retained in its original form up to this handed, faithful, earnest, unforget- 1 followed by 140 ciphers) plus one hund­ day. Sometimes trya is suffixed or prefixed ful, and considerate.” red kappa. Kappa means the life of the earth to man— the King, to form either mantrycr and asankheyya means incalculable. or trya man and this tempts one to connect This shows that the active and warlike trya with the Sanskrit tra meaning pro­ Burmans by becoming Buddhists have been Si cap mran nham, ‘know wide, see deep’ is their translation of sabbannutanana — tector. Then the combination would gradually turned into a peace loving mean the King Protector. But we know people. With peace came the development omniscience and so they knew quite well that to attain such a state of knowing that the combination is the direct transla­ of art and architecture. The old Burmans tion of dhammaraja — the just king. knew perfectly that they owed a great deal everything would certainly require a very to India for all these benefits. Thiluin Man long time of practice and piety. It was In connection with Buddhism, trya is caused repairs at the holy temple of Bodh also believed that no woman could become Tipitaka and to donate a compilation it is Gaya. Probably pilgrims from Burma a Buddha. A lady in A.D. 1260 prayed for used together with the word apum — the frequented the places in India associated Buddhahood and realizing her mistake, heap. The whole phrase would be pitakat with the life of Buddha. A queen she corrected it by praying for manhood sum pum so trya apum — the three heaps (Manmaya Cakhi-puir) planted a banyan in A.D. 1265. She also took care to pray of pitaka, (i.e.) the heap of Law. Donors tree within the enclosure of the monastery that she would be born a man believing in often caused the whole set to be copied which she founded and she claimed that the Buddhist religion. and kept at monastic libraries. But the the tree grew from a seed of the very tree When a pagoda or image is finished the monastery was not the only place where at Bodh Gaya under which Buddha sat Anekaja ceremony is very important religious works were kept. Thiluin Man's and acquired the sabbannutanana. An nowadays. It is a sort of consecration new palace which was completed in

I I NEW BURMA WEEKLY 21st February 1959 275

A.D. 1102 had a separate apartment where use they had mliyphlu — chalk, and of these have a golden umbrella and the statues of Buddha and Gavampati sanphun — blackboard. canopy too for the preacher. From the together with the Tipitaka were kept. He Having built the library, the donor’s seat, the preacher would address the insisted that the copies should be made next concern is to provide it with congregation on such subjects as perfect. A minister called Caturanga- attendants and necessary funds so that Dhammacakka — the wheel of Law, paccaya is said to have been a person well repairs to the building, preservation of Paticcasamuppada — the Working of Cause versed in the Tipitaka and therefore it the manuscripts, and new acquisitions to and Effect, Rathavita Sutta the Seven Acts may also be expected that such persons the library would be possible. These of Purity, and Satipattana Sutta— the would have their own private sets. But works are known as trya — duties four Methods of Meditation. The they were very expensive. InA.D.1273, a set towards the Law, and to fulfil these pur­ listeners thus become well acquaint­ is said to have cost 3,000 ticals of silver. poses, the donor dedicated lands, slaves, ed with the methods with which At a time when a tical of silver could buy including scribes, sometimes elephants, to obtain for themselves the patisam- one pay of land one could have bought palmyra-palms and sessamum from which bhida— analytical knowledge, and with that money an estate of 5,250 acres. oil is extracted for lighting, to the Law. the four — truths, that would It was so costly because all 84,000 dhamma The duties towards the Law also included ultimately result in their becoming khandha were to be copied by hand with a the of daily food in the same araha when Maitreya attains Buddhahood ‘stylus on palm leaves and good scribes way as to the Lord and the Order. or in other words in attaining aklwat would certainly have been scarce as the Trya also means the sermon whereby trya — the knowledge that would help one art of writing was then still in its infancy the monk tries to explain some part of to achieve nirvana. Jataka stories quoted with the Burmans. There would be a the teachings of Gotama to his congrega­ to illustrate some points of the Law separate building in a monastic establish­ tion. To give such a sermon is known as would certainly attract a considerable ment for a library and rhuy tala — a gilded trya haw and to listen