renticeship and Economic herland and Seventeenth- Ronald W. Hovvar History Department Mlsslsslppl College

Education in colonial America involved parents and education took place almost always within the family preachers, pedagoguesand public officials striving to setting. Parentseither trained their own children, or else impart learning, literacy, and occupational skills. Theirs apprenticed them out to relatives, or friends, or acquain- was the most awesome of responsibilities. They were tances in this or that particular trade or profession. The preparing the young for life and labor in a strange new government might intervene on behalf of poor children, wor1d.t As in British North America, the principal educa- but the result was much the same:apprenticeship within tional institution in was the family. In . the family setting.6 the 165Os,after the gave up its monopoly of commerce and made land available on We know that the family was almost exclusively rather generous terms, families came to replace single responsible for occupational education. Unfortunately, men and women as the most likely immigrants to New we do not have much precise information about the Netherland, whose population increased sharply. process. Relatively little scholarly research has been Nicasius de Sille, the newly-appointed provincial done on economic education in New Netherland; not secretary,wrote in 1653that “children and pigs multiply much more is known about the way the young were here rapidly and more than anything else.“” preparedfor labor in early . Indeed, the sources are widely scattered,and the task of finding and inter- The pervading emphasis on family life in Dutch preting the pertinent data is surely daunting. Yet the culture is well known, and as the remarkable work of effort ought to be made.By doing so in even the limited Alice Kenney has demonstrated,much the samefamily and admittedly preliminary way which follows, we ethos was transplantedand flourished along the banks of might gain fresh insight into the peoplesof New Nether- the Hudson. But whether the settlers were Dutch or not, land and seventeenth-century New York, their family the plain fact is that the primitive stateof society in early values and attitudes toward childrearing, and their America placed extraordinary demands upon them as responsesto both English conquestand economicexpan- parents3 Indeed, Director General Petnts Stuyvesant, sion?l recognizing the limitations of governmental powers, I looked to the family as the first line of defenseagainst heresy, hedonism, and social instability. His efforts to In both England and the , the primary suppress rowdy and immoral behavior, regularize means of occupational training was apprenticeship. marriage practices, and provide preachersand teachers There were basically two kinds of apprentices. On the werecertainly intended to strengthenfamily life. Follow- one hand were youngsters, usually boys of fourteen or ing Roman-Dutch law, he made sure that the rights of older, whoseparents voluntarily bound them out to learn any child who had lost one or bothparents wereprotected a trade.On the other were poor, orphaned,or illegitimate and that usually entailed appointing guardians4 children involuntarily bound out by public officials con- cerned primarily with finding decent homes for them. Thinking in terms of social order as well as economic Among the latter, occupational training was distinctly prosperity, Stuyvesant expected young New Nether- secondaryto custodial care. In either case,the apprentice landers to learn a trade. Their parentsdid too. In fact, the was bound by law to serve his master,who stood in loco family in the Dutch colony, like the family in the Dutch parentis, for a minimum number of years.8England’s Republic, was usually very dedicated to preparing its Statute of Artificers of 1562 called for at least seven offspring, both male and female, to preserveand advance years of service; the term varied in the UnitedProvinces. the family’s economic interest.5 Whatever the cir- Thus, while serving craft and professional guilds, cumstances of the children involved, occupational apprenticeship also enabled public officials to protect 205 Fig. 36. Indenture of Marritje Hans to Philip Gerritsen. From NYCM: Vol. 2, p. 11la. Courtesy of Manuscripts and Special Collections, New York StateLibrary, Albany, NY. APPRENTICESHIP AND ECONOMIC EDUCATION 207 society by arranging for the care of disadvantaged from the purely occupational to the partly educational youths. There wasone primary difference in the develop- indenture. Marritje was to serve the Gerritsens, husband ment of apprenticeship in England and the Dutch and wife, for three years, during which time they would Republic. By the time of the West India Company, give her “board, lodging and the necessaryclothes, and reading, writing, and sometimesarithmetic were usually also have her taught sewing, in such a manneras a father included among the skills that Dutch apprenticeswere to should or might do with his child . . .*‘12 be taught. In England, literacy skills were seldom a part of the indentures, though the Puritans in , The population growth of the 1650s brought more like their Calvinist kinsmen in the Dutch Republic and artisans and merchants and a greater demand for their New Netherland, included literacy instruction in appren- wares to New Netherland. It also widened the oppor- ticeship agreements9 tunities for occupational training. Perhaps because Stuyvesant insisted that all legal documents be clearly As elsewhere in colonial America, the guild system drawn and registered, indentures began to state more was not transferred to New Netherland. Apprenticeship precisely than ever before their educational require- was to develop there through a mixture of custom and ments.For instance, Evert Duyckingh agreedin 1648 to expedience. From the beginning, the children of mer- take Comelis Jansen,whose father had been killed in the chants and artisans were taught the family trade by their late Indian wars, as an apprentice for eight consecutive parents or other relatives. However, clearly defined years. Besides providing the necessary food, clothing, apprenticeship agreements calling for occupational and shelter, Duyckingh promised “to teach [Comelis training do not begin to appearin the official record with Jansen]the tradeof a glazier or such [other] tradeas Evert any regularity until the 1650s. Before that time, the can and to have him taught reading and writing.“13 indentures simply emphasizedthe work that the youth Reporting to the Orphanmastersin 1661 on the situation was expected to perform-not learn how to do-or else of his orphaned brothers and sister, Jeremias Janzen legally transferredthe child to anothercouple becauseits Hagenaarexplained that his brother Arien, age 14, was original parents were unable to sustain the family unit. remaining with him to learn the family trade of car- Consider the contract madeby seamanCornelis Jansen, pentry. Hoping to gain someexperience in retail sales, who in 1639bound out his young son Jan for sevenyears Comelis van Schelluyne, with his father’s approval, to JacobHendrick Harmansen,a farmer living nearNew- bound himself in January 1663 to serve Jan Comelissen town. No mention is made of Jan’s mother, and her van der Heyden “in merchandising, keeping books and absencemay have precipitated the indenture, whereby whatever appertains thereto, which service shall con- Harmansen promised to “take care of the boy as if he tinue till the first day of Septembernext.” Besidesboard were his son,” and Jansenpromised to leave his son with and lodging, Comelis was to receive a new suit of clothes Harmansenwithout trying to get him back for the said and a present at the end of his service, plus whatever time. So the son had a home while the father very likely knowledge in running a shop he might pick up.t’ returned to the sea,” Apprenticeship was valuable for more than the trade In most of the early indentures involving children, the that was learned.Personal contacts were madethat could emphasis is on servitude rather than training. For ex- be of vital importance in converting occupational skills ample, in I640 JamesClaughton sold the indenture of his into a successful livelihood. Tavern keeper Daniel servant boy, Jan Duytse, to Pieter Come&en. The boy L&hoe paid what he called “a good sum” to get his was to work for eleven consecutive years. Although stepson,I-Ierman Jansen Swaartvegar,apprenticed to a Comelissen was a house carpenter and Jan probably surgeonin New York. But it was worth it. While learning learneda trade while serving out his indenture, Comelis- surgery, Herman was also meeting potential patients.16 sen paid 130 guilders for the boy’s labor, with no Although not apprentices in any legal sense, several provisions that he educate him in any way. What Jan young New Netherlandersgot their start in the serviceof learned was not the issue.Nor was occupational training Patmon .Others worked for rising mer- specified in many similar indentures.” However, now chants like Frederick Philipse, Olaf Stevenson van and again, there would appear a fleeting reference to Cortlandt, Comelis Melyn, or David de Vries. Connec- some form of occupational education. The 1644 inderi- tions then, asnow, were very important. Anticipating the ture of Marritje Hans, daughter of HansJansen, to Philip many economic alliances that would later be forged Gerritsen, tavern keeper, is indicative of the transition through wedlock in New York, the marriageof Jeremias 208 SELECTED RENSSELAERSWIJCK SEMINAR PAPERS

