Managing the collision between two worlds First Law of Aotearoa 1200-1840 . Kupe’s laws . Adapted to new conditions . A system of values and principles for the organisation and administration of kin communities . Whanaungatanga – centrality of kinship and careful attention to relationships . Mana – principles of leadership and individual dignity . Tapu – behavioural control and sacred/ profane divide . Utu – reciprocity obligation . Kaitiakitanga – obligation to care for one’s own Flexible and consensus based within a system that naturally defers to mana and collective will Second Law of New Zealand 1840-1985 . Central authority with unrelated officials dispensing its law . Individual dignity and autonomy of subjects/ citizens . Economic and some social relationships among people defined by contract . Relationships with the environment, moveables and (eventually) intangibles defined through concept of property First and Second Laws collide . Treaty is a legal nullity – Māori rights are statutory only; otherwise Crown ‘of necessity is to be the sole arbiter of its own justice’ . Native title not justiciable except through statute – recognition conditional on detribalisation of title . Recognition of tikanga is temporary expedient on a linear path to extinction and assimilation – NLC applies custom to extinguish it; quasi custom RM courts eventually abolished; autonomous native districts under s 71 Constitution Act never implemented Whanaungatanga . Whanaungatanga rendered redundant as determinant of rights . Property rights take over . Whanaungatanga removed as a driver of wealth . Wage labour takes over . Whanaungatanga removed as a mechanism of social control . Police and the courts take over Third Law of Aotearoa-New Zealand 1985-present New legal culture in which tikanga mainstreamed . Reinvention of Treaty as creature of law and Treaty settlement process created – Waitangi Tribunal . Rediscovery of native title as creature of common law – fisheries , foreshore, rivers and water . Reinvention of MLC as a tikanga-perpetuating court in Māori land management – Ture Whenua Maori Act . Tikanga law put back into environmental management – Resource Management Act . Whanaungatanga returned to Family Law – CYPFA; CoCA Tikanga law becomes progressively more relevant in mainstream law as the NZ 3rd law model . Criminal justice – sentencing . Mental health – assessment and treatment . Intellectual property – trademarks and patents . Protected objects and cultural treasures . Historic places . Conservation – access and use of conservation estate – flora and fauna . Hazardous substances and ‘new organisms’ . Burials and cremations – Takamore and reform . Judicial review – post-settlement iwi exercising public powers Māori today . The general imprisonment rate is 200 per 100,000 . The non-Maori rate is 105 per 100,000 . The Maori rate is 620 per 100,000 . Over 50 % of the general prison population are Maori . 60 % of youth in youth justice facilities are Maori . 60 % of women in prison are Maori . 60 % of CYF removals are Maori Māori in the criminal justice system . Māori are... 3 times more likely to be arrested . 3.5 times more likely to be charged . 11 times more likely to be remanded in custody . 4 times more likely to be convicted . 6.5 times more likely to be imprisoned. There is evidence that Maori are not just more criminal, but more policed and more judged. Age, class and race are the best predictors of prison as a destination. Yet whanaungatanga still lives… . The Treaty settlement process in New Zealand has been cheap. Even settled tribes lack the resources to remedy these problems yet they are expected to . But Treaty settlements have allowed the building of new whanaungatanga infrastructure . They just need partnership funding to unleash their own transformative potential . Whanaungatanga based solutions are now credible . Not everywhere, but in many of the places where answers are most needed . Whanaungatanga must be a central component in any solution because its removal was the central component in the creation of the problem . And this must be done through properly constructed partnership models.
