Asian Women's Fund (18 July, 1995) ------58

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Asian Women's Fund (18 July, 1995) ------58 The “Comfort Women” Issue and the Asian Women’s Fund Asian Women’s Fund Foreword Eight years have passed since the Asian Women’s Fund was established. The term “comfort women” refers to those who were forced to provide sexual services to officers and men of the former Japanese military at “comfort stations” during wartime in the past. This victimization, done with the involvement of the former Japanese military, gravely stained the honor and dignity of these women, and inflicted on them incurable physical and psychological pain. On 4 August 1993, the Chief Cabinet Secretary expressed the Japanese Government’s sincere feelings of remorse and apology to all who had suffered as wartime comfort women. Measures that would offer atonement were then sought. In July 1995, the Asian Women’s Fund was established as a way to offer the atonement of the Japanese Government and people through projects conducted in cooperation between the Japanese Government and the people. By September 2002, the Asian Women’s Fund had completed projects in the Netherlands, the Philippines, the Republic of Korea, and Taiwan, offering the atonement of the Japanese Government to victims who had been forced to become comfort women. The women also received a letter from the Japanese Prime Minister, expressing feelings of apology and remorse and the determination to ensure that such a tragedy would never occur again. Although there is no way to bring back their youth, we believe that the letter and projects of atonement offered some solace to the victims, who are now advanced in years, in recovering their honor. Under a Memorandum of Understanding with the Government of Indonesia, support has been given for projects conducted by that Government to develop social welfare facilities there for elderly people over a period of approximately 10 years, starting on 25 March 1997. The projects are now being implemented. The Asian Women’s Fund has also organized activities to ensure that the comfort women issue will serve as a lesson of history, and to raise awareness of the issue. The activities have been based on a determination that, through historical research and education, the Japanese people will never forget the issue or repeat the same mistakes. The Asian Women’s Fund is publishing this booklet to make known what it has learned about the comfort women issue and to report on the results of its projects. We hereby express our gratitude to many people who offered support and assistance to the projects both in Japan and overseas. We also, express our deep- felt appreciation to the many Japanese people who made contributions to the Fund which made this project possible. 1 Table of Contents 1. Who Were the “Comfort Women”? --------------------------------------------- 1 2. How Many Comfort Women Were There? ------------------------------------ 8 3. How did the Comfort Women Issue come to light? -------------------------12 4. Establishment of the Asian Women’s Fund, and the Basic Nature of its Projects -------------------------------------------------------------------------15 5. Projects in the Netherlands -----------------------------------------------------20 6. Projects in the Philippines -------------------------------------------------------25 7. Projects in the Republic of Korea ----------------------------------------------29 8. Projects in Taiwan ----------------------------------------------------------------33 9. Projects in Indonesia -------------------------------------------------------------37 10. Projects to Learn from History------------------------------------------------ 40 11. Now that the Atonement Projects Have Been Concluded--------------- 42 12. Appendices; Documents Relating to the Comfort Women Issue -------47 2 1. Who Were the “Comfort Women”? The so-called “wartime comfort women” were those who were taken to the “comfort stations” of the former Japanese military during wartime in the past, and forced to provide sexual services to officers and soldiers. The comfort stations were first established at the request of the Japanese military authorities, as part of war efforts in China. According to military documents, private agents first opened brothels for officers and men stationed in China, around the time of the Manchurian Incident in 1931. When the war spread to Shanghai after the First Shanghai Incident in 1932, the first naval comfort station was established for a Japanese naval brigade posted there. The number of comfort stations increased rapidly after the Sino-Japanese war broke out in 1937. It was apparently Yasuji Okamura, at that time the Vice Chief of Staff of the Shanghai Expeditionary Force, who first promoted the establishment of comfort stations for the Japanese army. There were apparently a number of reasons given for their establishment: Japanese military personnel had raped Chinese civilian women in