Fig. 37. Indenture of Comelis Jansento Evert Duyckingh, From NYCM: III, p. 22d. Courtesy of Manuscripts and Special Collections, NY StateLibrary, .Albany.

Translation of Indenture of Comelis Jansenfrom Rotterdam to Everet Duyckingh, NYCM, III: 22d

Evert Duyckingh engagesComelis Jansenfrom Rotterdam as an apprentice for the term of eight consecutive years, commencing on the first of Mar Anno 1649 and ending on the fust of May Anno 1657, during which time the above mentioned Evert Duyckingh is bound to bring up the said Comelis Jansenand to provide him with food, dlrink, necessary clothing, lodging, washing, etc.; also, to teach him the trade of a glazier or such [other] trade as Evert can and to have him taught reading and writing. The guardians must pay the school money. During the aforesaidtime the said boy must remain in the service of Evert Duykingh and show him proper respect,as an apprentice is bound to exhibit toward his master.Thus done and signed the 6th of October Anno 1648, in .

Everdt Duickinck Jan Jansz Damen Oloff Stevensz In my presence, Jacob Rip, clerk of the secretary 1649 APPRENTl(ZESHlP AND ECONOMIC EDUCATION 209 van Rensselaerto Maria van Cortlandt in 1662 brought But in one respect,apprenticeship in New England and together two powerful commercial families with many New Netherland differed sharply. In almost ritualistic branches and wide-ranging trading interests that would fashion, New England Puritans regularly bound out their both expand apprenticeship opportunities and the children at the ageof puberty to undergo the anxieties of chancesof businesssuccess for kin and friend alike.17 adolescencewith another family. Bxactly why is not clear, but asEdmund S. Morgan haspointed out, occupa- The biggest patron in New Netherland was the Dutch tional training or advantage was apparently not the West India Company. Stuyvesant knew this when he primary reason.Rather, lvlorgan thought Puritan parents asked the Amsterdam directors collectively to be the simply were reluctant to discipline their own children. godfather of his first born son, Balthazar.William Beek- Taking a less sympathetic view, Emory Elliott claims man, vice director-general of the South River, wangled that the first generation of New Englanders embraced from the Company an appointment as cadet for one of this “psychologically wrongheadedpractice” as part of his sons. Evert Pietersen, Comforter of the Sick and a larger schemeto keep children diffident and undefiant official schoolmasterat New Amstel from 1656 to 1659, before their elders. To support his charge, Elliott refers happily acknowledged the patronage of the Company to New l&gland wills and court records that literally toward his two boys. His son Arent, a miller, wasassisted bristle with resentmenttoward disobedient and ungrate- by the Company in coming to New Amstel. “My son Jan ful children. Blliott overstates the case, but the an- Evertsen,” Pietersen wrote in 1656, “goes daily to the tagonism between many Puritan fathers and their office of the Director to write, for which he received his children can hardly be denied?’ thanks. He is on the road to success.“18 Similarly, Domine Johannes Megapolensis urged the Classis in In happy contrast, there is no indication that any 1658to use its influence to get his son Samuelemployed general suspicion or distrust separated the founding as a clergyman by the Amsterdam directors. Samuel fathers of New Netherland from their children. New remainedin Holland and studied medicine for a few more Netherlanderswere generally reluctant to bind out their years, but he was hired in 1664 by the Company to serve children, and did so only for occupational advantageor the Reformed Church in New Amsterdam.1g economic necessity.Their wills were remarkably free of the acrimony found in Puritan legal records2” Partiality In summary, we must say that apprenticeshipwas not there musehave been,but Dutch parentswere influenced simply transplanted from the fatherland to New Nether- by custom if not always genuine affection to provide for land. IvIore precisely, it developed there under the twin their offspring more or less equally. While the Bnglish influences of population growth and Stuyvesant’s favored the eldest son with primogeniture and entail, the reforms. As the 1650sprogressed, apprenticeship agree- Dutch followed rules of partible inheritance. Sons and ments increasingly punctuated the court records. In both daughterswere enjoined to shareand sharealike. Partible New Netherland and the Dutch republic, apprenticeship inheritance also prevailed in New Netherland, except was perceived as a vital economic and educational among the New Englanders who migrated to Long institution. Such were the sentiments expressed by Island. In modemparlance, New Netherlandersand their Jeremias van Rensselaer, who receive4l word that his children seemto have been thoroughly bonded through brother Richard had changed his apprenticeship from a mutual love and respect. Their use of apprenticeship lady shopkeeperto a merchant in Amsterdam. In 1656, reflected that deep and abiding familial affection.23 writing from the family patroonship of Rensselaerswijck in New Netherland, Jeremias scolded his younger sibling: “You must take cam to learn something, for it is Like every other aspect of life in New Netherland, high time for you to learn, and by changing in this way apprenticeshipand occupational education were affected from one person to another, one can not acquire any by the English conquest in 1664, though changes were businessmethod.“20 for the most part gradual. Duke James,the proprietor of New York, anxious not to drive away erstwhile New As mentioned earlier, apprenticeship in the Dutch Netherlanders, followed a conciliatory policy. Stirred republic was much like apprenticeship in England, occasionally by further emigration from Europe and though the latter seldom called for literacy instruction. Britain and the proliferation of religious sectarians,the In New England, the Puritans, like the Dutch, usually mixture of peoples in New York actually becameeven required that apprenticesbe taught reading and writing. more varied over the next four decades:“Ilere bee not 210 SELECTED RENSSELAERSWIJCK SEMINAR PAPERS many of the Church of England,” wrote Governor A hundred years would elapsebefore New York enacted ThomasDongan in 1687,“few Roman Catholicks, abun- another provincial statute directly applicable to appren- dance of Quakers-preachers men and women espec- ticeship.27 ially: Singing Quakers, Ranting Quakers; Sabbatarians; Antisabbatarians; some Anabaptists, some Inde- Under the Duke’s Laws, servants and apprentices pendents;some Jews; in short of all sortsof opinion there were enjoined to obey and serve their masters and are some,and the most part none at all.” Dongan added mistressesfaithfully; the latter were warned not to abuse that “the prevailing opinion is that of the Dutch Cal- their charges.On the one hand, servantsor apprentices- vinists. ,924 the two terms were used interchangeably and impre- cisely much of the time-were to obey their mastersor Not until 1700did the British equal the Dutch popula- damesas if the latter were their natural parents.A servant tion of polyglot New York City, and New Yorkers of was prohibited from buying or selling anything, and one Dutch descentdominated the economyand politics of the who ran away would have to serve beyond the terms of Hudson Valley and western Long Island until after the his indenture twice the time of his unexcused absence. American Revolution. To placate New Yorkers of According to the standard form, every youth bound out whatever nationality, the English found it expedient to promised to abstain from fornication, marriage, broaden and give legal sanction to the religious accom- gambling, absenting himself without leave, and “haunt- modation that Petrus Stuyvesant had tolerated in prac- ing Alehouses,Taverns or Playhouse.” Beginning 1684, tice. The provincial government thought it wise to steer laws were passed periodically at both the local and clear of any systematic educational policy, lest it arouse provincial level prohibiting unscrupulous individuals ethnic antagonisms or fears of cultural aggression. from encouraging “secants and apprentices” to frequent Whether offered within the family circle or the larger taverns or pilfer from their respective masters; the law community, education thus remained a local and per- assumeda causalrelationship between the consumption sonal matter, regulated only broadly by the provincial of alcohol and thievery among servants.213 government, but ultimately the responsibility of par- ticular towns and especially the family itself.25 On the other hand, while the apprentice promised to serveand protect the interest of his emplo:yer,the master This accommodatingEnglish attitude was codified in promised to instruct and usually provide food, clothing