Historicity and Religiosity in Shakespeare's Medieval Play King John
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東洋大学人間科学総合研究所紀要 第14号(2012)27‐4527 Historicity and Religiosity in Shakespeare’s Medieval play King John Michael RANDOLPH* King John one of two ‘history’ plays in Shakespeare’s canon that is not part of a tetralogy has largely been ignored and dismissed by generations of critics. Based on the history of an early, and traditionally reviled Medieval English king, the story of King John was one quite topical to Elizabethan England in light of the Tudor’s ongoing political conflicts with the pow- erful Church of Rome. Foxe’s Book of Martyrs, Holinshead’s Chronicles, Bale’s King Iohan, the anonymous The Troublesome Reign of King John, all dealt with John’s resistance to the growing political power of the Catholic Church. Shakespeare’s treatment of King John offers an intriguing re-examination of the historical and religious elements inherent in the narrative of that king, and his ultimate influence on the shaping of what became ‘England’. Keywords : King John, Bastard, Usurpation, Religious, Legitimate King John, written sometime between 1590-1596 after Shakespeare’s first sweeping Henriad is a play that has gotten remarkably little attention, far less than it actually deserves. Its episodic formula and the downfall of a character reviled by history, in art and in literature, as been largely neglected. Shakespeare took the story of King John told in various histories and chronicles, along with extant plays like King Iohan, and the Trouble- some Reigne of King John, and created his own unique version of the story. How are the historical and religious concerns of this medieval story followed or manipulated, in order to bring new life to a long dead king? Each era examines any previous one through the prism of its own experiences and concerns. According to Burkhardt (1996, p.143), ‘The Elizabethan world is hierarchical, not only in fact crucial but by inner necessity : it collapses if there is no one ultimate authority’. Shakespeare’s King John, examines authority, the interrelated issues of a ruler’s legitimacy, and how much authority the Church should have in the political world. An exami- nation of how Shakespeare dealt with and shaped the historical aspects of John’s legitimacy and legacy, and how he approached the relationship between church and state in this play, should bring to light some of his con- * A lecturer in the Faculty of Life Sciences, and a member of the Institute of Human Sciences at Toyo University 28 東洋大学人間科学総合研究所紀要 第14号(2012) cepts of these issues. The historicity of King John’s legitimacy The historical John was born in 1166, the youngest son of Henry II and his powerful wife Eleanor of Aquitaine, whose union created the great Angevin empire, spanning all of England and a large swath of France. He was the great-grandson of William the Conqueror, through Henry II’s mother Matilda. The youngest of five sons, he wasn’t expected to inherit the English Crown. Henry’s first three sons died early, and son number four, Richard succeeded him. There was another brother older than Richard, Geoffery, who died before his son Arthur was born. When Richard I was killed, Arthur was an only an infant and John ruled England from 1199 to 1216. The name John has never been bequeathed to a British monarch since 1216. Nearly eight hundred years seems a bit excessive in avoiding a name for a king. William, Henry, Edward, James, Charles, and George have all been repeated, but not John despite the fact that is was the most popular name for common males in England from the mid-sixteenth to the twentieth century. Shakespeare’s play includes, Constance, the mother of Arthur, the Cardinal Pandulph, emissary of Pope In- nocent III, Eleanor of Aquitaine, John’s mother, and a fictitious character, possibly based on real historical char- acters, the bastard son of Richard I, Philip Falconbridge, called ‘The Bastard’ throughout much of the play. It is quite likely that the actual character of John, along with the highly successful smear campaign perpe- trated by the Catholic Church, ascendant in the political sphere of England until the 1530’s, and the subsequent characterizations of John in literature and in inherited cultural memory of him, has discouraged the use of his name for kings in England. Saccio informs us that (1977, p.190), ‘the name John is associated with illegitimacy, but ‘of the six kings since the conquest, only one (Richard I himself) had gained the throne without dispute’. King Philip of France, in the early part of Act II, very publicly dismisses John’s legitimacy and his right to succeed Richard. He maintains that Richard’s elder brother’s son Arthur has the right to be England’sking: Look here upon thy brother Geoffrey’s face ; These eyes, these brows, were moulded out of his : This little abstract doth contain that large