To Obey Or Not to Obey? Mencius' Discourse on the Political Duties Of
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Carroll 2018 [Dao]
1 This is a post-peer-review, pre-copyedit version of an article published in Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy, December 2018, 17/4, 527–545. The final authenticated version is available online at: https://doi.org/ 10.1007/s11712-018-9627-5. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Springer Terms and Conditions for Self-Archiving. “Wittgenstein and the Xunzi on the Clarification of Language”1 Thomas D. Carroll Senior Lecturer, General Education The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen 2001 Longxiang Avenue, Longgang District Shenzhen, China 518172 Email: [email protected] ORCID: 0000-0003-2890-9323 Abstract: Broadly speaking, language is part of a social activity in both Wittgenstein and Xunzi 荀⼦, and for both clarification of language is central to their philosophical projects; the goal of this article is to explore the extent of resonance and discord that may be found when comparing these two philosophers. While for Xunzi, the rectification of names (zhengming 正名) is anchored in a regard for establishing, propagating, and/or restoring a harmonious social system, perspicuity is for Wittgenstein represented as a philosophical end in itself. The article ventures study in particular the themes of perspicuity and aspect-perception in Wittgenstein together with the topics of correcting names and the cultivation of the heart-mind (xin ⼼) in the Xunzi. The 1 A previous version of this article was read at the 2015 meeting of the International Society for Chinese Philosophy in Hong Kong. I am thankful to attendees for questions that have helped improve my thinking with respect to these philosophical traditions. -
A New Examination of Confucius' Rectification of Names
Journal of chinese humanities � (���6) �47-�7� brill.com/joch A New Examination of Confucius’ Rectification of Names Cao Feng (曹峰) Professor of Philosophy, Renmin University, China [email protected] Translated by Brook Hefright Abstract Confucius’ explanation of the “rectification of names” is not necessarily related to the theories of “social status” and “names and actuality.” The reason scholars have inter- preted the rectification of names in the Analects in so many different ways is, to a large degree, due to assumptions about Confucius’ thinking by his successors, and based on the views on rectification of names among later generations. In the course of the devel- opment of thinking about names, scholars have augmented Confucius’ own explana- tion, gradually fleshing it out from an empty shell into a substantial edifice. The original meaning may have been very simple: Confucius did not wish to establish a standard system of names. Rather, he was simply the first person in history to realize the impor- tance of language in politics. As a politician, Confucius noticed and foresaw the influ- ence that the indeterminacy, ambiguity, and arbitrariness of names could have on politics. He discerned the political consequences when language could not accurately express meaning or when there was no way for people to accurately perceive it. He also recognized how names, as a way of clarifying right and wrong and establishing norms, could have a great effect on a society’s politics. Although Confucius noted that disunity in speech could lead to disunity in politics, he did not propose a solution. -
Xin : Being Trustworthy
This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Xin : being trustworthy Sung, Winnie 2020 Sung, W. (2020). Xin : being trustworthy. International Philosophical Quarterly, 60(3), 271‑286. doi:10.5840/ipq2020715151 https://hdl.handle.net/10356/144891 https://doi.org/10.5840/ipq2020715151 © 2020 Foundation for International Philosophical Exchange. All rights reserved. This paper was published in International Philosophical Quarterly and is made available with permission of Foundation for International Philosophical Exchange. Downloaded on 26 Sep 2021 06:06:43 SGT Xin: Being Trustworthy Abstract This essay analyses the Confucian conception of xin 信, an attribute that broadly resembles what we would ordinarily call trustworthiness. More specifically, it focuses on providing an analysis of the psychology of someone who is xin and highlighting a feature of the Confucian conception of trustworthiness, namely, the trustworthy has to ensure that there is a match between her self-presentation and the way she is. My goal is not to argue against any of the existing accounts of trustworthiness, but to draw on Confucian insights to shed light on features of trustworthiness that are overlooked in current discussions. I hope to show that the Confucian conception of trustworthiness emphasises more on how the trustworthy actively tries to make sure another’s dependency on her is not unwarranted, rather than how the trustworthy responds to the trustor. 1. Introduction So long as we are socially situated, we cannot avoid interacting with other people in some ways, even if these interactions are not the deep and meaningful kind. -