the Duke’s Laws, a mixture of laws and custom from and lodging for his charge. Besides insmucting the ser- both New England and New Netherland, promulgated in vant or apprentice in manners and morals and some 1665.Gradually replacing the Roman-Dutch law of New honest calling, the masteror damewas not to provoke or Netherland, the Duke’s Laws first applied only to Long treat him cruelly or tyrannically. Should a masterabuse Island, Staten Island, and the Bronx Peninsula. It was his servant, the latter could justly complain to the con- extended to Manhattan and the Hudson River Valley in stable or overseersof the town. And should a master or 1674 and the Delaware region in 1677. Becauseof the dame “smite out the Eye or Tooth, of any such man or Duke’s Laws, the transition from Dutch to English rule maid Servant, or shall otherwise Maime or disfigure scarcely disturbed regulations for servants and appren- them, such Servants after due proof madleshall be sett tices. In fact, much as Stuyvesant had done before them, free from their Service, and have a farther allowance and Governor Richard Nicolls and his immediate successor, recompenseas the court of Sessionsshall judge meet.” Lovelace, Andros, and Dongan, willingly allowed local Whether the indenture was written or oral, though, the custom to dictate the relationship between master and courts of New York tended to favor the master or dame servant or apprentice, placing the weight of the provin- unless grossabuse was evident, and even [thenthe courts cial government behind customary practices by way of hesitatedto abrogatethe contract. Indeed, *asit was under vaguely worded statuteswhich could be invoked by town the Dutch, indentures either for apprentices or servants or county officers whenever necessary.Such was surely gave masters or dames in New York the same wide- the logic behind the following provision on appren- ranging discretion that parents exercised over their ticeship in the Duke’s Laws: children?9 The Constables and Overseers are strictly required to Admonish the Inhabitants of Instructing their Children and Servants in Consider the case of Barendt Mynderse vs. William Matters of Religion and the Lawes of the Countty , And that Parents and Masters do bring up their Children and Apprentices in some Hoffmayer tried at Albany in April 1677. Mynderse 26 honest Ad Lawful Calling, Labour or Employment. complained that the defendant “keeps his son from his APPRENTICESHIi= AND ECONOMIC EDUCATION 211 work and that the boy’s term does not expire until the New Yorkers indentured their children at an early age fall.” Hoffmayerreplied that Mynderse’s wife mistreated were usually the result of one parent being deador not at the boy and sent him away, and that Mynderse’s children hand or of dire economic necessity.Probably for one of called young Hoffmayer a bastard.Even so, Hoffmayer thesereasons, Elizabeth Gerritz “hired out” in 1677 her was “willing to have the boy learn the smith’s trade, if ten-year-old son Abraham Jansento Get-tit Visbeeck for they treat him decently.” The court ordered the boy to eight consecutive years. Visbeeck agreed not only to return to his master and “serve out his time, but the supply the youngster with adequatefood and clothing but plaintiff is ordered to treat him decently, and pay the also “to teach him to read.” Having recently remarried, costs, becausethe boy was sent away.bo Barentie Stmtsmanin 1674bound out her eight-year-old daughter by her first husband to Richard and Elizabeth In another Albany case, Abel Hardenbroock, a Pretty for a term of eight years. In 1683, hard times and shoemaker previously charged with mistreating an possibly the deathof his wife may well have induced Jan apprentice,brought suit in March 1671 againstHendrick Heyndricksen van Solsberghento indenture his ten-year- van der Borgh, who had run away after agreeing to serve old son for six years to Claes Jansenvan Bockhoven.33 four years to learn the shoemakingtrade. Hardenbroock demandedthat the defendantbe condemnedto serve out Far morecommon were apprenticeshipindentures that his time or else pay him board money for thirteen months explicitly called for occupational training of one sort or time. The mediators for the defendantreported that Har- another. For example, Simon Le Roy hired out his denbroock did not “provide proper board for the boy and eleven-year-old son Augustyn in 1682 for six years to so ill treates him with beatings and kicking that it is Adam Winne on condition that Winne teach young impossible for deft. to live any longer with him.” The Augustyn ropemaking. In 1674, Peter Winne appren- Mayor’s Court decidedthat the apprenticeshipshould be ticed his fifteen-year-old offspring Francoys to Rutgert terminated, though Hendrick van der Borgh had to pay Arentsen for four years to learn the shoemaker’strade. his former master one hundred guilders sewant and the Similarly, in 1677,William Parker,a court messengerof cost of litigation to the court itself.3’ Albany, apprenticedhis seventeen-year-oldson James to shoemakerHendrick Bries for two years to teach him As a meansof economic education, apprenticeship in both the shoemaking and tanning trades. In 1687, colonial New York served the children of rich and poor Elizabeth Howell of Southold put out her son George alike. The Grphanmasters in New York City and the Harrud to JosuaHorton for four years. Horton promised Consistory of the Reformed Church in Albany took it to give the boy room and board, plus “to learn him to read upon themselves to find apprenticeshipsfor orphans or and write, and to teach him the trade of an house car- children of poverty-stricken parents. In 1684, although penter.“34 Many other examples could be cited. Quite his efforts were undertaken with the best interestsof the clearly, during the two decadesfollowing the English children in mind, Domine Dellius of Albany was conquest, population growth and economic expansion rebuff& by one Paulyn and his wife when the clergyman broadened the variety of apprenticeship training and tried to arrangefor their children to live “with somegood increased the demand for apprentices in New York. In people who would support them and bring them up the minds of many New York parents,an apprenticeship decently.” Rather than give up the children,Paulyn asked under some skilled shoemaker, blacksmith, wheel- that his family be takenoff the poorrolls of the Reformed wright, cooper, or carpenter was especially ad- Church. Having heard that the children were still not vantageousfor the future well-being of their sons. getting enough to eat, the consistory finally securedthe intervention of the Albany Court “to seeto it that the said The more well-to-do or ambitious families had higher children do not suffer want or damage through the economic aspirations for their progeny. Besidessending unreasonableobstinacy of their ignorant parents.“32 his boys to the Latin school at New Amsterdam,William Beckman underwrote the mercantile ventures and politi- The evidence suggeststhat the reactionsof the Paulyns cal forays of his eldest son Henry. Beekman’s younger were typical. Judging from dozensof contracts from the son Gerarduseither studied medicine in Leyden or more years 1664 to 1690, Dutch New Yorkers apprenticedor likely was apprenticed to some doctor in New York. At hired out their children only becausethey could not care any rate, there still exists in Beekman’s hand a copy of for them or becausethey wanted their offspring to gain the famous medical text by Sylvius of Leyden published special occupational skills. The instances where Dutch in 1672. Settling in Flatbush, Gerardus began to lay the 212 SELECTED RENSSELAERSWIJCK SEMINAR PAPERS foundation for a most successfulcareer in both politics for his assistance,providing only his room and board. and medicines3’ At just about the same time, Oloff Two Van Cortlandt business associates,Utscher and Stephensenvan Cortlandt of New York City was per- Paterschall,were “his sureties, in case he should under- sonally directing the mercantile education of his sons, take somebig piece of work and spoil it, so that he would Stephenusand Jacobus.Stephenus seems to have served have to make good the loss.” Within a year, Drummer a kind of internship with his father’s merchant friends in had taught Kiliaen how to make the big silver goblets, Boston, and Jacobusreceived similar training in Jamaica. tankards, and platters, the mark of a true master In Albany, Harmen Gansevoort was hard at work build- silversmith. Kiliaen’s younger brother, Hendrick, was ing up the family brewery. His young son Leendert apprenticed to a merchant in New York City. Kiliaen literally grew up in the business and acquired skills that himself, besides exercising his trade as a master would makehim one of Albany’s wealthiest brewersand silversmith, began to manage the affairs of Rensse- merchantss6 laerswijck, which would benefit