Which died in Geoffrey, and the hand of time Shall draw this brief into as huge a volume. That Geoffrey was thy elder brother born, And this his son ; England was Geoffrey’s right And this is Geoffrey’s : in the name of God How comes it then that thou art call’d a king, RANDOLPH : Historicity and Religiosity in Shakespeare’sMedievalplayKing John 29 When living blood doth in these temples beat, Which owe the crown that thou o’ermasterest? (II, I, 99-109) He uses an argument nearer and more familiar to Tudor political thought. Saccio (1977, p.190) suggests that this ‘‘implies a firm legitimist rule of dynastic descent that was to develop only in much later times’. Under Norman law a younger son was a nearer heir to his father’s estates than the child of an elder brother who had died before the father’. (McLynn, 2007) King John echoes the Norman position : Our strong possession and our right for us. (I.I.39) While Eleanor argues the later, Tudor position : Your strong possession much more than your right, Or else it must go wrong with you and me : (I.I.41-41) John’s problem was that while he was King of England, as overlord of Angevin territories in France, he was technically a vassal of King Philip and had to swear fealty. Shakespeare treats the two kings as equals ; they address each other as ‘England’ and ‘France’. King Philip wanted to consolidate the very wealthy Norman territories into his realm of France. His backing of Arthur in Shakespeare’s play, is more or less historically ac- curate, except that before they met at Angiers according to Holinshead when King Philip avowedly said : ’About the same time king Philip made Arthur duke of Britaine knight, and received of him homage for Anjou, Poictiers, Maine, Touraine, and Britaine.’ (Holinshead 160/1/6) But in Shakespeare, after the standoff at Angiers, King Philip is reputed to say : We will heal up all ; For we’ll create young Arthur Duke of Bretagne And Earl of Richmond ; and this rich fair town 30 東洋大学人間科学総合研究所紀要 第14号(2012) We make him lord of. (II.I.550-553) At this time in the 12th and 13th century, the Church was on the ascendant as a political as well as spiritual power, though it hadn’t come easily. Church (1999, p.21) asserts that ‘Kings since William the Conqueror had clearly demonstrated that papal authority could only be exercised effectively in regions controlled by a strong central authority, and then by the tolerance of the royal power. King John was well aware of that. John spent his formative years in the Abbey of Fontrevaud, and later under the tutelage of his half-brother Geoffery who was ultimately a very successful churchman. John had a very good understanding of the ways of the Church. Ac- cording to McLynn (1977, p.78), ‘he devoured recondite works of theology and took them on campaign. He read them in order to mock religion, and his witty and esoteric anticlerical jokes depended on a close knowledge of Church theory and practice. When the Pope’s high-ranking Italian emissary Pandulph enters the play, John’s immediate and vitupera- tive comments before he makes his demands have historical resonance. While King Philip readily welcomes the ‘holy legate of the pope’, according to Shakespeare, John makes his political independence from the Church quite clear : What earthy name to interrogatories Can task the free breath of a sacred king? Thou canst not, cardinal, devise a name So slight, unworthy and ridiculous, To charge me to an answer, as the pope. Tell him this tale ; and from the mouth of England Add thus much more, that no Italian priest Shall tithe or toll in our dominions ; But as we, under heaven, are supreme head, So under Him that great supremacy, Where we do reign, we will alone uphold, Without the assistance of a mortal hand : So tell the pope, all reverence set apart To him and his usurp’d authority. (III.I.73-86) The Popes had gained much through the Crusades and their connections with the great houses of Europe, RANDOLPH : Historicity and Religiosity in Shakespeare’sMedievalplayKing John 31 not just politically, but also, more importantly, financially. Pope Innocent’s 1209 interdict and excommunication of King John was about more than installing Langton as Archbishop of Canterbury. McLynn (1977, p.78) asserts that Pope Innocent III ‘sought to increase revenue from the English Church in order to finance his costly projects in Sicily and Germany.’ Lunt (1999, p.297) avers that ‘In 1199, he was the first pope to impose a com- prehensive income tax (of one-fortieth of their revenues) on the clergy.’ John needed money to reclaim his French territories, and after his altercation with Pandulph in King John, orders the Bastard : Cousin, away for England! Haste before : And, ere our coming, see thou shake the bags Of hoarding abbots ; imprisoned angels Set at liberty : the fat ribs of peace Must by the hungry now be fed upon : Use our commission in his utmost force.