occupied areas on numerous occasions, and the military hoped to prevent a worsening of anti-Japanese feelings on the part of the Chinese people; there was a need to prevent the spread of venereal diseases among officers and men, as otherwise military effectiveness would be reduced; and it was also feared that contact with Chinese civilian women could result in the leaking of military secrets. It has been reported that Naosaburo Okabe, who had served under Okamura as Senior Staff Officer of the Shanghai Expeditionary Force, was also involved in organizing the comfort station system. A written notification of warnings he sent on 27 June 1938, while acting as Chief of Staff of the North China Area Army, reads in part as follows: “According to various reports, the trigger causing such potent anti-Japanese sentiment is the widespread diffusion of news about rapes committed by Japanese military personnel in various areas. In fact, {these rapes} have fomented unexpectedly profound anti-Japanese feelings.” (Quoted from Yoshimi, Yoshiaki, “Comfort Women”, 2000, Columbia University Press; p54-55) And, elsewhere in the document: “Along with strict controls on soldiers’ individual behavior of the aforementioned type, the provision of facilities for sexual comfort as quickly as possible is of great 3 importance, {as it will} eliminate cases in which people violate the prohibition {on rape} for lack of facilities.” (Quoted from Yoshimi, Yoshiaki, “Comfort Women”, 2000, Columbia University Press; p55) Thus, comfort stations were established as a result of decisions made in those days at the expeditionary military headquarters. When the stations were constructed, the military would often designate certain people as business agents and commission them to bring women from the Japanese homeland. A written request dated 21 December 1937 from the Chief of Police at the Shanghai Consulate-General of Japan to the Chief of Marine Police in Nagasaki reads, in part: “The relevant organizations carefully considered ways to provide comfort to the officers and men and… it was agreed during meetings among members of the Army Officers’ Bureau at this Consulate and the military police… to establish… military comfort stations (in actual fact, brothels) at various locations on the front, as part of the installations there.” The Chief of Police at the Shanghai Consulate-General sent a specific request to relevant authorities in Japan that they facilitate the work of agents after they arrived in Japan to recruit women. In early 1938, agents canvassed in different parts of Japan, hoping to employ 3,000 women to serve in the Imperial Army’s comfort stations in Shanghai. Their efforts were criticized by the police in different parts of Japan, who equated the agents’ efforts with kidnapping unsuspecting women and said that they were tarnishing the honor of the Imperial Army. The reaction of the Director of the Police Bureau of the Home Ministry was to issue a memorandum on 23 February 1938, stipulating that all recruited women had already to be involved in prostitution in Japan, be at least 21 years of age, and obtain permission from their parent or guardian to go overseas. On 4 March the same year, the Adjutant of the Army Ministry issued a notice with the following instructions: “In recruiting women domestically to work in the military comfort stations to be set up in the areas affected by the China Incident {the contemporary Japanese term for the expansion of hostilities in China into a full-scale ground war in August 1937}, it is feared that some people have claimed to be acting with the military’s consent and have damaged the honor of the army, inviting the misunderstanding of the general public….In the future, armies in the field will control the recruiting of women and will use scrupulous care in selecting people to carry out this task. This task will be 4 performed in close cooperation with the military police or local police force of the area.” (Quoted from Yoshimi, Yoshiaki, “Comfort Women”, 2000, Columbia University Press; p58-59) The stipulation that the women must be at least 21 was made because the International Convention for the Suppression of Traffic in Women and Children, which Japan had ratified, prohibited the prostitution of minors. As the number of comfort stations increased rapidly, the Home Ministry and the Army Ministry found themselves increasingly involved in the issue. A document compiled within the Police Bureau of the Ministry of Home Affairs, dated 4 November 1938, contains a request that agents be designated in different prefectures to recruit 400 women: 100 from Osaka Prefecture, 50 from Kyoto Prefecture, 100 from Hyogo Prefecture,
Recommended publications
  • The Abduction of Japanese People by North Korea And