to it would be portion of the audience to the sermon. case, would be used to store the works. termed trya na and a sort of honorarium Some buildings have scenes from these As it was expensive, few pitaka dayaka — called trya chu is given to the preacher. stories painted on the walls and we may donors of the Law, could afford a com­ The form of honorarium varied from safely assume that these paintings directly plete set. In that case they gave just arica-nuts and loin-cloths to paddy and aimed at giving some information on what was needed at a particular library or paddy fields. Usually sermons were given Buddhism to the illiterate. People also the copies they thought would be of weekly on each satan— sabbath day, found much satisfaction in the supposed better use. An inscription of A.D. 1223 during the wa — lent. In some monas­ attributes of paritta to ward off various gives us a list of works given to a library. teries preaching was heard twice every evils, physical and moral. Thiluin Man had Such Sinhalese books like the Mahavamsa, sabbath, i. e. once in the morning and it recited at his new palace by 4,108 monks Thupavamsa and Anagatavamsa were also again at night. Big monastic establishments in A.D. 1102. Singhasura had it recited at popular. Some donors made it a special generally had a separate building called an occasion for enshrining relics in a point to give Vinaya texts to monastic the dhammasa or trya im or trya klon — pagoda in A.D. 1190. On a similar establishments and the growing demand hall of the Law, where most of the occasion in A.D. 1261, Princess Acaw Lat for them was the result of the increasing preaching was done. In such a hall there had seven bhikkhu and one bhikkhuni to number of monks and the growing laxity usually was a sort of pulpit called trya recite the paritta. in the observance of the Vinaya among the monks in general. To some donors, panlan which is sometimes gilded. Some Adhidhamma works seemed to be of more importance perhaps because they form the essence of Buddhism. Most of the libraries were attached AIR SERVICE TRAINING LTD. to learning centres. Young monks de­ voted their time largely to pariyatti — learning, and so they were called HAMBLE, Southampton, England casan and monasteries devoted to learn­ ing were called casantuik or casan klon THE MOST FULLY EQUIPPED PRIVATE SCHOOL — educational institutes. Such institutes also provided free board and lodging to the students and some institutes had OF AVIATION IN THE WORLD as few as two students while some had as many students to fill twenty big build­ Britain’s Air University can train you for an Airline ings within a compound serving as hostels for them. These students used piy — career. Courses are available for Commercial and palmleaves, and stylus for their Airline Transport Pilot’s Licences, Instrument Rating writing material with a view to longevity. In this case they bound their finished and Maintenance Engineers’ Licences on single and piy with klam — wooden boards, usually of lakpam and stored them up in tala — twin-engined aircraft and helicopters. cases, made of wood or in catuik — cabinets, which were sometimes so pro­ For details and tuition fees apply fusely decorated that one would cost as much as 215 ticals of silver. Sometimes they used parabuit— a single long sheet FAIRWEATHER RICHARDS & CO. 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kon is used suggesting that to the old Burmans, arya means a holy man. Next A HISTORY OF BURMA to arya, they had rahan which derives from araha — a person who arrives at by the fourth and last stage on the way to nirvana. But to the old Burmans the term rahan had no such specification Dr. Than Tun because they used rahanta for those who had acquired arahattaphuil. Therefore rahan simply means monk and to become Chapter VII one is termed rahan mu. Only adults oft over twenty would be ordained monks Rival Sects of the Religion or nuns. Deacons or novices were called Samaniy which is the Pali . The (PART II) Nvox&kuiran — novice, was not in use then.’ The word syan or asyan from which per­ haps kuiran is derived does not mean a ’ novice but a monk with the exception when The last of the three Gems is the Sangha would teach his own sons. In a religious asyan was applied to royalty as asyan which is the Pali Sangha meaning the sense, it means disciple. Tape, sa kri is mankri — the liege lord, the great king. multitude or the assembly, and Pyu Sagha clearly aggasavaka and therefore tape, sa Monks addressed each other as na syat and old Mon Sangha. Roughly monks is savaka. The monks were also called — my lord. They were also mentioned were divided into two groups, viz., Klon ariya sangha and rahan sangha meaning the as pancan which literally means a pure niy so