DOCSLIB.ORG

Na Day in Mid-February 1690, Joris Aersen Was An

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Na Day in Mid-February 1690, Joris Aersen Was An n a day in mid-February 1690, Joris Aersen was an of self-respect, and an impaired sense of social order. angry young man. IIe had been provoked to frustration John Garraty and Robert A. IvIcCaughey implied this in and not a little daring by Robert Livingston’s arrogant their 1987 edition of The American Nation: A History of “slanders” toward the Prince of Orange as “Chief Rebel” the United States to 1870. Referring to New York under against the king of England, JamesII. In an outburst of the Dutch rule and then under the governanceof the Duke vexation, Aersen announcedthe worthiness of the prince of York, they wrote, “New York had no local assembly, and the basis of his own loyalty to him. I am, he cried, until the 168Os,but there had been no such body under “an Amsterdam boy.“’ the Dutch eitherss2Clearly, the authors were using the absenceof a representative assembly as a metaphor for Such instances of self-identification are rare “finds” a whole set of repressive political practices after the for the historian. Clues to a structure that helped an English conquestof 1664.However, they were also using individual make senseof his life are fugitive and few. it as a metaphor for a people lacking the will to explore Even more elusive are those that would help the historian or institutionalize “modem democracy.” In failing to discover how a whole group of people constructed a display a vigorous impulse toward a mode of repre- senseof self-respect,order or well-being for themselves. sentation like an assembly-the single institution which Often the evidence is thought to be found in examining Americans have always taken to symbolize liberal political institutions or political behavior. “Politics,” it is democracy-the Dutch signalled an incapacity to assumed, somehow gives a fundamental measure of appreciateand enjoy the fundamental building block, as another people’s senseof order. Yet while it is certainly it were, of proper social order. true that the ceremonies and daily enactments that we call “political” reveal a people’s senseof self-regard as It would be possible, of course, to make the argument a group as well as individually, it is nonethelessmislead- that in fact Dutch men and women duplicated in New ing to assumethat such actions are a privileged way of Netherland ehestructures of republicanism establishedin measuringapastpeople’s senseof self-esteem.Nor were the Low Countries. For all the inefficiency and arrogance they necessarily the pre-eminent “performances” in of the directors of the West India Company, republican which a people of the past saw that they were creating political forms were nonethelesstransplanted to the New proper social formations or properly-constructed chan- World. However, New Netherlandersdisposed of power nels of power among themselves. and constructed“the good society” in non-political “per- formances” as much as in those described as political. Such a misunderstanding has particularly colored our understanding of the Dutch men and women of seven- They enacted a stable and meaningful society in teenth century New Netherland. All too often, historians countless ways. The Dutch of New Netherland took a have assumed that a study of Dutch political culture senseof “first and last things” from all the socializing would afford a special grasp of the settlers’ values, actions of life. Thus rituals, like those surrounding so ambitions and senseof proprieties. Yet, repeatedly, they seemingly commonplace a set of practices as trading, have been disappointed. They have failed to find the caught up the meanings of power and order, of the good signs of the political order they expected: there was no life and self, as much as those we specify as “political,” evidence of representative government as it was like voting. The rituals of handelstijd show us that the developing in other North American colonies; there were men and women of seventeenth-centuryBeverwijck had few signs of concern about the place of loyalty to or constructed a rich and complex way of life for them- rebellion against authority; there were no marks of a selves. It was one in which power was shared in a people given to political vision or ideals. As a conse- particular way. It was one where daily rituals, even those quence,such scholarswere led to write of an errant sense as seemingly trivial as public auctions, made