Mohist Theoretic System: the Rivalry Theory of Confucianism and Interconnections with the Universal Values and Global Sustainability
Cultural and Religious Studies, March 2020, Vol. 8, No. 3, 178-186 doi: 10.17265/2328-2177/2020.03.006 D DAVID PUBLISHING Mohist Theoretic System: The Rivalry Theory of Confucianism and Interconnections With the Universal Values and Global Sustainability SONG Jinzhou East China Normal University, Shanghai, China Mohism was established in the Warring State period for two centuries and half. It is the third biggest schools following Confucianism and Daoism. Mozi (468 B.C.-376 B.C.) was the first major intellectual rivalry to Confucianism and he was taken as the second biggest philosophy in his times. However, Mohism is seldom studied during more than 2,000 years from Han dynasty to the middle Qing dynasty due to his opposition claims to the dominant Confucian ideology. In this article, the author tries to illustrate the three potential functions of Mohism: First, the critical/revision function of dominant Confucianism ethics which has DNA functions of Chinese culture even in current China; second, the interconnections with the universal values of the world; third, the biological constructive function for global sustainability. Mohist had the fame of one of two well-known philosophers of his times, Confucian and Mohist. His ideas had a decisive influence upon the early Chinese thinkers while his visions of meritocracy and the public good helps shape the political philosophies and policy decisions till Qin and Han (202 B.C.-220 C.E.) dynasties. Sun Yet-sen (1902) adopted Mohist concepts “to take the world as one community” (tian xia wei gong) as the rationale of his democratic theory and he highly appraised Mohist concepts of equity and “impartial love” (jian ai). -
The Analects of Confucius
The analecTs of confucius An Online Teaching Translation 2015 (Version 2.21) R. Eno © 2003, 2012, 2015 Robert Eno This online translation is made freely available for use in not for profit educational settings and for personal use. For other purposes, apart from fair use, copyright is not waived. Open access to this translation is provided, without charge, at http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23420 Also available as open access translations of the Four Books Mencius: An Online Teaching Translation http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23421 Mencius: Translation, Notes, and Commentary http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23423 The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean: An Online Teaching Translation http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23422 The Great Learning and The Doctrine of the Mean: Translation, Notes, and Commentary http://hdl.handle.net/2022/23424 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION i MAPS x BOOK I 1 BOOK II 5 BOOK III 9 BOOK IV 14 BOOK V 18 BOOK VI 24 BOOK VII 30 BOOK VIII 36 BOOK IX 40 BOOK X 46 BOOK XI 52 BOOK XII 59 BOOK XIII 66 BOOK XIV 73 BOOK XV 82 BOOK XVI 89 BOOK XVII 94 BOOK XVIII 100 BOOK XIX 104 BOOK XX 109 Appendix 1: Major Disciples 112 Appendix 2: Glossary 116 Appendix 3: Analysis of Book VIII 122 Appendix 4: Manuscript Evidence 131 About the title page The title page illustration reproduces a leaf from a medieval hand copy of the Analects, dated 890 CE, recovered from an archaeological dig at Dunhuang, in the Western desert regions of China. The manuscript has been determined to be a school boy’s hand copy, complete with errors, and it reproduces not only the text (which appears in large characters), but also an early commentary (small, double-column characters). -
Han Fei and the Han Feizi
Introduction: Han Fei and the Han Feizi Paul R. Goldin Han Fei 韓非 was the name of a proli fi c Chinese philosopher who (according to the scanty records available to us) was executed on trumped up charges in 233 B.C.E. Han Feizi 韓非子, meaning Master Han Fei , is the name of the book purported to contain his writings. In this volume, we distinguish rigorously between Han Fei (the man) and Han Feizi (the book) for two main reasons. First, the authenticity of the Han Feizi —or at least of parts of it—has long been doubted (the best studies remain Lundahl 1992 and Zheng Liangshu 1993 ) . This issue will be revisited below; for now, suffi ce to it to say that although the contributors to this volume accept the bulk of it as genuine, one cannot simply assume that Han Fei was the author of everything in the Han Feizi . Indeed, there is a memorial explic- itly attributed to Han Fei’s rival Li Si 李斯 (ca. 280–208 B.C.E.) in the pages of the Han Feizi ( Chen Qiyou 陳奇猷 2000 : 1.2.42–47); some scholars fear that other material in the text might also be the work of people other than Han Fei. Second, and no less importantly, even if Han Fei is responsible for the lion’s share of the extant Han Feizi , a reader must be careful not to identify the philosophy of Han Fei himself with the philosophy (or philosophies) advanced in the Han Feizi , as though these were necessarily the same thing. -