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Ritsumeikan Research Repository THE ABDUCTION OF JAPANESE PEOPLE BY NORTH KOREA AND THE DYNAMICS OF JAPANESE DOMESTIC POLITICS AND FOREIGN POLICY: CASE STUDIES OF SHIN KANEMARU AND JUNICHIRO KOIZUMI’S PYONGYANG SUMMIT MEETINGS IN 1990, 2002 AND 2004’S PYONGYANG SUMMIT MEETINGS by PARK Seohee 51114605 March 2017 Master’s Thesis / Independent Final Report Presented to Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Asia Pacific Studies ACKNOLEGEMENTS First and foremost, I praise and thank my Lord, who gives me the opportunity and talent to accomplish this research. You gave me the power to trust in my passion and pursue my dreams. I could never have done this without the faith I have in You, the Almighty. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Professor Yoichiro Sato for your excellent support and guidance. You gave me the will to carry on and never give up in any hardship. Under your great supervision, this work came into existence. Again, I am so grateful for your trust, informative advice, and encouragement. I am deeply thankful and honored to my loving family. My two Mr. Parks and Mrs. Keum for your support, love and trust. Every moment of every day, I thank our Lord Almighty for giving me such a wonderful family. I would like to express my gratitude to Rotary Yoneyama Memorial Foundation, particularly to Mrs. Toshiko Takahashi (and her family), Kunisaki Club, Mr. Minoru Akiyoshi and Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • The History Problem: the Politics of War
    History / Sociology SAITO … CONTINUED FROM FRONT FLAP … HIRO SAITO “Hiro Saito offers a timely and well-researched analysis of East Asia’s never-ending cycle of blame and denial, distortion and obfuscation concerning the region’s shared history of violence and destruction during the first half of the twentieth SEVENTY YEARS is practiced as a collective endeavor by both century. In The History Problem Saito smartly introduces the have passed since the end perpetrators and victims, Saito argues, a res- central ‘us-versus-them’ issues and confronts readers with the of the Asia-Pacific War, yet Japan remains olution of the history problem—and eventual multiple layers that bind the East Asian countries involved embroiled in controversy with its neighbors reconciliation—will finally become possible. to show how these problems are mutually constituted across over the war’s commemoration. Among the THE HISTORY PROBLEM THE HISTORY The History Problem examines a vast borders and generations. He argues that the inextricable many points of contention between Japan, knots that constrain these problems could be less like a hang- corpus of historical material in both English China, and South Korea are interpretations man’s noose and more of a supportive web if there were the and Japanese, offering provocative findings political will to determine the virtues of peaceful coexistence. of the Tokyo War Crimes Trial, apologies and that challenge orthodox explanations. Written Anything less, he explains, follows an increasingly perilous compensation for foreign victims of Japanese in clear and accessible prose, this uniquely path forward on which nationalist impulses are encouraged aggression, prime ministerial visits to the interdisciplinary book will appeal to sociol- to derail cosmopolitan efforts at engagement.
    [Show full text]
  • History and the State in Postwar Japan
    Volume 16 | Issue 9 | Number 1 | Article ID 5140 | May 01, 2018 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus History and the State in Postwar Japan Hatano Sumio, translated by Christopher W. A. Szpilman and with an introduction by Sven Saaler and Christopher W. A. Szpilman Introduction The Handbook is divided into four sections, “Nation, Empire and Borders,” “Ideologies and The Routledge Handbook of Modern Japanese the Political System,” “Economy and Society,” 1 History, a concise introduction to Japanese and “Historical Legacies and Memory.” The history between the middle of the nineteenth first three address the history of the political century and the end of the twentieth, was system, international relations, society, published in late 2017. In preparing the work, economy, environment, race and gender. The the editors were fortunate to obtain the final section consists of three chapters that cooperation of 30 historians from Japan, address the important and, given the current Europe, Australia and the U.S., who provided situation in East Asia, highly relevant issues of succinct yet comprehensive overviews of their historical memory, war responsibility, historical field of expertise. revisionism and Japan’s not always successful efforts to come to terms with its own past. This article is by Hatano Sumio, professor emeritus at the University of Tsukuba. Professor Hatano is Director-General of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records (JACAR); he chaired the Editorial Committee of the Nihon gaikō bunsho (Diplomatic Documents of Japan) series published by the Japanese The Routledge Handbook of Modern Japanese History Ministry of Foreign Affairs; and between 2008 and 2011 he was a member of the Japan-China Joint History Research Committee.