a man or 318 SELECTEDRENSSELAERSWIJCKSEMINAR PAPERS woman part of a society unequal in our terms but never- claims generally arising from the ill-conceived and risky thelesssustaining and elaborately well-ordered. business transactions of residents.7 The strangers’ presenceundoubtedly pleased townsmen with wares to I auction. But their presencewas also troublesome and a Like all people, the townspeople of Beverwijck had danger. many ways to relate themselvesto their past and present. Even for the passageof the days of the year, they had Ordinarily the Indians arrived with furs in mid-June. devices for fixing time’s sequences into meaningful So the first weeks of May were those of preparation. parts. We know, for example, that they lived out a year However, they were nonetheless int’ense for that. in rich liturgical, agricultural and trading cycles. But Townsmen arranged the assetsthat might give them a above all, time was burgherlijk. That is, it was organized win in the gambling of handelstijd. They purged them- around civic occurrences,when civic virtues (and vices) selves of debt, rented out rooms, built shedsfor natives, were displayed, when townspace-as distinct from the sold properties, all in order to be in the trade with countryside-was the stage of meaningful action. And merchandiseand sewant.Jeremias van Rensselaerinad- the dominant rhythm was the annual recurrence of the vertently registered the edginess of these first weeks. trading season,handelstijd. “The beaver trade,” the director of Rensselaerswijck wrote of the waiting-game in May, 1659, “if all the Handelstijd began on May 1 and ended in November. Indians come home with beaver, may turn out to be very It was a time when population swelled and merchandise good for almost all the river Indians are out hunting.“’ brought within the town palisades doubled or perhaps tripled in bulk and value. Mirrors, gold rings, New Public festivities in the first weeks of handelstijd Testaments,guns, blankets and velvet cloaks arrived for announced it as a seasonof heightened and potentially sale. In a single season,as many as 50,000 beaver pelts dangerouscompetition. The men of the town engagedin might have entered the market town in one year as well. “shooting the parrot.” Under the supervision of a Somehow the goods found spacein about 127 houses3 prominent burgher, they competedto discover and honor In 1657, 40,940 beaver pelts were taken in trade. The the best marksman among the burgherguard (schut- value was 327,520 guilders.4 If only half of them were terij)P These men of the local militia set a wooden purchased in sewant, 39,320,400 black and white shells papegaai (parrot) on a pole and fired from positions at would have been strung and exchanged.Moreover, if the possibly eighteen feet distance. The competition was a 40,940 pelts had beenevenly dividedamong the 105 men universal festivity among the Dutch. Some continental and women who claimed to be traders in 1659, each cities feastedthe marksmen after the occasion; at Table would have had 390 pelts, an earning of 3 120 guildem.’ Bay in South Africa “the whole body of shooters” Half of that as profits was equal to six.years’ wagesas a escortedthe winner to his home “in state” after the event. local farmhand. The profits were, of course, not equally He won the title, “Ring of the Marksmen.“” distributed. Quite the contrary. Handelstijd was a time when fortunes were made and 10s~ it cheated some, In Beverwijck, the revels of the papegaayschoet in ruined others and rewarded a few. It set all men 1655 were in the care of Hendrick Jochemsz.He was a gambling. burgher at whose inn the West India Com:pany’ssoldiers were often found drinking and creating scenes of May 1, then, was a day when it profited an outsider to “assault” and “fighting.” So it is likely that the schoet move into town. House rentals to transients were was not only a ritual of some violence in itself but that common. Some entered into contracts for “one month, 6 some of the contestantswere men of violence as well.’ ’ days” as early as March; others legally squatted on Certainly the community recognized sorne of this. The properties for which only the first installment would have court admonished Jochemsz to avoid the recurrence of been required.6 It was a time of strangers.They came to “accidents . [that] occur or result” from thepapegaay- trade, sell sewant,bake, auction yachts, deliver merchan- schoet and breachesof ‘good order.” Yet the court gave dise, sue residents for debt, gamble at auctions. Youths, its permission. It acquiesced in a ritual contest which men from outlying farms, agents for Boston, buyers and allowed burghers to fire weapons, a practice otherwise wealthy wholesalers of New Amsterdam and Hartford never sanctioned.12 For a moment, it set aside the arrived. From 1652 to 1664, thirty-two non-resident familiar structures of conduct, keynoting the way it merchants appeared in the Beverwijck court suing for would consent to the larger “happening,” handelstijd RITUALS OF HANDELSTIJD IN BEVERWIJCK 319 Fig. 55. Adriaen Brouwer, ‘Five PeasantsFighting.” Courtesy of the Bayer&he Staasgem2ldesammlungen,Munich. itself. We can only assumethat the men played out the severe with those luring natives into their homes and competition on the plain near Fort Orange south of town shops? and from there, full of drink and ready to cause “accidents,” they escorted the victor through the south The pace of hande/sfijd was fast and barely controlled.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Melyn Pa Troonship of St1~ Ten Island
    THE MELYN PA TROONSHIP OF ST1~ TEN ISLAND .\DDRESS DELI\.ERED .\T THE XIXTH .:\X~CAL :\IEETI:\"G OF THE :\"E\Y YOR~ BRA~CH OF THI◄: ORDER OF COLONIAL LORDS OF MANORS IN AMERICA Held in the City of Ke\v ·York, April 29th, 1921 BY \\.ILLL\:\I CHCRCHILL HOCSTO:\; OF GER:\L\~TO\Y:\;, PHILADELPHIA 1923 Born, 1592. Died, 16i2. Original in the possession of The Kew York Historical Society, reproduced by permission. This 1fonograph is compiled from the following authorities: Brodhead's History of the State of Xew York. New Amsterdam and Its People, J. H. Innes. The Story of Kew Xetherland, \Ym. Elliot Griflis. Saint Nicholas Society Genealogical Record r9r6. Collections of the Xew York Historical Society, r9r3- l\Ielyn Papers. The Van Rensselaer Bo'1.-ier ~fanuscripts. THE PATROONSHIP OF STATEN ISLAND In Brodhead's History of New York it is recorded that in 1630 it was obvious that the rural tenantry of Holland did not possess the requisite means to sustain the expense of emigra­ tion, and the associate directors of the West India Company thought that the permanent agricultural settlement of their American province could be best accomplished by the organiza­ tion of separate subordinate colonies or manors under large proprietors. To tempt the ambition of such capitalists, pecu­ liar privileges were offered to them. These privileges, never­ theless, were carefully confined to members of the \Vest India Company. The Charter provided that any such members as should, within four years, plant a colony of fifty adults in any part of New Netherland except the reserved ic;land of l\!Ianhattan, should be acknowledged as a Patroon, or feudal Chief of the territory he might thus colonize.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Berkeley Charlene Conrad Liebau Library Prize for Undergraduate Research
    UC Berkeley Charlene Conrad Liebau Library Prize for Undergraduate Research Title The Omnipotent Beaver in Van der Donck's A Description of New Netherland: A Natural Symbol of Promise in the New World Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/870174nb Author van den Hout, Julie Publication Date 2015-04-01 Undergraduate eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California THE OMNIPOTENT BEAVER IN VAN DER DONCK’S A DESCRIPTION OF NEW NETHERLAND A Natural Symbol of Promise in the New WorlD Julie van den Hout Dutch H196: Honors Studies in Dutch Faculty Adviser: Jeroen Dewulf University of California, Berkeley Spring, 2015 1 INTRODUCTION In May of 1653, Adriaen van Der Donck submitteD his book, A Description of New Netherland, to the Directors of the West InDia Company (WIC) at the Chamber in AmsterDam for approval, in advance of requesting a copyright from the States General of the Dutch Republic.1 This seemeD like gooD Politics considering Van der Donck had reapeD the wrath of the West InDia Company Directors a few years earlier when he, as a colonial delegate, formally complaineD in his Remonstrance of New Netherland to the States General about the West InDia Company’s management of the colony. Both the West InDia Company and the States General approveD of Van der Donck’s proposed book; he was granteD a fifteen-year copyright.2 A Description of New Netherland, originally published in 1655, is DiviDeD into four main chaPters. The first chapter, “The Country,” discusses Dutch rights to the territory and the physical aspects of the country, detailing land anD waterways as well as local flora and fauna.