even more by Hendrick’s mercantile training. Utilizing their several Although atypical becausehis family was the largest talents and family connections, Kiliaen and Hendrick not landowner in the colony, the apprenticeship of Kiliaen only preservedbut extended the economic and political van Rensselaerillustrates the importance of this tradi- power of the Van Rensselaerclan in New York.s9 tional form of occupational education in the developing economic and social structure of colonial New York. The During the last years of the seventeenth-century, the eldest child of Maria van Cortlandt and Jeremias van most complete list of apprenticeship indentures comes Rensselaer,Kiliaen was the pride and joy of his parents. from New York City. In 1694, the Common Council Pampered throughout his childhood, he was sent to ordered that school at age four. Following the death of his father in Noe Merchant or handy Craft Tradesman Shall Itake Any Prentice 1674, Kiliaen’s education was left in the hands of his to teach or instruct them in their Trade or Calling without being strong-willed mother, who was ably advised by her bound by Indentures before the Mayor, Recorder, or Any one of the Aldermen of the Said Citty and Registered $he Town Clerkes father, Oloff Stephensonvan Cortlandt. Young Kiliaen Office and not for Less Term than four Years. had spent considerable time with Grandfather van Cort- landt, due in part to the frequent pregnancies, compli- For the years 1695 to 1707, one hundred and eight cated by generally poor health, of his mother.37Maria apprenticeswere registered in the city of4,500. Of these had at first planned to send Kiliaen to Holland for his indentures, ninety-three were definitely trade agree- professional training, but the second Anglo-Dutch war ments.They included sevengirls, three of whom were to intervened, and on the advice of the Van Cortlandts, she be taught “housewifery,” sewing, and in two casesread- apprenticed the fifteen-year-old Kiliaen to a New York ing as well. The boys, several in their Imid-teens,were City silversmith in 1678. This apprenticeship was bound out variously to merchants, carpenters, wheel- probably arranged by Grandfather van Cortlandt, who wrights, and bakers.Altogether, more th,antwenty trades doubtless kept a watchful eye on both his grandson and were registered.41 the latter’s masters8 One of the most striking features off the list is that Four years later, Kiliaen had successfully completed almost half of the apprentices(47%) were either orphans his apprenticeship.Although now nineteen and probably or else sons or daughters of widows. Only thirty-one qualified as a journeyman silversmith, Kiliaen wanted to apprentices(29%) almost certainly had living fathers. It continue his training in the art and become a master should also be noted that only forty-two (39%) appren- silversmith himself. Since master silversmiths were not ticeship agreementsmade any provision for literacy in- only highly skilled artisans but also the bankers of their struction. day, Maria and the Van Cortlandts approvedof Kiliaen’s professional aspirations. Taking charge of the matter, Dividing the indentures by nationalities, at least half Grandfather van Cortlandt called upon his mercantile of the Dutch (50%) and about one-thi.rd (35%) of the colleagues in Boston, who in turn placed Kiliaen in the English apprentices were to be taught reading, writing, service of the most talented silversmith in the city, and sometimesarithmetic (See Appendix). Jeremiah Drummer. Because he was already a jour- neyman, Kiliaen probably did not pay Drummer the Based on these figures, it may be said that close to a customary apprentice fee. Nor did Drummer pay Kiliaen majority of the young people were bound out not simply APPRENTICESHIP AND ECONOMIC EDUCATION 213 to lcarn a trade but primarily to have a decent home were making concessionsto English tradition and law by becausethey were either orphaned or without one or the granting the eldest son a double portion, though other other parent. The custodial functions of apprenticeship, children usually sharedequallyP” so esteemedfor supporting social stability in England, were apparently just as important in New York as its Secondly, while the range of apprenticeship oppor- occupational function. Especially noteworthy is the huge tunities was very limited in New Netherland, New York proprtion of English ascompared to Dutch apprentices, by the last quarter of the seventeenthcentury had many something like 66% to 17%. The English were not a and needed more coopers, smiths, wheelwrights, majority in New York City in 1707.In fact, Britons were carpenters,and artisansof various trades.The expansion very likely still outnumbered by the Dutch. But as the of commerce and agricultural settlement demanded apprentice list from 1694 to 1707 suggests,the English them. Apprenticeships in such tradeswere highly sought were proportionately more numerous among the poor of after, and parents might pay the master, or as in many the city!” cases, pay for the apprentice’s clothing and laundry. Everywhere, the emphasiswas upon the young learning As for the Dutch, four of their eighteen indentures a trade and preparing for the future. It could even be were for professional apprenticeships, two under mer- found in work contracts for servantsor slaves. In 1682, chants and two under “chirurgeons.” Of the remaining Captain JohannesClute of Albany hired out “a certain fourteen, one was a shoemakerwho bound himself as a little negress(named Sara)for the time of three succeed- journeyman, and the other thirteen were tightly-drawn ing years” to Aemot Comelise Viele, but there were trade indentures, nine of which (68%) called for literacy explicit conditions that Viele had to meet. He promised instruction. Only four (31%) of the thirteen indentures “to exercise her in godly prayer and to bring her up in the involved boys who were orphaned or bound out by fear of the Lord, likewise to teach her “to sew, knit and widowed mothers.No Dutch girls appearon the appren- Spin according to her capacity.“45 tice list. This suggeststhat the Dutch were making other arrangementsfor the children’s occupational education. Thirdly, apprenticeship training of some sort was They may have simply disliked the formal registration virtually the only means of joining the “aristocratic requirement and evaded it. As Douglas Greenberg has trades” of merchant, physician, and apothecary or concluded, Dutch New Yorkers were somewhat con- chemist. Concerning apprenticeships in the crafts and temptuousof English political authority.43 trades,New York City boys who successfully servedout their indentures were made freemen, that is, free to practice their trade in the city.46 In addition to the usual III two setsof clothes, one for work and another for Sunday, On the basis of this brief survey of apprenticeship apprenticessometimes received from their mastersupon indentures and related documents, some tentative con- fulfilling their contract “tools” of their trade. But most clusions may be maderegarding economic e&cation in important of all, they were qualified as journeymen in New York on the eve of the eighteenth century, First, their craft, and such skills were very much in demandin excepting orphans and children of poverty, youths were the province of New York.47 In fact, it was common for usually not bound out until their middle teens or later, rural villages to lure artisansinto their communities with and the term of service was seldommore than five years, grants of lands, sometimestools, and usually promises Unlike what we know of the Puritans in New England, of a monopoly in the trade. A good craftsman then, as Dutch New Yorkers socialized their children without now, was hard to come by. For instance, the town of resort to removal from the family circle, and they utilized Jamaica voted in 1670 “that Nicklas the caper should apprenticeship primarily for occupational training. have half a acrer of Land by the Bever pond to build a Evidence is admittedly scanty, but the English who houseand to supply the Towne with such caperswork as settled among the Dutch on western Long Island seemto the Towne shall standin needof.“48 In 1680,John Davis, have followed the Dutch practice of apprenticeship, brickmaker of Setaucket(Brookhaven), was given a lot while the English on the “East End” very likely per- in Huntington on condition he supply that town with petuated the Puritan ritual of putting out young children bricks. At a town meeting in 168I, Huntington voted land for the sake of some psychological conditioning. Inter- to Thomas Skidmore to set up his house and blacksmith estingly, while continuing to divide their property among shop. Skidmore promised “to train another to take his both sons and daughters, Dutch New Yorkers by 1700 place when he leaves.” Four yearslater, Huntington gave 214 SELECTED RENSSELAERSWIJCK SEMINAR PAPERS