DEPA IN CONFIDENCE Digital Economy Partnership Agreement (DEPA) Non-Paper from New Zealand: The Treaty of Waitangi August 2019 Text for DEPA: Treaty of Waitangi 1. Provided that such measures are not used as a means of arbitrary or unjustified discrimination against persons of the other Parties or as a disguised restriction on trade in goods, trade in services and investment, nothing in this Agreement shall preclude the adoption by New Zealand of measures it deems necessary to accord more favourable treatment to Maori in respect of matters covered by this Agreement, including in fulfilment of its obligations under the Treaty of Waitangi. 2. The Parties agree that the interpretation of the Treaty of Waitangi, including as to the nature of the rights and obligations arising under it, shall not be subject to the dispute settlement provisions of this Agreement. [Cross reference TBC] shall otherwise apply to this Article. A panel established under [Cross reference TBC] may be requested to determine only whether any measure referred to in paragraph 1 is inconsistent with a Party’s rights under this Agreement. Note that the text used for DEPA is the same as text in the P4, CPTPP and Singapore- New Zealand FTA but would be updated if no dispute settlement provisions. Summary The Treaty of Waitangi (the Treaty) is a founding document of New Zealand of the greatest constitutional importance. The Treaty provides a framework for the ongoing relationship of partnership between the Crown (represented by the Government of New Zealand) and Māori, the indigenous people of New Zealand. As part of the principle of partnership between the two signatories of the Treaty, it is important that recognition be given to the special place of the Treaty in New Zealand.
Re-Creating Legal Space for the First Law of Aotearoa-New Zealand
RE-CREATING LEGAL SPACE FOR THE FIRST LAW OF AOTEAROA-NEW ZEALAND BY DR ROBERT JOSEPH* The British Government seems to colonize in a very empirical way: there is no investigation of the laws, usages, and customs of the natives - no attempt made to suit any laws to their particular conditions: how they can expect to succeed is to me marvelous. — Octavius Hadfield, 1847.1 I. INTRODUCTION Prior to signing the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840, law and order operated within the legal system of Aotearoa through tikanga Mäori with Mäori world views, values and customary laws and institu- tions prevailing. In this respect, Mäori customary law or tikanga Mäori is correctly referred to as the ‘first law’ of Aotearoa-New Zealand.2 Following the Treaty, the legal system continued to ac- knowledge and accommodate for Mäori customary laws and institutions in quite significant ways. Early statutory and case law examples acknowledged Mäori customary laws and institutions in pragmatic ways so that there appears to have been some genuine attempts to reconcile two differ- ent world views and laws within the same geo-political space. This article will discuss some of the historic and contemporary statutory and case law exam- ples of a hybrid Mäori-British common law legal system in Aotearoa-New Zealand that signifi- cantly acknowledges the first law – tikanga Mäori customary law.3 The article teases out how the current legal system is encouraging the integration and reconciliation of Mäori customary and English common law highlighting some of the significant challenges of this hybrid polyphylet- ic jurisprudence.
Climate Change in New Zealand: Constitutional Limitations on Potential Government Liability
Climate Change in New Zealand: Constitutional Limitations on Potential Government Liability Charles Owen October 2016 A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of Bachelor of Laws (Honours) at the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand. ii Acknowledgments To my supervisor, Nicola Wheen, for her patience and enthusiasm, To the Dean, Professor Mark Henaghan, for sparking my curiosity in the law, And to Mum, Dad, Euan and Olivia for supporting me in every way imaginable. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS: Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 1 Chapter One: A World First – Successful Climate Change Litigation Against the State: Urgenda v Netherlands ............................................................................................................. 3 1.1 Urgenda’s claims ........................................................................................................... 3 1.2 Climate change............................................................................................................... 3 1.3 International legal context.............................................................................................. 4 1.4 National legal context .................................................................................................... 5 1.5 The duty of care ............................................................................................................. 6 1.6 The separation of powers
The Recognition of Tikanga in the Common Law of New Zealand