Han Feizi's Criticism of Confucianism and Its Implications for Virtue Ethics
JOURNAL OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY Journal of Moral Philosophy 5 (2008) 423–453 www.brill.nl/jmp Han Feizi’s Criticism of Confucianism and its Implications for Virtue Ethics * Eric L. Hutton Department of Philosophy, University of Utah, 215 S. Central Campus Drive, CTIHB, 4th fl oor, Salt Lake City, UT 84112, USA [email protected] Abstract Several scholars have recently proposed that Confucianism should be regarded as a form of virtue ethics. Th is view off ers new approaches to understanding not only Confucian thinkers, but also their critics within the Chinese tradition. For if Confucianism is a form of virtue ethics, we can then ask to what extent Chinese criticisms of it parallel criticisms launched against contemporary virtue ethics, and what lessons for virtue ethics in general might be gleaned from the challenges to Confucianism in particular. Th is paper undertakes such an exercise in examining Han Feizi, an early critic of Confucianism. Th e essay off ers a careful interpretation of the debate between Han Feizi and the Confucians and suggests that thinking through Han Feizi’s criticisms and the possible Confucian responses to them has a broader philosophical payoff , namely by highlighting a problem for current defenders of virtue ethics that has not been widely noticed, but deserves attention. Keywords Bernard Williams, Chinese philosophy, Confucianism, Han Feizi, Rosalind Hursthouse, virtue ethics Although Confucianism is now almost synonymous with Chinese culture, over the course of history it has also attracted many critics from among the Chinese themselves. Of these critics, one of the most interesting is Han Feizi (ca. -
Study and Uses of the I Ching in Tokugawa Japan
Study Ching Tokugawa Uses of and I Japan the in Wai-ming Ng University Singapore National of • Ching $A (Book Changes) The of 1 particular significance has been book of a history. interest and in Asian East Divination philosophy basis its and derived from it on integral of Being civilization. Chinese within parts orbit the Chinese of the cultural were sphere, Japan traditional Ching development indebted for the the 1 of of its to aspects was culture. Japan The arrived in later sixth than the and little studied text in century no was (539-1186). Japan ancient readership expanded major It literate such Zen to groups as high-ranking monks, Buddhist courtiers, and period warriors medieval in the (1186- 1603). Ching scholarship 1 during reached Tokugawa its period the (1603-1868) apex Ching when the became 1 popular of the influential and Chinese This 2 most texts. one preliminary is provide work aims which brief Ching of overview 1 to essay a a scholarship highlighting Tokugawa Japan, in popularity themes: several of the the text, major writings, schools, the scholars, of/Ching and characteristics the and scholarship. 3 Popularity Ching The of the I popularity Ching Tokugawa of the The Japan in acknowledged I has been by a t• •" :i• •b Miyazaki Japanese number scholars. of Michio Tokugawa scholar of a thought, has remarked: "There by [Tokugawa] reached Confucians consensus was a pre-Tokugawa historical of the For overview Wai-ming in Japan, Ng, Ching "The 1 in text a see Japan," Quarterly Ancient (Summer Culture 1996), 26.2 Wai-ming 73-76; Asian and Ng pp. -
Food Ethics in Ancient China: a Confucian Perspective
27 Food Ethics in Ancient China: A Confucian Perspective Chun-chieh HUANG* 1. Introduction Food ethics in ancient China was a complex of ideas that emerged from the Chinese view of life and attitude toward the elderly. They can be seen as the manifestation of the Confucian political ideal of the “kingly way,” and in particular, the related idea of “humane governance.” Food ethics in ancient China was also linked to the everyday practice of eating, especially in the context of rural life. In this paper, I will attempt to parse this thesis, focusing on Mencius’ saying that “those who are seventy can eat meat.” In his conversation with King Hui of Liang (梁惠王, r.319‒301 BCE), Mencius (孟子, 372‒289 BCE) expounded his ideal of the “kingly way” of governance. He stated:1 If the mulberry is planted in every homestead of fi ve mu of land, then those who are fi fty can wear silk; if chickens, pigs and dogs do not miss their breeding season, then those who are seventy can eat meat; if each lot of a hundred mu is not deprived of labour during the busy seasons, then families with several mouths to feed will not go hungry. Exercise due care over the education provided by the village schools, and disci- pline the people by teaching them the duties proper to sons and younger brothers, and those whose heads have turned hoary will not be carrying loads on the roads. When those who are seventy wear silk and eat meat and the masses are neither cold nor hungry, it is impossible for their prince not to be a true King. -
Written & Directed by and Starring Stephen Chow