sangha — monks living in monas­ nobles who had reached Perfection. Al­ flower and the spelling does not permit i teries, and taw mlatkri, taw skhin and taw though not all the monks had reached to be connected with pancanga — the five klon sangha—-the lords of the forest, who arahatta — the last and highest of the attributes, or the burmanised pancatr. as would otherwise be known as Path, they were called rahan as it was the modern Burman believes. or Aran. As they were mentioned as assumed that they were on the right path. Skhin sangha — the reverend monk — the Thus sangha is synonymous with respect­ As the Reverend, Very Reverend, Right monks evidently occupied an exalted posi­ ful, pious, wise and celibate. We have Reverend and Most Reverend are used tion in society. They were respected only one reference which does not before the names of the clergy, the old by the people in much the same way as coincide with this general description. It Burmans used such terms as phunmlat so the royal family or government officers says that sangha is well versed in the use or mlat so for senior monks, mlatcwaso who were also addressed with skhin pre­ of the harp. Perhaps this monk was in or mlatkri for the most senior monks fixed to their names. As King Klacwa, charge of the musicians who were dedicat­ and mlat kri kri ewa or phun mlat kri ewa Prince Rajasu and Minister Anantasu were ed to the pagodas. In another reference for the exceptionally respected monks called Skhin Klacwa, Skhin Rajasu and we find that a thera — senior monk, was who were royal preceptors, etc. But such Skhin Anantasu respectively, so the lords invested with three duties, viz., to look terms as thera, sangha thera and maha of the Order were addressed as Skhin after the lands of the pagoda, to do thera were equally popular. A senior Winendhuir, Skhin Mahakassapa, etc. Even repairs at the pagoda whenever necessary monk was also called chrya— the teacher. in cases where the monk is known by the and to take charge of the pagoda slave, Very often a monk would be addressed a; lay name, which is not infrequent, he is musicians. It seems that the monasteries the teacher of a certain prominent perso< sure to get the honorific skhin e.g. Skhin Na also gave some sort of a musical course: among his lay devotees. For example, th<; Mlat Khac. But these skhin of the monas­ training certain young slaves of the king’s preceptor came to be popularly tery were by nature quite different from pagoda or monastery in singing or playing known as man chrya and the queen’s their counterparts in the administration musical instruments. preceptor as Caw Palay May Charya, th as they w'ere defined as sankham so skhin minister’s preceptor as Amatkri Siri- — the patient lords, or nrim niy so skhin — There were other names used to signify watthana Chirya and so on. As a matter the quiet lords. Sariputta and Moggallana, the monks. The old Mons sometimes of fact, even the Lord is mentioned as the two chief disciples of Gotama were shorten sangha into san or supplement san lu nat taka chirya — the teacher of all men also known as Skhin Sariputtra and Skhin with ariya to become san ariya. But more and deva, or sumlu charya — the teacher Mokkalan and this shows that the people often they used their own word gum Ion. of Men, Deva and Brahma. It would be considered their ecclesiastics as venerable The old Burmans also used san for all interesting to know the reason why a as those of Gotama’s life time. This the monks and Sankri for senior monks monk called Ratanaucchi was known a perhaps also leads them to define their and Sanlyan for junior monks. The Pyu Nat Charya Mlat ewa so skhin Ratanaucl monks as purha skhin tape sa ariya sangha word for sankri is tra: ba:. A forest — the Most Reverend Lord Ratanaucchi., — the noble monks, sons and disciples of dwelling monk is mentioned once as san the teacher of Deva. Another thera wa the Lord, purha tape, sa rahan sangha — aran and like the old Mon they also used called Nat thaman ra so akhin thampa — the worthy monks, sons and disciples of the combination san arya. The word Lord Thampa, receiver of Deva’s food. Another equally popular prefix to a the Lord. The word tape would be freely bhunkri'. for a monk was not in translated as pupil though its origin in monk’s name is sukhamin the wise, use then although a very similar one phun although there were some people who Pali tapassin and Sanskrit tapasvin would san — the possessor of merit, was some­ mean an ascetic. Tape again is usually were hot monks known by that name. times used as an honorific to a monk’s Perhaps they were once monks and con­ suffixed with sa — the son, and to be a name. But the term phunsan was also appl­ tape sa of somebody is to be attached to ied to some lay devotees. Next to sangha, tinued to be called by that name after that person as apprentice to undergo a the most popular term for a monk was they had left the Orders. There were also training on some craft for which he is arya which originally meant noble and later taw thwak — monks or nuns who were considered master and it is believed that was extended to include Buddhist monks. once married, as well as lu thwak — the master would teach his pupils as he Sometimes the combination of arya sutau people who were once monks or nuns. 306 NEW BURMA WEEKLY 28th February 1959