THE RECOGNITION OF TIKANGA IN THE COMMON LAW OF NEW ZEALAND Natalie Coates1 E tuku mihi ana ki a koe e te whaea Nin. E te rangatira aumangea, ko koe he kaiarataki wahine i roto i te ao ture. Kei te noho mokemoke tonu tātou te hunga mātauranga. E moe, e oki, e kore mātou e warewaretia i a koe i tō ake mahi mō tātou te iwi Māori. We thank the editors of the NZ Law Review for allowing the republication of this article, originally published in [2015] NZ Law Review 1. I. Introduction Mr James Takamore passed away in August 2007.2 Mr Takamore, of Māori descent and a member of the Tūhoe tribe, had resided in Christchurch, where he had lived with his non-Māori partner Denise Clark and their two children for twenty years. Ms Clark was the executrix of his will and contrary to her wishes, Mr Takamore’s body was taken from Christchurch by his sister and other members of his family and buried at Kutarere marae (in the North Island) beside other whānau (family) members. This polarising and emotionally contentious set of facts highlights a clash of legal orders. On one hand, Ms Clark claimed rights under the common law, as executrix, to decide where the body should be buried. On the other hand, Mr Takamore’s Māori family asserted that they had a right to the body by virtue of tikanga Māori (or Māori customary law), which also has status under the common law. This factual scenario goes to the heart of an issue that the New Zealand legal system has been struggling with for over 150 years: the role and interaction between tikanga and the New Zealand state legal system.
STATE RESPONSIBILITY FOR CHILDREN IN CARE ALLAN COOKE A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy At the University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand 17 December 2013 1 DECLARATION CONCERNING THESIS PRESENTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY I, ……………………………………………………….. (full name) of ………………………………………………………………... (address) ………………………………………………………………… solemnly and sincerely declare, in relation to the thesis entitled: STATE RESPONSIBILITY FOR CHILDREN IN CARE (a) That work was done by me personally; and (b) The material has not previously been accepted in whole, or part, for any other degree or diploma. Signature ……………………………………………. Date: 2 ABSTRACT Children and young persons who have been removed from their families and who will not be returned to their families of birth following intervention by the State are amongst the most damaged and vulnerable children in society. They often present with a myriad of physical and especially psychological and emotional problems that originate from their biological history, in the reasons that led them to be taken into care, and, regrettably, also from their experiences while being parented when in the care of the State. This thesis explores the parameters of the ‘responsibility’ that the Chief Executive of the Ministry of Social Development assumes on behalf of the State in relation to those children who have been taken into its care and who will not be returned to their parents. What is meant by both ‘state,’ and ‘responsibility’ and what constitutes ‘permanency’ in this specific context, is explored. The history of state involvement in children’s lives is outlined, together with discrete themes that run through that history, including the development of the parens patriae and wardship jurisdictions from the 15th century to the present day.
Constitutional Nonsense? the ‘Unenforceable’ Fiscal Responsibility Act 1994, the Financial Management Reform, and New Zealand’S Developing Constitution
CONSTITUTIONAL NONSENSE? THE ‘UNENFORCEABLE’ FISCAL RESPONSIBILITY ACT 994, THE FINANCIAL MANAGEMENT REFORM, AND NEW ZEALAND’S DEVELOPING CONSTITUTION CHYE-CHING HUANG* ‘Once again, in promoting this legislation New Zealand leads the world. This is pioneering legislation. It is distinctly New Zealand – style.’ (22 June 1994) 541 NZPD 2010 (Ruth Richardson) ‘[It] is constitutional nonsense. The notion that this Parliament will somehow bind future Governments on fiscal policy…is constitutional stupidity.’ (26 May 1994) 540 NZPD 1143 (Michael Cullen) The Fiscal Responsibility Act 1994 (the ‘FRA’) was part of New Zealand’s Financial Manage- ment Reform, a reform said to have introduced new values – efficiency, economy, effectiveness and choice – into the law.1 The FRA is peculiar because the courts may not be able to enforce it. Despite this, the authors of the FRA expected it to impact profoundly on the thinking and behav- iour of the executive, Parliament, and the electorate.2 The debate about how the FRA has affected the executive, Parliament, and the electorate con- tinues.3 Yet no one has analyzed thoroughly how the FRA has affected – or might affect – judicial reasoning.4 This article attempts that analysis, and concludes that the FRA may have profound legal and even constitutional effects, despite being ‘unenforceable’. The finding that the FRA may have legal and constitutional effects could be useful for two reasons. First, the FRA’s constitutional effects suggest that judicial reform of the constitution may tend to privilege the neo-liberal values that the Financial Management Reform wrote into law. Parliamentary sovereignty could be said to encourage a free and contestable market place of ideas, but this supposed strength may be paradoxically used to legally entrench values.