    [Show full text]
  • History and Genealogy of the Vreeland Family
    .0^ . ^ovV : ^^^* • .rC^^'^.t.'^ . O .V . 4:^ "^^ o.* "^ v° *^' %- 'd- m^ ^^^ \ a/ "O* - '^^ .^'-^ "<*>. n"^ ,o«<.- -^^ ^ Vol •.°' ^^ aO ^ './ >:^^:- >. aV .^j^^^. Nicholas Garretson \'reeland. THHR BOOK: Wriltenarranged ^adaptgd BY ON E OF THEM WWW OIMT^oN VREELSIND Title parte and ofcher* di-awing/s by FR.flNCI5 WILLIAM Vl^EELflND^ Printed by CHflUNCELY H O L T- NOa7V^NDEPy%'" 3TIIEE.T • NEW YORK: HISTORY GENEALOGY of the VREELAND FAMILY Edited by NICHOLAS GARRETSON VREELAND HISTORICAL PUBLISHING CO. Jersey City, Nert) Jersey MDCCCCIX sT 1'^ \(\ •2> (At Copyright 1909 BY Nicholas G. Vrekland Cla.A,a3<* 112 JUL 28 1909 1 : table:contentsof CHAPTER. TITLE. PAGE. Foreword. 9 Preface. 10 PART FIRST — THE STORY OF HOLLAND. 1 In Day.s of Caesar 17 2 Fifteen Centuries of Struggle 20 3 The Dutch take Holland 21 4 Chaos leads to System 23 5 Dutch War Songs 24 Beggars of the Sea 24 Moeder Holland 29 Oranje Boven 30 6 Independence at Last 31 7 Holland and its People 33 8 Holland of To-day 41 PART SECOND — THE STORY OF AMERICA. 9 The American Birthright (Poem)... 49 10 In the New World, 1609-38 53 1 On Communipaw's Shore, 1646 57 12 Settlement of Bergen, 1660 59 13 Religion and Education 61 14 Battledore and Shuttlecock, 1664-74 63 15 Paulus Hook, 1800 66 16 From Youth to Manhood, 1840- 1909 69 17 Manners and Customs 73 18 Nomenclature 76 19 The True Dutch Influence 83 20 Land Titles 90 PART THIRD — THE STORY OF THE VREELANDS. 2 An Old Vreeland Family 99 22 The Town Vreeland, in Holland 104 CONTENTS—Continued.
    [Show full text]
  • The Worlds of the Seventeenth-Century Hudson Valley
    1 The Seventeenth-Century Empire of the Dutch Republic, c. 1590–1672 Jaap Jacobs he overseas expansion of the Dutch Republic, culminating in the “First Dutch Empire,” is a remarkable story of the quick rise to prominence of a small country in northwestern Europe. Much smaller Tin population than European rivals like Spain, England, and France, and without considerable natural resources, the Republic was able within a few decades to lay the foundation for a colonial empire of which remnants are still part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands nowadays. This First Dutch Empire, running roughly from the beginning of the seventeenth century until the early 1670s, was characterized by rapid expansion, both in the Atlantic area and in Asia. The phase that followed, the Second Dutch Empire, shows a divergence in development between the East and West. In the East, ter- ritorial expansion—often limited to trading posts, not settlement colonies— continued and trade volume increased, but in the Western theater the Dutch witnessed a contraction of territorial possessions, especially with the loss of New Netherland and Dutch Brazil. Even so, Dutch trade and shipping in the Atlantic was not solely dependent upon colonial footholds, not in the least because the Dutch began to participate in the Atlantic slave trade. This Second Dutch Empire ended in the Age of Democratic Revolutions, when upheavals in Europe and America brought an end to both the Dutch East and West India Companies and led to the loss of a number of colonies, such as South Africa, Sri Lanka, and Essequibo and Demerara on the Guyana coast.