Among the followers of a prominent cachwam nhuik lup kluy so kywan are slaves for themselves. As there is mention monk, casan — the students, formed the dedicated to monasteries as cooks. Rice however, that pansaku was given, we most important group. They devoted their and curry together became chwam for the gather that the original idea of monks ime to pariyatti — learning, while there monks and invitations to one thousand taking for themselves the dusty rags dis­ were others who were devoted to patipatti monks to a chwam in those days was not carded by the people was already modified. — practice. Big monastic establishments a rare occurrence. Towards the end of the It would'only mean an indirect giving of were endowed with funds to enable them period under survey, at some of these the robe by leaving it on the way the tq become Buddhistic schools. Some feasts, monks were served not only with monks usually passed by. In the month lonors gave fields, etc. specifically to rice and curry, but also with yammaka which immediately follows Wa— the students alone of a certain establishment. aphyow— sweet liquor made from Lent, the monks were given Kathin robe The student population, in those days palmyra palm juice. Perhaps it is to pre­ which must be received only by a chapter seems to have been considerable and pare this drink and to make jaggery and of five monks and it was given to the one people took care to encourage and sup­ also to provide writing material and fans, in that five who was in sore need of a port them. The lay devotees were known that these palmyra palms were very often robe. Sometimes various other articles of as upasaka or more popularly as satan san dedicated to the monastery or planted daily use were also given together with the who would also dedicate lands and slaves around it. Kathin robe and such articles were usually to the monastery as the dayaka did. There hung on an artificial tree known as were also people who looked after the Among gifts to a monastery chimi — oil patensa pan. Giving a robe, however, was comfort of the thera and they were lamps, came next in importance to food. not confined only to the end of the Lent. mown as kappika. The klon san looked Oil for lighting is extracted from sesamum There were also Wa Chuiw sankan — the after the comforts of all the inmates of and it is mentioned that fifty measures of robe with which the Lent began, Wakhon he monastery. Perhaps the kappika and sesamum yielded twenty tanak of oil. Sankan — the robe of the middle of the zlonsan were the liaison officers used by There were special nights when chimi thon Lent and Waklwat sankan — the robe with the monks when dealing with the outside — one thousand lamps, were lit. But which the Lent ended. world. They would be asked to represent usually monks did not care to have good the monastery in law suits or to act as lighting at nights as their only duty after Among the important personalities of agents in buying things needed by the dusk was for the younger ones to repeat our period, the first in the list is the monastery. We find many instances where from memory what they had learnt from historic Arahan. He was the chief spiritual monks bought lands for themselves. the Pali text during the day and for the adviser of Thiluin Man. They two tried to •Sanghika-ucca— the funds of the Order, older ones to find a secluded corner and make Buddhism conform as much as would be used for these transactions. meditate. Next to light, a donor’s care possible with the scriptures. Arahan had a I here were also slaves who attended to was to provide a monk with the betel following of 4,108 monks. Perhaps he was the needs of a monastery. The total quid or the necessary ingredients for the Mahathera present when the king made number of them might vary from a whole making one. The betel leaf was called a death-bed gift through the initiative of village to one or two slaves. Usually the sammlhu and the areca nuts were measured his son Rajakumar. Hmannan says that thera would control these slaves but in kadun. Some appurtenances of betel when he died, Cansu I appointed an elder sometimes some monks were assigned chewing like kwam ac and kwam khyap to succeed