land to Benjamin Scrivenir on condition that he “weave Sons began at an early age to imitate and assist their for the town.“4g fathers and thereby learned their crafts. Even more important, most seventeenth-century New Yorkers, Fourthly, by the end of the seventeenth century, remember, were farmers, not merchams or craftsmen. apprenticeship indentures customarily called for youths Daughters too were similarly introduced to the many bound out to be taught “to read, write and cypher.” More chores of housewifery by their mothers. In families often than not, such provisions specifically pledged the where the wife and husbandjointly ran the family busi- masterto allow “the said Apprentice three Months after ness,daughters as well as sonswere taught the trade; the Christmas to goe to the Night Schools every year.” latter was especially true among Dutch New Yorkers. Usually the masterpaid for the schooling, but the burden For most New York children, occupational training took sometimes fell upon the father, or the master and the place in the home or else with nearby relatives without father shared the expensesinvolved. In fact, as Robert benefit of indentures of apprenticeship. But having made Seybolt demonstratedhalf a century ago, the ubiquitous that caveat, let me insist that for those whose family and evening schools of colonial New York came into being relatives were outside a craft or profession, appren- to instruct apprentices and artisans who were at work ticeship was the primary avenue for gaining skills and during the day. The earliest mention of the evening for entering that trade?2 school in America is found in the “Instructions andRules for SchoolmasterEver1 Pietersen, drawn up by the Bur- One parting comment. Throughout the seventeenth gomastersof his City [New Amsterdam],“dated Novem- century, ethnic and religious groups in New Netherland ber 4,166 1. The purposeof this collateral education was and New York sought to maintain their respective succinctly statedin an indenture that called for teaching cultural identities through an interlocking educational the apprentice to “Read Write and Cypher so far as will triad of family, congregation, and schoad.Occupational be Sufficient to Manage his Trade.“” skills were particularly essential to protect those family traditions. Occupational education, whether appren- Fifthly, the custodial functions of apprenticeship ticeship or otherwise, usually took place within the rather should not be treated lightly. Indeed, by the end of the narrow circle of kith and kin. But even at that, the youth seventeenthcentury, though the variety of trade appren- who learned a trade or a craft or a profession almost ticeships had increasedmarkedly, so had the number of invariably found much of his personal identity inter- involuntary agreementsand indentures that clearly made twined with that particular occupation. Occasionally, the apprentice hardly more than a servant. Almost and much more frequently as the eiglhteenth century invariably, girls were apprenticed as servants. Indeed, began and wore on, the resulting occupational social the apprentice list for New York City from 1695 to 1707 associationsenlarged personal horizons, and broadened was indicative of current trends. To a considerable the young man’s conception of self and family. Ironi- degree, apprenticeship always was particularly filled cally, the occupational training so essential to preserve with the poor and the orphanedand seemedto be becom- the family’s economic interests had a growing tendency ing more so, though that hardly lessensits educational or to weakenthe narrow ethnic and religious traditions upon economic importance. For the disadvantagedyouth, ap- which the family identity was basedl. It led young prenticeship no doubt provided advantageousoccupa- merchants and lawyers and craftsmen into the larger tional training; but it was also useda lot simply to protect political and commercial life of the colony. But for the society from potentially disruptive young people.51 most part, that work of merging identities remained in the future. As the seventeenthcentury gave way to the Finally, a note of caution. One should not exaggerate eighteenth, ethnicity prevailed in colonial New York, the extent of formal apprenticeship in New Netherland and apprenticeshipin particular and economic education and early New York. Its importance can hardly be generally buttressed a wonderfully pluralistic society. denied. However, as Carl Bridenbaugh noted years ago Diversity not only prevailed; it flourished and enriched in his study of the colonial craftsman,occupational train- the culture of the colony that was becoming the seat of ing was pretty much a family affair, with skills being the British Empire in North America.53 transmitted from parent to child across the generations. APPRENTICESHIP AND ECONOMIC EDUCATION 245