    [Show full text]
  • Everyday Life in a Dutch Colony
    Everyday Life in a Dutch Colony An Educational Resource from the New York State Archives Compelling Question: How do people succeed in a new place or environment? Courtesy: Len Tantillo Bakers in the Colony Objective: Describe the purpose of bakers in the colony and explain how bakers contributed to daily life in the colony. Essential Question: How did bakers contribute to the growth and success of the colony? Historical Background: Bread was the main staple of the Dutch diet both in the Netherlands and in the colony of New Netherland. Residents of the colony ate at least three times a day and bread was a key part of every meal. Bread in New Netherland was made mostly from wheat which could be grown in abundance in this part of the world. Bakers baked both rye and wheat bread. White bread was the most desirable bread and therefore was consumed mainly by the wealthier residents of the colony. Baking was a labor-intensive process that required significant amounts of time. The ovens were built with large bricks designed to stay hot for long periods of time. First, the baker would heat the oven with wood and clean out the residue when the oven was hot enough. Then the oven would be wiped clean with a wet cloth attached to the end of a stick. The baker had to knead the dough by hand or foot. Rye bread had to bake for 12 hours, while wheat bread had to rise twice and bake for an hour. The baker would blow his horn when the bread was ready so that his customers would know they could now purchase the bread and other baked goods.
    [Show full text]
  • THE FOUNDERS of AMERICAN GEOLOGY: a VISIT to THEIR TOMBS, Labs, and THEIR FAVORITE EXPOSURES: the DEVONIAN LIMESTONES of THE
    55 THE FOUNDERS OF AMERICAN GEOLOGY: A VISIT TO THEIR TOMBS, lABS, AND THEIR FAVORITE EXPOSURES: THE DEVONIAN LIMESTONES OF THE CAPITAL DISTRICT; A STUDY OF THE SEQUENCE STRATIGRAPHY OF THESE LIMESTONES GERALD M. FRIEDMAN Brooklyn College and the Graduate School of CUNY and Northeastern Science Foundation affiliated with Brooklyn College-CUNY 15 Third Street,Box 746 Troy, N.Y. 12181-0746 INTRODUCTION Located along the Helderberg Escarpment this classic site is on hallowed ground. Amos Eaton (1776-1842), Ebenezer Emmons (1799-1863), James Hall (1811-1898), William W Mather (1804-1859), Sir Charles Lyell (1797-1875), Benjamin Silliman (1779-1864), James D. Dana (1813-1895), Louis Agassiz (1807-1873), and Sir William E. Logan (1798-1875) have trod here before you, and we will view the memorial plaque erected in their honor. The field sites expose a large variety of Lower and Middle Devonian limestones, including coral reefs, stroma­ toporoid reefs, storm deposits, stromatolite facies, skeletal- and lime mud facies, solution-collapse features, and karst. This diversity of facies will be studied in terms of trans­ gressive-regressive cycles, known as parasequences, which are defined as confonnab/e succes­ sions of genetically-related beds bounded by surfaces of erosion, called parasequence surfaces. HISTORY OF GEOLOGY Before viewing the sequence stratigraphy of the Devonian we will pay tribute to the founders of American geology on whose concepts modern geology has built. Among those particular attention will be given to Amos Eaton, James Hall, and Ebenezer Emmons, whose debt we have incurred as builders of our science and at whose graves we will pay our respects.
    [Show full text]
  • Van Rensselaer Family
    .^^yVk. 929.2 V35204S ': 1715769 ^ REYNOLDS HISTORICAL '^^ GENEALOGY COLLECTION X W ® "^ iiX-i|i '€ -^ # V^t;j^ .^P> 3^"^V # © *j^; '^) * ^ 1 '^x '^ I It • i^© O ajKp -^^^ .a||^ .v^^ ^^^ ^^ wMj^ %^ ^o "V ^W 'K w ^- *P ^ • ^ ALLEN -^ COUNTY PUBLIC LIBR, W:^ lllillllli 3 1833 01436 9166 f% ^' J\ ^' ^% ^" ^%V> jil^ V^^ -llr.^ ^%V A^ '^' W* ^"^ '^" ^ ^' ?^% # "^ iir ^M^ V- r^ %f-^ ^ w ^ '9'A JC 4^' ^ V^ fel^ W' -^3- '^ ^^-' ^ ^' ^^ w^ ^3^ iK^ •rHnviDJ, ^l/OL American Historical Magazine VOL 2 JANUARY. I907. NO. I ' THE VAN RENSSELAER FAMILY. BY W. W. SPOONER. the early Dutch colonial families the Van OF Rensselaers were the first to acquire a great landed estate in America under the "patroon" system; they were among the first, after the English conquest of New Netherland, to have their possessions erected into a "manor," antedating the Livingstons and Van Cortlandts in this particular; and they were the last to relinquish their ancient prescriptive rights and to part with their hereditary demesnes under the altered social and political conditions of modem times. So far as an aristocracy, in the strict understanding of the term, may be said to have existed under American institu- tions—and it is an undoubted historical fact that a quite formal aristocratic society obtained throughout the colonial period and for some time subsequently, especially in New York, — the Van Rensselaers represented alike its highest attained privileges, its most elevated organization, and its most dignified expression. They were, in the first place, nobles in the old country, which cannot be said of any of the other manorial families of New York, although several of these claimed gentle descent.