CJ7 Written & Directed by and Starring Stephen Chow East Coast Publicity West Coast Publicity Distributor IHOP Public Relations Block Korenbrot PR Sony Pictures Classics Jeff Hill Melody Korenbrot Carmelo Pirrone Jessica Uzzan Judy Chang Leila Guenancia 853 7th Ave, 3C 110 S. Fairfax Ave, #310 550 Madison Ave New York, NY 10019 Los Angeles, CA 90036 New York, NY 10022 212-265-4373 tel 323-634-7001 tel 212-833-8833 tel 212-247-2948 fax 323-634-7030 fax 212-833-8844 fax 1 Short Synopsis: From Stephen Chow, the director and star of Kung Fu Hustle, comes CJ7, a new comedy featuring Chow’s trademark slapstick antics. Ti (Stephen Chow) is a poor father who works all day, everyday at a construction site to make sure his son Dicky Chow (Xu Jian) can attend an elite private school. Despite his father’s good intentions to give his son the opportunities he never had, Dicky, with his dirty and tattered clothes and none of the “cool” toys stands out from his schoolmates like a sore thumb. Ti can’t afford to buy Dicky any expensive toys and goes to the best place he knows to get new stuff for Dicky – the junk yard! While out “shopping” for a new toy for his son, Ti finds a mysterious orb and brings it home for Dicky to play with. To his surprise and disbelief, the orb reveals itself to Dicky as a bizarre “pet” with extraordinary powers. Armed with his “CJ7” Dicky seizes this chance to overcome his poor background and shabby clothes and impress his fellow schoolmates for the first time in his life. -
Bamcinématek Presents Stephen Chow: the King of Comedy, Oct 6—12
BAMcinématek presents Stephen Chow: The King of Comedy, Oct 6—12 “The reigning king of Hong Kong comedy.”—J. Hoberman Co-presented with the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Office in New York. The Wall Street Journal is the title sponsor for BAM Rose Cinemas and BAMcinématek. Brooklyn, NY/Sep 8, 2014—From Monday, October 6 through Sunday, October 12, BAMcinématek presents Stephen Chow: The King of Comedy, an eight-film retrospective of the Hong Kong actor, writer, and director. Chow’s audaciously anarchic comedies combine surreal sight gags, non sequiturs, extensive pop culture quoting, and gravity-defying martial arts to sublimely silly effect. Endlessly inventive, the reigning king of Hong Kong mo lei tau (―nonsense comedy‖) yields unfiltered cinematic pleasure. Initially prominent as a children’s television star, Chow became synonymous with mo lei tau, a style of film comedy in which traditional melodramas and kung fu tales are peppered with rapid- fire, fourth-wall-breaking slapstick bits and corny puns. A bigger box-office draw in his homeland than Jackie Chan or Jet Li, Chow—who cites Spielberg and Kubrick, along with Jim Carrey, as influences—has used his clout in recent years to fashion himself as an auteur, scripting, editing, and directing a series of high-budget, homage-filled blockbusters. Typical of Chow’s earliest hits, Johnnie To’s Justice, My Foot! (1992—Oct 8) casts the actor as a fast-talking lawyer whose mouth gets him into trouble, and whose kung fu-fighting wife gets him out of it—one of many tough, smart heroines Chow uses as foils for his feckless alter egos. -
The Neolithic Ofsouthern China-Origin, Development, and Dispersal
The Neolithic ofSouthern China-Origin, Development, and Dispersal ZHANG CHI AND HSIAO-CHUN HUNG INTRODUCTION SANDWICHED BETWEEN THE YELLOW RIVER and Mainland Southeast Asia, southern China1 lies centrally within eastern Asia. This geographical area can be divided into three geomorphological terrains: the middle and lower Yangtze allu vial plain, the Lingnan (southern Nanling Mountains)-Fujian region,2 and the Yungui Plateau3 (Fig. 1). During the past 30 years, abundant archaeological dis coveries have stimulated a rethinking of the role ofsouthern China in the prehis tory of China and Southeast Asia. This article aims to outline briefly the Neolithic cultural developments in the middle and lower Yangtze alluvial plain, to discuss cultural influences over adjacent regions and, most importantly, to examine the issue of southward population dispersal during this time period. First, we give an overview of some significant prehistoric discoveries in south ern China. With the discovery of Hemudu in the mid-1970s as the divide, the history of archaeology in this region can be divided into two phases. The first phase (c. 1920s-1970s) involved extensive discovery, when archaeologists un earthed Pleistocene human remains at Yuanmou, Ziyang, Liujiang, Maba, and Changyang, and Palaeolithic industries in many caves. The major Neolithic cul tures, including Daxi, Qujialing, Shijiahe, Majiabang, Songze, Liangzhu, and Beiyinyangying in the middle and lower Yangtze, and several shell midden sites in Lingnan, were also discovered in this phase. During the systematic research phase (1970s to the present), ongoing major ex cavation at many sites contributed significantly to our understanding of prehis toric southern China. Additional early human remains at Wushan, Jianshi, Yun xian, Nanjing, and Hexian were recovered together with Palaeolithic assemblages from Yuanmou, the Baise basin, Jianshi Longgu cave, Hanzhong, the Li and Yuan valleys, Dadong and Jigongshan.