him as Thathanabaing. We find with fhe special duty of looking after the or kwam kap — betel boxes, kwam khyam no mention of the word Thathanabaing land and slaves. — nut cracker, and thun phu — phials of in the inscriptions. There were Mancharya chunam were also given to the monas­ or Rajaguru — the teachers of the king, Amo. g the articles of daily use given to teries. Chewing betel seems to have been but to be the king’s teacher does not ;the monks, first and foremost comes very popular then and one who did not imply that he was the head of the Order food. T^ey called it niccapat — the con- chew the quid must have been a very rare as Thathanabaing was understood during idani ce, i.e. they made it their duty that exception. We find a monk called the Konbaung period. For matters of the> would never fail to offer some by the name of mlat kri cwa kwam discipline in the Order, any elder well p 3rtion of their food to the monks when ma ca — the Most Reverend Don’t- versed in the Vinayapitaka would be res­ .e; came begging for it once everyday. Eat-Betel. As a matter of fact, this pected. Such a person would be popularly I his duty is termed wat and Samput, kwam comes under the category of food known as Vinayadhara or in its burmanised Chimi, Kwam, Pan— food, light, betel which is one of the four necessities of form Winendhuir. There was one and flower, all came under this heading. the monk. The necessities were known Winendhuir whose name appeared fairly Land producing food for the monastery as paccan le pa among which chiy wa — frequently in the inscriptions of the 13th is called wat lay or samput lay. Samput medicine was the most important. Vinaya century. It seems that he was the head of kh >ak kywan or wat khyat kywan or prescribed five standard medicines, viz., a great monastic establishment and had a thawpiy — unclarified but+er, thawpat — great following. There were members of clarified butter, chi — oil, pya — honey the royal family and ministers among his and tanglay — molasses. Some monasteries lay devotees. More and more students had thawpatki — storehouse for clarified came to him probably to study Vinaya in butter. Some donors made it a point to which he was an authority, so that twenty mention that medicine would be provided more hostels were built in the establish­ for the sick and firewood for the dead. ment in 1243. He was a famous thera with Since then it seems, dead monks were many devoted followers in 1216 and by always cremated. Sankan the robe, is the 1261 he was a leading monk probably of next necessity. The word comes from the the orthodox group, that advocated strict Pali Sanghati — the outer garment. adherence to the Vinaya and close contact Sakkham or khruykham is the inner garment with Ceylon. They were for purification and sampuin for the nether part. Tuyan, of the Order on the Sinhalese lines. But tankyat and Kawtha are also names for the there was another group of monks who monastic robes but unfortunately we were not so eager for reforms. They were cannot identify them. The monks could known as ‘forest-dwellers’ and they also pick up pansaku — the dusty robe, allowed themselves certain lapses in the NEW BURMA WEEKLY 28 th February 1959 307

-observance of the Vinaya. As the practice two mor? centuries to have a clear cut many commentaries were known and big of arannakangam is one of the thirteen answer in favor of orthodoxy. Although scholastic establishments were maintain Dhutangam, it is not a compulsory practice the evidence is meagre it is possible to ed in many parts of the kingdom. The for all the monks, but it seems that from connect these arannavasi or forest dwellers study of the Vinaya was found to be very the time of Natonmya until the fall of the under Mahakassapa who bought lands in empire, this practice became very popular popular with the Pagan Burmans and as so that many a donor built aranavasi taau. outlying districts to strengthen their posi­ it requires a sound knowledge of grammar klon — forest monastery, and the dwellers tion and who accepted for themselves for correct interpretation of the said in such places became almost a different aphyaw — a sweet liquor from texts, it supports the tradition that they sect of the Order. Originally a monk went palm juice, and allowed their devotees to were excellent Pali scholars. The Order in out alone into the forest withdrawing indulge in grand feasts where liquor and our period was divided into two camps himself from the communal life of the meat were plentiful, with Aran or Ari of and they existed side by side in monks in a monastery to practice whom the Chronicles thought poorly. peace. There were also bhikkhuni arannakangam but this original ideal of a Burma was not alone in having these right down to the end