hip Registration for N egistrants by Nationalities 1695-1707 Nationality # %

IMCh 18 17 English Other ii! g TOtd 108 100

Schooling Specified in Indenture Agreements Dutch 1695-1707

Schooling mentioned 9 No schooling e Total 18

Schooling Specified in Indentare Agreements Englis 1695-1707

Schooling mentioned25 No schooling &i Total 71

Children probably orphaned 30 Mother probably a widow 21 Cannot tell 26 Father or two parents mentioned 2 Total 108 216 SELECTED RENSSELAERSWIJCKSEMINAR PAPERS

Notes

‘The two best books on education in early America are tion, no. 85 (New York: Teachers College, Columbia Bernard Bailyn, Education in the Forming of American University, 1917), and “The Evening Schools of Society: Needs and Opportunitiesfor Study (Chapel Hill: Colonial New York City,” in Fqteenth Annual Report of University of North Carolina press,1960), and Lawrence the New York State Education Department, (1919), no. A. Cremin, American Education: The Colonial Ex- 85 (New York: TeachersCollege, Columbia University, perience, 1607-I 783 (New York: Harper&Row, 1970). 1917),and “The Evening Schools of Colonial New York 201iver Rink, “The People of New Netberland: Notes on City,” in Fifteenth Annual Report of the New York State Non-English Immigration to New York in the Seven- Education Department, (1919), I: 630-45. teenth Century,” New York History, IXU (Jan. 1981): 7This analysis of apprenticeship as economic education S-42; Arnold J. F. van Laer, ed., “Nicasius de Sille to is basedon research in all the major collections of pub- Maximilaen van Beeckkerke, 23 May 1653,” in New lished sources and many minor ones. Most of those York State Historical Association, Proceedings, XXIII consulted are cited in the footnotes, though not all. (1923): 101. Economic education is placed within a broader perspec- 3PaulZumthor, Daily Life in Rembrandt’s Holland mew tive in Ronald W. Howard, Education and Ethnic@ in York: Macmillan, 1963), 79-l 17; A. M. van der Woude, Colonial New York, 1664-1763: A Study in the. Trans- “Variations in the Size and Structure of the Household mission of Culture in Early America (Ann Arbor: in the United provinces in the Seventeenth and University Microfilms, 1978). Eighteenth Centuries,” in Household and Family in Past *Margaret Gay Davies, The Enforcement of English Times, ed. Peter Laslett and Richard Wall (Cambridge, Apprenticeship: A Study in Applied Mercantilism England: University Press, 1972), 299-3 18; Alice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 1956), l-12; Kenney, “Private Worlds in the Middle Colonies: An Zumthor, Daily Life in Rembrandt’s Holland, 96-100. Introduction to Human Tradition in American History,” ‘Richard B. Morris, Government and Labor in Early New York History, LI (Jan. 1970): 4-31; and Kenney’s America (New York: ColumbiaUniversity Press,1946), The Gansevoorts of Albany: Dutch Patricians in the 363-89. Morris’s work remains the best introduction to Upper H&on Valley (Syracuse: Syracuse University apprenticeship in early America. Press,1969), 2-3 1. “See indenture of Robert Koeck to Arent van Curler, 9 4For Stuyvesant, see Oliver A. Rink, Holland on the Oct. 1642, in Arnold J. F. van Laer, trans., New York Hudson: An Economic and Social History of Dutch New Historical Manuscripts: Dutch, 4 ~01s. (Baltimore: York (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, Genealogical Publishing Co., 1974), II: 163 (hereafter 1986), 225-63; and Henry H. Kessler and Eugene Dutch Manuscripts); Indenture of Comelis Sergersz Rachlis, and HisNew York (New York: binding his son to Thomas Keuningh, 18 Mar. 1649, in RandomHouse, 1959).esp. 3-23,35-50. For a sampling Minutes of the Court of Rensselaerswyck, trans. by Ar- of Stuyvesant’s ordinances, see E.B. O’Callaghan, ed., nold J.F. van Laer (Albany, NY: Univ. of the State of Laws and Ordinances of New Netherland (Albany, NY: New York, 1922), 69 (hereafter Minutes ofRensselaer.+ Weed, Parsons & Co., 1868), 29 April 1648,98-9; 13 wyck); Indenture of Jan Cornelissen to Hendrick May 1648,100; 12 June 1657,310; 17 Mar. 1664,461. Harmansen,3 Aug. 1639,Dutch Manuscrtpts, I: 205. ‘Kenney, The Gansevoorts, Ch. 1; Philip L. White, The “Transfer of Indenture of James Claughmn’s Servant Beekmans of New York in Politics and Commerce, 1647- Boy to Pieter Comelissen from Rotterdalm, 27 Aug., 1877 (New York: New York Historical Society, 1956), ibid., I: 292. Ch. 1; Mrs. Schuyler van Rensselaer,The Goede Vrouw 121ndentureof Marritje Hans, Daughter of Hans Jansen, of Mana-ha-ta: At Home and in Society (New York to Philip Gerritsen, 23 May 1649, ibid., II: 222. Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1899), l-35; Alice Morse Earle, Colonial Days in Old New York mew York 131ndentureof Comelis Jansenfrom Rotterdam to Evert Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1896), 47-52. Duyckingh, 6 Oct. 1648, ibid., III: 64, reproduced here. %onomic education is discussed broadly by Samuel 14SeeBerthold Femow, ed. and trans., Th!e Minutes of McKee, Labor in Colonial New York, 1664-I 776 (New the Orphanmasters of New Amsterdam,. 1655-1663 York: Columbia University Press, 1935) and more (New York: Francis P. Harper, 1902), 14 A,pr. 1661,175 specifically by Robert Francis Seybolt, Apprenticeship (hereafter cited as Minutes of the Orphanmasters.) and Apprenticeship Education in Colonial New England “Indenture of Comelis van Schulluyne to clerk for Jan and New York, TeachersCollege Contribution to Educa- Comellisen van der Heyden, 13 Jan. 1648, Dutch APPRENTICESHIP AND ECONOMICP EDUCATION z--F 217