    [Show full text]
  • Correspondence of Maria Van Rensselaer (1669-1689)
    CORRESPONDENCE OF MARIA VAN RENSSELAER 1669-1689 Translated and edited by A. J. F. VAN LAER Archivist, Archives and History Division ALBANY THE UNIVERSITY OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK I 935 PREFACE In the preface to the Correspondence of Jeremias van Rens­ selaer, which was piiblished in 1932, attention was called to the fact that after the death of Jeremias van Rensselaer his widow carried on a regular correspondence with her husband's youngest brother, Richard van Rensselaer, in regard to the administration of the colony of Rensselaerswyck, and the plan was announced to publish this correspondence in another volume. This plan has been carried into effect in the present volume, which contains translations of all that has been preserved of the correspondence of Maria van Rensselaer, including besides the correspondence with her brother-in-law many letters which passed between her and her brother Stephanus van Cortlandt and other members of the Van Cortlandt family. Maria van Rensselaer was born at New York on July 20, 1645, and was the third child of Oloff Stevensen van Cortlandt and his wife Anna Loockermans. She married on July 12, 1662, when not quite 17 years of age, Jeremias van Rensselaer, who in 1658 had succeeded his brother Jan Baptist van Rensse­ laer as director of the colony of Rensselaerswyck. By him she had four sons and two daughters, her youngest son, Jeremias, being born shortly after her husband's death, which occurred on October 12, 1674. As at the time there was no one available who could succeed Jeremias van Rensselaer as director of the colony, the burden of its administration fell temporarily upon his widow, who in this emergency sought the advice of her brother Stephanus van Cortlandt.
    [Show full text]
  • The Colonial Family: Kinship Nd Power Peter R
    The Colonial Family: Kinship nd Power Peter R. Christop New York State Library ruce C. Daniels in a 1985 book review wrote: “Each There is a good deal of evidence in the literature, year since the late 1960sone or two New England town therefore, that in fact the New England town model may studies by professional historians have been published; not at all be the ideal form to use in studying colonial lheir collective impact has exponentially increased our New York social structure. The real basis of society was knowledge of the day-to-day life of early America.“’ not the community at all, but the family. The late Alice One wonders why, if this is so useful an historical P. Kenney made the first step in the right direction with approach, we do not have similar town studies for New her study of the Gansevoort family.6 It is indeed the York. It is not for lack of recordsthat no attempt hasbeen family in colonial New York that historians should be made. Nor can one credit the idea that modern profes- studying, yet few historians have followed Kenney’s sional historians, armed with computers, should feel in lead. A recent exception of note is Clare Brandt’s study any way incapable of dealing with the complexity of a of the Livingston family through several generations.7 multinational, multiracial, multireligious community. However, we should note that Kenney and Brandt have restricted their attention to persons with one particular One very considerable problem for studying the surname, ignoring cousins, grandparents, and colonial period was the mobilily Qf New Yorkers, grandchildren with other family namesbut nonetheless especially the landed and merchant class.
