Indonesian Elections
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more
Recommended publications
-
Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, -
Islamic Political Parties and Democracy: a Comparative Study of Pks in Indonesia and Pas in Malaysia (1998-2005)
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarBank@NUS ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES AND DEMOCRACY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF PKS IN INDONESIA AND PAS IN MALAYSIA (1998-2005) AHMAD ALI NURDIN S.Ag, (UIN), GradDipIslamicStud, MA (Hons) (UNE), MA (NUS) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES PROGRAM NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2009 Acknowledgements This work is the product of years of questioning, excitement, frustration, and above all enthusiasm. Thanks are due to the many people I have had the good fortune to interact with both professionally and in my personal life. While the responsibility for the views expressed in this work rests solely with me, I owe a great debt of gratitude to many people and institutions. First, I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Priyambudi Sulistiyanto, who was my principal supervisor before he transferred to Flinders University in Australia. He has inspired my research on Islamic political parties in Southeast Asia since the beginning of my studies at NUS. After he left Singapore he patiently continued to give me advice and to guide me in finishing my thesis. Thanks go to him for his insightful comments and frequent words of encouragement. After the departure of Dr. Priyambudi, Prof. Reynaldo C. Ileto, who was a member of my thesis committee from the start of my doctoral studies in NUS, kindly agreed to take over the task of supervision. He has been instrumental in the development of my academic career because of his intellectual stimulation and advice throughout. -
Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
Downloaded from Brill.Com09/26/2021 05:50:49AM Via Free Access 96 Marcus Mietzner
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Vol. 165, no. 1 (2009), pp. 95–126 URL: http://www.kitlv-journals.nl/index.php/btlv URN:NBN:NL:UI:10-1-100094 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 0006-2294 MARCUS MIETZNER Political opinion polling in post-authoritarian Indonesia Catalyst or obstacle to democratic consolidation? The introduction of democratic elections in Indonesia after the downfall of Soeharto’s authoritarian New Order regime in 1998 has triggered intensive scholarly debate about the competitiveness, credibility, and representative- ness of these elections. Understandably, discussion has focused mainly on the primary actors in the elections – parties, individual candidates, and voters. In particular, authors have analysed the linkage between leadership, polit- ico-religious cleavages, and voting patterns (Liddle and Mujani 2007), or the extent to which voters are influenced by financial incentives when casting their ballots (Hadiz 2008b). But this concentration on voting behaviour and electoral outcomes has shifted attention away from another development that is at least as significant in shaping Indonesia’s new democracy: the remark- able proliferation of opinion pollsters and political consultants. Ten years after the resignation of long-time autocrat Soeharto, a whole army of advis- ers informs the political elite about the electorate’s expectations, hopes, and demands. Indeed, public opinion polling has acquired such importance that no candidate running for public office can afford to ignore it, and voters have consistently punished those who thought they could. The central role of opinion polls in post-Soeharto politics – and the diver- sity of views expressed in them – have challenged much of the conventional wisdom about the Indonesian electorate. -
Vice President's Power and Role in Indonesian Government Post Amendment 1945 Constitution
Al WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Volume 1 No. 2 Oktober 2020: 61-78 VICE PRESIDENT'S POWER AND ROLE IN INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POST AMENDMENT 1945 CONSTITUTION Roziqin Guanghua Law School, Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Abstract Politicians are fighting over the position of Vice President. However, after becoming Vice President, they could not be active. The Vice President's role is only as a spare tire. Usually, he would only perform ceremonial acts. The exception was different when the Vice President was Mohammad Hata and Muhammad Jusuf Kalla. Therefore, this paper will question: What is the position of the President in the constitutional system? What is the position of the Vice President of Indonesia after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution? Furthermore, how is the role sharing between the President and Vice President of Indonesia? This research uses the library research method, using secondary data. This study uses qualitative data analysis methods in a prescriptive-analytical form. From the research, the writer found that the President is assisted by the Vice President and ministers in carrying out his duties. The President and the Vice President work in a team of a presidential institution. From time to time, the Indonesian Vice President's position has always been the same to assist the President. The Vice President will replace the President if the President is permanently unavailable or temporarily absent. With the Vice President's position who is directly elected by the people in a pair with the President, he/she is a partner, not subordinate to the President. -