Manuscripts, III: 64. Ritchie, The Duke’s Province: A Study of New York ‘%ill of Daniel L&hoe, 26 Dec. 1661,Minutes of the Politics and Society, 1664-1691 (Chapel Hill, NC: Orphanmasters, 216. University of North Carolina Press,1977). 17Jeremiasto Jan Baptist van Rensselaer,13 July 1662, 25Ruth Putnam, “The Dutch Element in the United Correspondence of Jeremias van Rensselaer, 1651- &&es,” in Annual Report of the American Historical 1674, cd. Arnold J. F. van Laer (Albany, NY: Univ. of Association, 1909 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government the Stateof New York, 1932),296-97 (hereaftercited as Printing Office, 1932), 360-70; Albert E. McKinley, Correspondence of Jeremias van Rensselaer); see also “The Transition from Dutch to English Rule in New Jcremias to Anna van Rensselaer, 19 Aug. 1662, ibid., York,” American Historical Review, VI (July 1900): 300; Jeremiasto Oloff Stevensonvan Cortlandt, 27 Aug. 693-724. For the Americanization of the Dutch, see 1663, ibid., 326. Other letters in this collection made it Alice P. Kenney, Stubbornfor Liberty: The Dutch in New clear that the entire Van Rensselaerfamily and relatives York (Syracuse:Syracuse Univ. Press,1975), 21 l-33. were deeply involved in trade. Seealso Rink, Holland on ““The Duke’s Laws,” The Colonial Laws of New York the Hudson, 177-95. from 1664 to the Revolution, 5 ~01s.(Albany, NY: J.B. ‘*Amsterdam Directors to Petrus Stuyvesant, 27 Jan. Lyon, 1894-1896), I: 26,47-50,56. 1649, Documents Relative to the History of the State of 271bid.,W: 924. New York, ed. Edmund B. O’Callaghan and Berthold 28McKee, Labor in Colonial New York, 64-71; An Act Fernow, 15 ~01s.(Albany, NY: The Argus Co., 1856- against Servantsand Apprentices Frequenting Taverns, 1887),~1v: 107(hereaftercitedass~co); EvertPietersen 24 Oct. 1684, Colonial Laws of New York, I: 158-59. to Domine Hendric Ruileus, 12 Aug. 1657, in “‘McKee, Labor in Colonial New York, 62-84. Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York, ed. Edward T. Corwin, 7 ~01s.(Albany, NY: J.B. Lyon, 3oBarentMynderse v. William Hoffmayer, 3 Apr. 1677, 1901-1916), I: 401 (hereafterEcclesSasticalRecords). Minutes of the Court of Albany, Rensselaerswyck and Schenectady, 166%1673, 1675-1680, 1680-1685, ed. 19J.Megapolensis to AmsterdamClassis, 25 §ept. 1658, Arnold 9. F. van Laer, 3 ~01s.(Albany, NY University ibid., I: 435; AmsterdamDirectors to Stuyvesant,20 Jan. of the State of New York, 19261932), II: 216-17 1664, ibid., 541. (hereafter cited B.SCARS Minutes). *‘Jeremias to Richard van Rensselaer, 19 June 1657, 31AbelHardenbroock v. Hendrick van der Borgh, 7 Mar. Correspondence of Jeremias van Rensselaer, 42-43. 1671, The Records ofNew Amsterdam, 7 vols., edited by 21EdmundS. Morgan, The Puritan Family: Religion and Bertbold Fernow (New York: Knickerbocker Press, Domestic Relations in Seventeenth-Century New %897),VI: 288; see also Mayor’s Court, 23 Aug. 1671, England (New York Harper & Row, 1944, reprint ibid., 252. Sewantrefers to certain seashellsused by the 1966), 68-77; Emory Elliott, Power and the Pulpit in Indians as money. Puritan New England (Princeton, NY: Princeton Univer- 32DomineDellius and the Paulyns, 10 Mar. 1684,CAi?S sity Press,197.5), 72-76. Minutes, III: 432. 22Fora discussion of family relations in New Netherland, 331ndentureof Abraham Jansen to Gerrit Visbeeck, 22 see Howard, Education and Ethnicity tn Colonial New Sept. 11677,Early Records of the City and County of York, 101-11. See also Marriage Contract and Will of Albany and Colony of Rensselaerswyck, e& Arnold J. F. Brant Peelen and Marritje Peters, 3 July 1643, Dutch van Laer and Jonathan Pearson,4 ~01s.(Albany, NY: Manuscripts, 1~14446; Settlement of the Estate of University of the State of New York, 1869-1919), m: Gerrit Wolphertsen van Couwenhaven, 1646, ibid., II: 474 (hereafter cited as Albany Records); Indenture of 366-68. Johanna Hans to Richard Pretty and Wife Elizabeth, 30 23Zumthor, Rembrandt’s Holland, 95-101; Howard, Sept. 1674, ibid., 415; Indenture of Jan Jansento Claes Education and Ethnic@ in Colonial New York, 200-7. Jansenvan Bockhoven, 26 Oct. 1683, ibid., 562-63. 2+homas Do ng an to the Committee of Trade on the 3%denture of Augustyn Le Roy to Adam Winne, 28 province of New York, 22 Feb. 1687, Documentary Nov. 1682,ibid., 546-47; Indenture of FancoysPietersen History of the State of New York, ed. Edmund B. Winne to Rutgers Arentsen, 9 Dec. 1674, ibid., 422; O’Callaghan, 4 ~01s.(Albany, NY: Weed, Parsons bk Indenture of JamesParker to Hendrick Bries, 13 Dec. Co., 1850-1851), I: 116 (hereafter cited as DHNY). A still 1677, ibid., 445. reliable introduction to early New York and its place “White, The Reekmans, 73-8,83-100,12244,151-8. within the British Empire is Herbert L. Osgood, The American Colonies in the Seventeenth Century, 3 ~01s. 36G10ffStephensen van Cortlandt to Maria van Rensse- (New York: McMillan, 1904-1907),n: 132-59. The best laer, 16 Jan. 1477, Correspondence of Maria van Rens- single study of proprietary New York is Robert C. selaer, 1669-1688, trans. & edited by A. J. F. van Laer 218 SELECTED RENSSELAERSWIJCK SEMINAR PAPERS