    [Show full text]
  • IRI-2020-01 Japan's Foreign Policymaking Process and Power Shift
    IRI Joint Research Series IRI-2020-01 Japan's Foreign Policymaking Process and Power Shift Tomohito Shinoda International University of Japan March 2020 IUJ Research Institute International University of Japan These working papers are preliminary research documents published by the IUJ research institute. To facilitate prompt distribution, they have not been formally reviewed and edited. They are circulated in order to stimulate discussion and critical comment and may be revised. The views and interpretations expressed in these papers are those of the author(s). It is expected that the working papers will be published in some other form. Japan’s Foreign Policymaking Process and Power Shift Tomohito Shinoda Introduction Since the end of the Cold War era, Japan has experienced four political regime shifts between different parties. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) first ceased its 38-year long reign in August 1993 with the establishment of the non-LDP coalition government led by Morihiro Hosokawa. This coalition lasted only ten months until June 1994 when the LDP regained power with the partnership with the Socialist Party and Sakigake. In September 2009, as a result of the landslide victory in the general election, the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) took over the government. Another landslide election victory, however, brought the LDP back in power in December 2012. Political regime changes between different parties in a variety of nations often provoke foreign and national security policy restructurings, as challenging parties run election campaigns usually by criticizing the incumbent’s policies. For example, changes at the time of regime shift have been dominant feature of United States foreign policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Brazil, Japan, and Turkey
    BRAZIL | 1 BRAZIL, JAPAN, AND TURKEY With articles by Marcos C. de Azambuja Henri J. Barkey Matake Kamiya Edited By Barry M. Blechman September 2009 2 | AZAMBUJA Copyright ©2009 The Henry L. Stimson Center Cover design by Shawn Woodley Photograph on the front cover from the International Atomic Energy Agency All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org BRAZIL | 3 PREFACE I am pleased to present Brazil, Japan, and Turkey, the sixth in a series of Stimson publications addressing questions of how the elimination of nuclear weapons might be achieved. The Stimson project on nuclear security explores the practical dimensions of this critical 21st century debate, to identify both political and technical obstacles that could block the road to “zero,” and to outline how each of these could be removed. Led by Stimson's co-founder and Distinguished Fellow Dr. Barry Blechman, the project provides useful analyses that can help US and world leaders make the elimination of nuclear weapons a realistic and viable option. The series comprises country assessments, published in a total of six different monographs, and a separate volume on such technical issues as verification and enforcement of a disarmament regime, to be published in the fall. This sixth monograph in the series, following volumes on France and the United Kingdom, China and India, Israel and Pakistan, Iran and North Korea, and Russia and the United States, examines three countries without nuclear weapons of their own, but which are nonetheless key states that would need to be engaged constructively in any serious move toward eliminating nuclear weapons.
    [Show full text]
  • Japanese Political Parties
    JAPANESE POLITICAL PARTIES Lecturer: Masayo Goto, PhD 1 Ruling and opposition RULING COALITION z Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) – largest ruling party z New Komeito (Clean Party) OPPOSITION z Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) – largest opposition party z Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDP) z Japanese Communist Party (JCP) 2 Strength of Political Groups in both houses Before election After election HOR HOC HOR HOC Liberal Democratic Party 212 114 296 112 New Komeito 34 24 31 24 (Ruling coalition in total) (246) (138) (327) People’s New Party (LDP rebels) (Kokumin shinto) 4 - 4 3 New Party Japan (LDP rebels) (Nippon) 3 - 1 Independent rebels 30 - 13 Democratic Party of Japan and Club of Independents 175 84 113 82 Japanese Communist Party 9 9 9 9 Social Democratic Party 6 6 7 6 Independents 4 5 6 5 Vacancy 1 3 MEMBERSHIP 480 242 480 242 Liberal Democratic Party z Established in November 1955 through the merger of the Liberal Party and the Japan Democratic Party z The LDP held uninterrupted power in Japan from 1955 until 1993, when it briefly lost government to an eight-party coalition z The LDP returned to power in June 1994 as the major partner in a coalition with the Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDP) z Since 1998 it has strengthened its position in the Diet by forming a coalition with New Komeito z The current party president is Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi. He was elected as party president in 2001. z The party will celebrate the 50th anniversary of its founding in November 2005 5 New Komeito Komeito originally formed in 1964 the political wing of Soka Gakkai Komeito merged with other parties in 1994 to form the New Frontier Party, but split off again and eventually joined with the New Peace Party in 1998 to become New Komeito.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Pursuing Historical Reconciliation in East Asia Shin'ichi Arai the Theme