A US-Indonesia Partnership for 2020: Recommendations for Forging
A U.S.–Indonesia Partnership for 2020 Recommendations for Forging a 21st Century Relationship AUTHORS A Report of the CSIS Sumitro Murray Hiebert Chair for Southeast Asia Studies Ted Osius SEPTEMBER 2013 Gregory B. Poling A U.S.- Indonesia Partnership for 2020 Recommendations for Forging a 21st Century Relationship AUTHORS Murray Hiebert Ted Osius Gregory B. Poling A Report of the CSIS Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies September 2013 ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK About CSIS— 50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars are developing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofi t orga ni zation headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affi liated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to fi nding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since 1999. Former deputy secretary of defense John J. -
China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States
Order Code RL32688 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Updated April 4, 2006 Bruce Vaughn (Coordinator) Analyst in Southeast and South Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Wayne M. Morrison Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Summary Southeast Asia has been considered by some to be a region of relatively low priority in U.S. foreign and security policy. The war against terror has changed that and brought renewed U.S. attention to Southeast Asia, especially to countries afflicted by Islamic radicalism. To some, this renewed focus, driven by the war against terror, has come at the expense of attention to other key regional issues such as China’s rapidly expanding engagement with the region. Some fear that rising Chinese influence in Southeast Asia has come at the expense of U.S. ties with the region, while others view Beijing’s increasing regional influence as largely a natural consequence of China’s economic dynamism. China’s developing relationship with Southeast Asia is undergoing a significant shift. This will likely have implications for United States’ interests in the region. While the United States has been focused on Iraq and Afghanistan, China has been evolving its external engagement with its neighbors, particularly in Southeast Asia. In the 1990s, China was perceived as a threat to its Southeast Asian neighbors in part due to its conflicting territorial claims over the South China Sea and past support of communist insurgency. -
At Pesantren[S] in Political Dynamics of Nationality (An Analysis of Kyai's Role and Function in Modern Education System)
PROCEEDING | ICEISR 2018 3rd International Conference on Education, Islamic Studies and Social Sciences Research DOI: https://doi.org/10.32698/24229 Padang, July 21th - 23th 2018 Repositioning Kiyai at Pesantren[s] in Political Dynamics of Nationality (An Analysis of Kyai's Role and Function in Modern Education System) Qolbi Khoiri IAIN Bengkulu, Bengkulu, Indonesia, (e-mail) [email protected] Abstract This paper aims to reveal and explain the dynamics of kiyai pesantren[s] in relation to national politics and to review the repositioning role of kiyai in the dynamics of national politics. Despite much analysis of the role of this kiyai, the fact that the tidal position of kiyai in pesantren[s] is increasingly seen its inconsistency. This can be evidenced by the involvement of kiyai practically in politics, thus affecting the existence of pesantren[s]. The results of the author's analysis illustrate that kiyai at this time must be returning to its central role as the main figure, it is important to be done, so that the existence of pesantren[s] in the era can be maintained and focus on reformulation of moral fortress and morality. The reformulation that authors offer is through internalization and adaptation of modern civilization and focus on improvements in educational institutions, both in the economic, socio-cultural, and technological. Keywords: Kyai in Pesantren, Political Dynamics This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons 4.0 Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. ©2018 by author and Faculty of education, Universitas Negeri Padang. -