(Albany: Univ. of the Stateof New York, 1935), 19-20; 4sTown Meeti ng Minutes, 4 Apr. 1670, Records of the Oloff Stephensen van Cortlandt to Maria van Rensselaer, Town of Jamaica, Long Island, 1658-1751, ed., Jan. 1681, ibid., 45; Kenney, Gansevoort, 28-32. JosephineC. Frost, 3 vols., (, NY: Long Island 37Jeremiasvan Rensselaerto Anna van Rensselaer,12 Historical Society, 1914), 44-45. Sept. 1663,CorrespondenceofJeremiasvanRensselaer, 4gTown Meeting Minutes, 1681, Huntington Town 328-29; Jan Baptist to Jeremias van Rensselaer,5 Jan Records, 3 vols., reprt. ed. (New York,. NY: Guide- 1664, ibid., 339-43; Jeremias van Rensselaerto Anna Kalkhoff-Burr, 1954-58), I: 292-93; also 23 June 1684, van Rensselaer,15 Apr. 1665, ibid., 378. ibid., 393-94; Town Meeting Minutes, 7 Apr. 1730, The 38Maria to Richard van Rensselaer, June 1678, Records of the Towns of North and South Hempstead, ed. Correspondence of Maria van Rensselaer, 21; Maria to Benjamin D. Hicks, 8 ~01s.(Jamaica, NY: Long Island Richard van Rensselaer,Jan. 1682, ibid., 58. Farmer Print, 1896-1904), III: 107. 3g010ff Stephensen van Cortlandt to Maria van %obert Francis Seybold, “The Evening Schools of Rensselaer, 10 Aug. 1682, ibid., 73; Catrina Darvall Colonial New York,” in Fifteenth Annual Report of the (Sister) to Maria van Rensselaer, 31 Aug. 1682, ibid., New York State Education Department (1919), I: 630- 77-78; Cauina Darvall to Maria van Rensselaer,9 Oct. 35; also Seybolt’s The Evening School in Colonial 1680,ibid., 44; Oloff Stephensenvan Cortlandt to Maria America (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois; Press,1925). van Rensseler, 16 Jan. 1683, ibid., 81. 9-59; and his Source Studies in Ameri(can Colonial Education: The Private School (Urbana, IL: University 40Council Minutes, 16 Jan. 1694, Minutes of the Com- of Illinois Press, 1925), 83-109. See also Indenture of mon Council of the City of New York, 1674-1776, ed. Herbert L. Osgood, 8 ~01s.(New York: City of New Augustyn Le Roy to Adam Winne, 28 Nov. 1682,Albany Records, III: 423; Indenture of Lambrecht Sickels to York, 1905), I: 373-74. Meyndert Fredericz, 9 Feb. 1689, ibid., 485. 41”Indenturesof Apprenticeships, 9 February 1694to 24 %ee also Thomas Steevensto John Cooper, 14 Mar., January 1708,” in Collectionsof theNew-YorkHistorical Records of the Town of Southampton, ed. William S. Society for the Year I885 (New York: New-York His- torical Society, 1886), 565-622. See Appendix to this Pelletreau, 3 ~01s.(Sag Harbor, NY: J.H. Hunt, 1874- essay. 1878),II: 40; Edmund Pangbometo John Rogers, 10 May 1682, Oyster Bay Town Records, ed. John Cox, 8 ~01s. 42SeeMorris, Government and Labor in Early America, (New York, NY: T. A. Wright, 1916-1940), I: 145116; 363-89; Davies, Enforcement of English Appren- JeamsChogum (Indian boy) to John Sands:,Jr., 16 Nov. ticeship, 40-62. 1719, Records of the Towns of North and South 43DouglasS. Greenberg,“Patterns of Criminal Prosecu- Hempstead. Long Island, III: 5 1. tion in Eighteenth-Century New York,” New York His- 52CarlBridenbaugh, The Colonial Craftsman, 192-232. tory, LVI, (Apr. 1975): 148-50; seeAppendix. For the Dutch family in particular, seeKenney, “Private 44Seecomparison of wills in Howard, Education and Worlds in the Middle Colonies,” 5-3 1. For an insightful Ethnicity in Colonial New York, 198-207. discussion of the extended kinship circle and commerce 451ndentureof Apprenticeship of Gerit van der Zee to in New York, see Virginia Harrington, “The Colonial Learn the Tailor’s Trade from Willem Ketelhuyn, 30 merchant’sLedger,” in History of the State of New York, July 1683, Albany Records, III: 660-61; Indenture of ed. Alexander C. Flick, II (New York New York State Apprenticeship of Jellis de la Grange to Comelis van Historical Association, 1933-1937), II: 333-71, esp. Schelluyne to Learn the Shoemaker’s Trade, 30 Oct. 349-53. 1682,ibid., 544; Leaseof young NegressNamed Sarato 53The role of the school as both conslervator and Aernot Cornelise Viele, 16 Nov. 1682, ibid., 545 innovator is discussedby Talcott Parsons,“The School (emphasismine). Class as a Social System: Some of its IFunctions in 46McKee, Labor in Colonial New York, 72. Note the American Society,” Harvard Educational Review, XXlX discussion of apprenticeship in New York Gazette, (Fall 1957): 197-218; seealso George De Vos, “‘Ethnic Revived in the Weekly Post-Boy, 29 Mar. 1753. An Pluralism: Conflict and Accommodation,” in Ethnic example of the status that apprenticeship conferred in Identity: Cultural Continuities and Change, ed. George many casesmay be found in the advertisementof Henry De Vos and Lola Romanucci-Ross (Palo Alto, Calif: Witeman, brass button maker, in New-York Gazette, Mayfield Publishing Co., 1975), esp. 9-18. For an inter- Revived in the Weekly Post-Boy, 1 Oct. 1750. pretation of how all this worked in 18th-Century New York, see Howard, Education and Ethnicity in Colonial 47Carl Bridenbaugh, The Colonial Craftsman (New York, NY: New York University Press,1950), 134,143, New York, 323-82. 145; Morris, Government and Labor in Early America, 25,50,376-80.