of the empire. Of lonely monk as a forest recluse was much zlranwaray/ monks during the 13th and 14th the aforesaid camps, one was fo? modified. Big monastic establishments centuries. Inscriptions of Rama Gamhen orthodoxy, influenced by Sinhalese Bud­ called taw klon appeared with hundreds of (1298) and Vat Pa Ten (1406) bear witness dhism and the other was of a very inuch monks living in them under taw mlat kri — to the existence of arannavasi monks dur­ burmanised form showing such charac­ the Most Reverend Lord of the Forest. ing those centuries at Sukhodaya (Siam) teristics as allowing laxity in discipline. Minnanthu and Pwazaw to the east of too. Some connect them with Tantric In spite of the first group’s endeavour to Pagan, Myinmu in Sagaing district and Buddhism. Although these Ari allowed counteract the growing popularity of the Anein in district were the centres certain lapses in the Vinaya, they were latter by sending missions and study of these forest monasteries. They were definitely not as debase as the Chronicles groups to Ceylon, and bringing back not confined to the forest areas alone. allege. There is no evidence of anything un­ Sinhalese thera and monks to Pagan, we Some of them appeared even quite close usual in their practices that the orthodox find that the arrannavasi were able to get to the capital city of Pagan. These so- monks would not have done in those days popular support. Perhaps it was so called forest-dwellers lived in big except for the fact they allowed some because they represent indigenous thought monasteries with big estates to support drinks at their feasts. The last point to appealing direct to Burmese national;,', n their establishments. The way they be mentioned about them is that they or perhaps their tenets were easier to enlarged their estates and their connivance were never officially suppressed during follow. at the drinking of intoxicants were the Pagan dynasty. There is another by no means in keeping with the important point in Buddhism during the * * * Vinaya. They received enormous gifts of period under survey. That is the presence land. Still they added to it by big of Bhikkhuni in the Order then. Accord­ purchases. Among these forest-dwellers ing to tradition there were no more the most frequently mentioned thera was female ascetics in the Buddhist Order since Mahakassapa who perhaps was the leader A.D. 456. But we find epigraphic evidence For all descriptions of of this new group in the Order. His name assuring their presence even in the 13th was first mentioned in the inscriptions century. The following are a few in 1225. He was then already a famous popular names of the Bhikkhuni. Phun thera at Myinmu in Sagaing district. mlat so Uiw Chi Taw, Skhin Uiw Kram Pan STATIONERY Perhaps Myinmu was then the centre of San, Sankadhi Uiw, Kram San, Uin Chi Up these ‘forest-dwellers’ and Mahakassapa Ni, Skhin Brahmacari, phun mlat so Uih Tan PRINTING was their leader on account of whose San and Skhin Uiw Pam. The last name piety they received much support from of the dignitaries of the Order is Syan important people of the period. Probably Disapramuk, leader of the peace mission PAPER he attempted with success to open a to Peking in 1275. branch close to the capital. The establish­ ment at Minnanthu was founded in 1233 In conclusion, I shall have to repeat You can rely and that at Pwazaw in 1236. He that the Burmans were Buddhists long extended further and reached Kyaukse before Aniruddha’s conquest of Lower area by 1242. In the meanwhile he became Burma; that the Buddhism Aniruddha on more popular with the royal family. introduced from Lower Burma was not His organisation was new and therefore exactly the Theravada Buddhism as alleged; he fell the need of supporting it by a that it was much influenced by Vaishna- The Royal Stationery landed interest. Therefore he made a vism and the native Naga worship was series of land purchases from 1247 to also maintained; and that the motive for 1272. It seems that he died between 1272 attacking the south was not purely Supply House and 1278. Largely through his personality religious. In addition to these four very the forest-dwellers grew in number and important points, we also find that the popularity to such dimensions as to be Buddha was worshipped as God — the 408-410, Maha Bandoola Street, considered a major force almost equal in Creator to some extent and there was the strength to the orthodox group who at anthropomorphic devotion of the Buddha P.O. Box 337 Phone South 963 that time fervently tried to maintain their which is still preserved in Burma. Regard­ ground with help from Ceylon. Time ing the Law, all the four score and four alone decided who was to win and it took thousand sections of the pitaka with their