INDONESIA Paying the Price for “Stability”
INDONESIA Paying the price for “stability” Introduction Indonesia is experiencing its most serious political and economic crisis since the current government came to power in 1966. The approach of presidential elections in early March, in which President Suharto is seeking his seventh consecutive term and in which his vice-presidential candidate appears set to be the current Minister for Research and Technology - a close ally of the President - is fuelling concerns about the future political leadership of the country. Political tensions have been intensified by a severe economic crisis which has resulted in a dramatic fall in the value of the Indonesian currency - the rupiah - and a crippling drought in many areas of the country. As Indonesia comes under pressure to implement austerity measures imposed by the International Monetary Fund, the public outcry over rising prices is being accompanied by increasingly vocal demands for political change. Riots and demonstrations have become an almost daily occurrence and are likely to intensify in the run-up to the March parliamentary session at which the nation’s president and vice-president will be chosen. During times of national crisis such as that being faced by Indonesia now, extra care is needed to ensure that human rights are protected. Contrary to exercising additional care, the Indonesian authorities are adopting a hardline policy in an attempt to silence critics. At a time when the airing of opinions might help to ease the level of tension, the authorities are imposing gross restrictions on its citizens’ rights to freedom of association and expression. In the past two weeks alone around 250 peaceful political activists have been arrested. -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
Digital Repository Universitas Jember Digital Repository Universitas Jember 106
DigitalDigital RepositoryRepository UniversitasUniversitas JemberJember SKRIPSI PERAN AKBAR TANDJUNG DALAM MENYELAMATKAN PARTAI GOLKAR PADA MASA KRISIS POLITIK PADA TAHUN 1998-1999 Oleh Mega Ayu Lestari NIM 090110301022 JURUSAN ILMU SEJARAH FAKULTAS SASTRA UNIVERSITAS JEMBER 2016 DigitalDigital RepositoryRepository UniversitasUniversitas JemberJember PERAN AKBAR TANDJUNG DALAM MENYELAMATKAN PARTAI GOLKAR PADA MASA KRISIS POLITIK PADA TAHUN 1998-1999 SKRIPSI Skripsi diajukan guna melengkapi tugas akhir dan memenuhi salah satu syarat untuk menyelesaikan studi pada Jurusan Sejarah (S1) dan mencapai gelar sarjana sastra Oleh Mega Ayu Lestari NIM 090110301022 JURUSAN ILMU SEJARAH FAKULTAS SASTRA UNIVERSITAS JEMBER 2016 DigitalDigital RepositoryRepository UniversitasUniversitas JemberJember PERNYATAAN Saya yang bertanda tangan dibawah ini : Nama : Mega Ayu Lestari NIM : 090110301022 Menyatakan dengan sesungguhnya bahwa karya ilmiah yang berjudul:Peran Akbar Tandjung Dalam Menyelamatkan Partai Golkar Pada Masa Krisis Politik Pada Tahun 1998-1999”adalah benar-benar hasil karya ilmiah sendiri, kecuali jika dalam pengutipan substansi disebutkan sumbernya, dan belum pernah diajukan pada institusi manapun, serta bukan karya jiplakan. Saya bertanggung jawab atas keabsahan dan kebenaran isinya sesuai dengan sikap ilmiah yang harus dijunjung tinggi. Demikian pernyataan ini saya buat dengan sebenarnya, tanpa adanya tekanan dan paksaan dari pihak manapun serta bersedia mendapat sanksi akademik jika ternyata dikemudian hari pernyataan ini tidak benar. Jember,14Maret -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Indonesia: 2019 Concurrent Presidential And
Elections in Indonesia 2019 Concurrent Presidential and Legislative Elections Frequently Asked Questions Asia-Pacific International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org April 9, 2019 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for? ......................................................................................................................... 1 What is the legal framework for the 2019 elections? .................................................................................. 1 How are the legislative bodies structured? .................................................................................................. 2 Who are the presidential candidates? .......................................................................................................... 3 Which political parties are competing? ........................................................................................................ 4 Who can vote in this election?...................................................................................................................... 5 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 6 Are there reserved seats for women? What is the gender balance within the candidate list? ..................