    [Show full text]
  • Links to Published Sources Available Online
    Links to Published Sources Available Online 94th Annual Report on the New York State Library, 1911 (covers the 1911 fire) (IA) 1671 Census of the Delaware (Craig) (Gen. Soc. PA) 1693 Census of the Swedes on the Delaware (Craig) (pp. 1-23) (NC-Chap.org) 1693 Census of the Swedes on the Delaware (Craig) (pp.25-88) (NC-Chap.org) Annals of Newtown (Riker) (IA) Annals of the Carnegie Museum, Vol. 1, 1901-1902 (Holland/Hatcher) (IA) [western PA, 1700s] The Archives of New York (American Archivest) Baptismal and Marriage Registers of the Old Dutch Church of Kingston, Ulster County, New York (Hoes) (IA) Calendar of Historical Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of State, Albany, NY Vol. 1 Dutch Manuscripts, 1630-1664 (O’Callaghan) (IA) Calendar of Historical Manuscripts in the Office of the Secretary of State, Albany, NY Vol. 2 English Manuscripts, 1664-1776 (O’Callaghan) (IA) Calendar of N. Y. Colonial Manuscripts, Indorsed Land Papers in the Office of the Secretary of State of New York, 1643-1803 (IA) Calendar of Albany Wills (Fernow) (IA) Calendar of Delaware Wills, New Castle County, 1682-1800 (CDD) (IA) The Centennial of the Settlement of Upper Canada by the United Empire Loyalists 1784-1884… (United Empire Loyalists Centennial Committee) (IA) Contributions to the History of Ancient Families of New Amsterdam and New York (Purple) (IA) Correspondence of Jeremias van Rensselaer, 1651-1674 (van Laer) (NNI) Correspondence of Maria van Rensselaer, 1669-1689 (van Laer) (NNI) Cranehook on the Delaware (Eekman) (NC-Chap.org) Curaçao Papers Introduction (Gehring) (NNI) Delware Finns (Vuorinen) Documentary History of Het (the) Nederdeutsche Gemeente: Dutch Congregation of Oyster Bay, Queens County… Vols.
    [Show full text]
  • Dutch Women in New Netherland and New York in the Seventeenth Century
    Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2001 Dutch women in New Netherland and New York in the seventeenth century Michael Eugene Gherke West Virginia University Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Gherke, Michael Eugene, "Dutch women in New Netherland and New York in the seventeenth century" (2001). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 1430. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/1430 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Dutch Women in New Netherland and New York in the Seventeenth Century Michael E. Gherke Dissertation submitted to the College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Mary Lou Lustig, Ph.D., chair Jack Hammersmith, Ph.D. Matthew Vester, Ph.D. Caroline Litzenberger, Ph.D. Martha Shattuck, Ph.D. Department of History Morgantown, West Virginia 2001 copyright © Gherke, Michael E.
    [Show full text]
  • The Gazette Series
    28 o b lige d to satisfy the Indians for the land they u o n shall settle p , and they may extend or enlarge the limits of their C olonies if they settle a pro p o rtio nate number of C olonists thereon . XXVII . The Patroons and Colonists shall in r particula , and in the speediest manner , endea vor to find out ways and means whereby they M may support a inister and Schoolmaster , that thus the service of God and zeal for religion may not grow cool , and b e neglected among them and that they shall , for the first, procure th e . a Comforter of sick , there XXVIII . The C olonies that shall happen to lie on the respective rivers or islands ( that is to say, each river or island for itself ) shall be at i n liberty to appoint a Deputy , who shall give formation to the Commander and C ouncil of that W estern quarter , of all things relating to u his Colonie , and f rther matters relating thereto , of which Deputies there shall be one altered , or changed , in every two years and all l Colonies shal be obliged , at least once in every twelve months , to make exact report of their con dition and of the lands thereabout , to the Com n mander and Council there , in order to be tra s mitte d hither . XXIX . The Colonists shall not be permitted c to make any woolen , linen , or cotton loth , nor ff weave any other stu s there , on pain of being banished , and as perjurers , to be arbitrarily punished .
    [Show full text]