    Pursuing Historical Reconciliation in East Asia Shin’ichi Arai The theme of my presentation is historical reconciliation. The traumas of large-scale war, especially World War II, the Holocaust, and other horrors, have inflicted deep physical and psychological wounds on human history. One of the primary goals of historical reconciliation is to heal the wounds of the victims and to reunite the world peacefully. The globalization of the world’s economies and the potential threat of nuclear weapons around the world have made the process of historical reconciliation increasingly imperative. East Asia has seen the gradual development of a regional community through increasing economic interdependence and international cooperation to promote denuclearization. In order to further the creation of a peaceful East Asian community, historical reconciliation is essential, and it is vital that the various countries of East Asia strive to come to common understandings of the past. Usually, reconciliation among belligerents is carried out through peace treaties. The peace treaty concluded between Italy and the Allies in 1947, just before the beginning of the Cold War, acknowledged Italy’s responsibility for the war and demanded in Article 74 that the government pay reparations to various countries including the Soviet Union, Ethiopia, Greece, and Albania. Through this, Italy made a major first step to reconciliation with the Allies. In the case of Japan, a lasting peace treaty was not concluded until 1951. Nevertheless, China and the Koreas – the countries most devastated by Japanese aggression – were not invited to the peace conference in San Francisco. Instead, the peoples of Asia and the Pacific were not allowed to represent themselves at the conference but were typically represented by their former colonial masters.
    [Show full text]
  • Japanese Reflections on World War II and the American Occupation Japanese Reflections on World War II and the American Occupation Asian History
    3 ASIAN HISTORY Porter & Porter and the American Occupation II War World on Reflections Japanese Edgar A. Porter and Ran Ying Porter Japanese Reflections on World War II and the American Occupation Japanese Reflections on World War II and the American Occupation Asian History The aim of the series is to offer a forum for writers of monographs and occasionally anthologies on Asian history. The Asian History series focuses on cultural and historical studies of politics and intellectual ideas and crosscuts the disciplines of history, political science, sociology and cultural studies. Series Editor Hans Hägerdal, Linnaeus University, Sweden Editorial Board Members Roger Greatrex, Lund University Angela Schottenhammer, University of Salzburg Deborah Sutton, Lancaster University David Henley, Leiden University Japanese Reflections on World War II and the American Occupation Edgar A. Porter and Ran Ying Porter Amsterdam University Press Cover illustration: 1938 Propaganda poster “Good Friends in Three Countries” celebrating the Anti-Comintern Pact Cover design: Coördesign, Leiden Lay-out: Crius Group, Hulshout Amsterdam University Press English-language titles are distributed in the US and Canada by the University of Chicago Press. isbn 978 94 6298 259 8 e-isbn 978 90 4853 263 6 doi 10.5117/9789462982598 nur 692 © Edgar A. Porter & Ran Ying Porter / Amsterdam University Press B.V., Amsterdam 2017 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book.
    [Show full text]
  • Documento De Apoyo
    DOCUMENTO DE APOYO CON MOTIVO DEL PROCESO DE RATIFICACIÓN DEL H. SENADO DE LA REPÚBLICA, AL NOMBRAMIENTO DE LA C. MELBA MARÍA PRÍA OLAVARRIETA COMO EMBAJADORA EXTRAORDINARIA Y PLENIPOTENCIARIA DE MÉXICO EN JAPÓN Abril de 2019 Japón Abril de 2019 1 Japón Abril de 2019 Contenido I. Introducción ......................................................................................................... 3 II. Características de la adscripción ..................................................................4 a. Datos básicos......................................................................................................................... 4 b. Panorama político y social ........................................................................................... 4 c. Panorama económico.................................................................................................... 13 III. Relación bilateral ...............................................................................................16 a. Relación con México en la actualidad.................................................................16 b. Comercio.................................................................................................................................27 c. Inversiones.............................................................................................................................30 d. Oportunidades de negocios ...................................................................................... 31 e. Cooperación ........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Anti-Japanese Sentiment Among Graduates of South Korean Public Schools Jamal Barbari SIT Graduate Institute
    SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Capstone Collection SIT Graduate Institute Winter 12-15-2017 Anti-Japanese Sentiment among Graduates of South Korean Public Schools Jamal Barbari SIT Graduate Institute Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/capstones Part of the Curriculum and Instruction Commons, Curriculum and Social Inquiry Commons, Early Childhood Education Commons, Educational Methods Commons, Elementary Education Commons, International and Comparative Education Commons, Japanese Studies Commons, Korean Studies Commons, and the Secondary Education Commons Recommended Citation Barbari, Jamal, "Anti-Japanese Sentiment among Graduates of South Korean Public Schools" (2017). Capstone Collection. 3064. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/capstones/3064 This Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Graduate Institute at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Capstone Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Anti-Japanese Sentiment among Graduates of South Korean Public Schools Jamal Esteven Barbari PIM 75 A capstone paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Master of Arts in International Education at SIT Graduate Institute in Brattleboro, Vermont, USA December 11, 2017 Adviser: Karla Giuliano Sarr 2 I hereby grant permission for World Learning to publish my capstone on its websites and in any of its digital/electronic collections, and to reproduce and transmit my CAPSTONE ELECTRONICALLY. I understand that World Learning’s websites and digital collections are publicly available via the Internet. I agree that World Learning is NOT responsible for any unauthorized use of my capstone by any third party who might access it on the Internet or otherwise.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan-China Relations: Going Nowhere Slowly
    Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations Japan-China Relations: Going Nowhere Slowly James J. Przystup∗ Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Repeated efforts by the Abe government to engage China in high-level dialogue failed to produce a summit meeting. While Tokyo remained firm in its position on the Senkakus, namely that there is no territorial issue that needs to be resolved, Beijing remained equally firm in its position that Japan acknowledge the existence of a dispute as a precondition for talks. In the meantime, Chinese and Japanese patrol ships were in almost daily contact in the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands region, while issues related to history, Japan’s evolving security policy, Okinawa, and the East China Sea continued to roil the relationship. By mid-summer over 90 percent of Japanese and Chinese respondents to a joint public opinion poll held negative views of each other. Business and economics In early June, Japanese automakers Honda and Nissan released May sales figures. Both Honda and Nissan sales exceeded May 2012 numbers. Honda sold 54,564 vehicles, a 4.6 percent increase, while Nissan sold 103,000 vehicles, a 2 percent increase. Together with Toyota, Japan’s big three experienced an increase in monthly sales over 2012 for the first time since the Noda government nationalized the Senkaku Islands in September 2012. After experiencing 40 percent declines in October and November 2012, the upturn in sales suggests that better times are ahead for Japanese automakers position in the China market. Meanwhile, Japan experienced a sharp drop in Chinese tourists since September 2012.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan Under Abe: Toward Moderation Or Nationalism?
    Mike M. Mochizuki and Samuel Parkinson Porter Japan under Abe: toward Moderation or Nationalism? In July 2013, Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its coalition partner, the Kōmeitō, scored an impressive victory in the House of Councilors elections. Out of the 121 contested seats, the LDP won 65 and the Kōmeitō 11. With this victory, the LDP–Kōmeitō ruling coalition now controls 135 out of 242 seats (about 55 percent) in the upper house. This win follows the December 2012 triumph in the House of Representatives election, which brought Shinzō Abe and the LDP back to power by taking 294 out of 480 seats. Prime Minister Abe deserves much credit for this twin victory. After his disappointing first tenure as prime minister in 2006–07, he learned from his mistakes and decided to focus on the economy for this term. Soon after assuming the prime ministership again in December 2012, Abe implemented a bold and risky plan to revive the Japanese economy by radically expanding the money supply and boosting spending. This had the immediate effect of depreciating the yen and raising stock prices. With the terms of trade improving for Japanese exporters, the economic mood in Japan lifted. Abe also exercised restraint in dealing with a territorial dispute with China. In September 2012, Japan’s central government—led by Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda— purchased three of the Senkaku Islands to prevent then-Tokyo Governor Shintarō Ishihara from buying them on behalf of the Tokyo Metropolitan Government. Although Noda had sought to thwart the nationalist governor from making provocative moves on the islands, China protested the purchase as altering the administrative status quo of the islands, which it claims as part of the Diaoyu Islands, and dispatched official vessels for regular patrols near them.
    [Show full text]