MAORI CULTURAL RIGHTS IN AOTEAROA NEW ZEALAND: PROTECTING THE COSMOLOGY THAT PROTECTS THE ENVIRONMENT ∗ CATHERINE J. IORNS MAGALLANES Kei raro i nga tarutaru, ko nga tuhinga a nga tupuna Beneath the herbs and plants, are the writings of the ancestors.1 I. INTRODUCTION Indigenous views of their relationship with the natural world differ from those of the states within which they live. Such different views stem from different cosmologies and religions that define the appropriate place of humankind within nature. They give rise to different understandings of human rights and responsibilities in relation to the natural world and what people can and cannot do with it. This difference goes to the heart of disputes between indigenous peoples and settler states over the use and occupation of land and natural resources. The forcible and growing dominance in most states of a Western, liberal construction of nature has led to the near exclusion of indigenous cosmologies and peoples from mainstream law and policy, which has enabled the destruction of much of indigenous societies as well as of the natural environment worldwide. The field of indigenous rights has been developed over the last century to address the situations faced by indigenous peoples worldwide, with particular * Senior Lecturer in law, Victoria University of Wellington, BA, LLB(Hons) Well, LLM Yale. 1 WAITANGI TRIBUNAL, KO AOTEAROA TĒNEI: A REPORT INTO CLAIMS CONCERNING NEW ZEALAND LAW AND POLICY AFFECTING MĀORI CULTURE AND IDENTITY, TE TAUMATA TUARUA, WAI 262, at 237 (2011), available at www.waitangitribunal.govt.nz. The paragraph in which it appears further elaborates on its meaning: The environment, therefore, cannot be viewed in isolation.
Law Reform & the Law Commission in New Zealand After 20 Years – We
LAW REFORM AND THE LAW COMMISSION IN NEW ZEALAND AFTER 20 YEARS – WE NEED TO TRY A LITTLE HARDER Rt Hon Sir Geoffrey Palmer * President of the Law Commission This paper is based an address to the New Zealand Centre for Public Law, Victoria University of Wellington on Thursday, 30 March 2006, as part of its Public Officer Holder Lecture Series. I INTRODUCTION It is a great pleasure for me to address the New Zealand Centre for Public Law at the Victoria University of Wellington, my alma mater. Public law is a subject that has long been dear to my heart.1 When in London recently, I had dinner with Sir Paul Walker, the first Director of the Centre for Public Law at this University. He is now a High Court judge in England. Everywhere law reform agencies face serious challenges. The primary one comes down to getting the work implemented. As Justice Kirby of the High Court of Australia recently put it, there is a "failure, anywhere, to establish a satisfactory link between the institutional law reform body and the lawmakers with the power to convert proposals for legal reform into action". 2 The problem exists in all countries where there is a Law Commission. * I am most grateful to George Tanner QC, Chief Parliamentary Counsel and Dr Warren Young, Deputy President of the Law Commission for their comments on an earlier version of this paper. 1 See Geoffrey Palmer "The New Public Law: Its Province and Function" (1992) 22 VUWLR 1. 2 Hon Michael Kirby "Law Reform and Human Rights – Scarman's Great Legacy" (Lecture to the Law Commission of England and Wales, London, 20 February 2006) 43.