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Cultural Cleansing in Iran the Bahá’Í Question Cultural Cleansing in Iran THE BAHÁ’í QUESTION Cultural Cleansing in Iran THE BAHÁ’í QUESTION Cultural Cleansing in Iran BAHá’Í INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY September THE BAHÁ’í QUESTION Cultural Cleansing in Iran For updates, visit the Bahá’í World News Service at: http://news.bahai.org Copyright 2008 Bahá’í International Community Bahá’í International Community 866 United Nations Plaza, Suite 120 New York, NY 10017, USA http://bic.org Contents 4 Executive Summary 31 The right to due process 4 The Bahá’í Question: Cultural Cleansing 32 The right to own property in Iran 35 The right to livelihood 7 Chained to a tree and doused with 36 9 April 2007 letter restricting Bahá’í gasoline businesses 8 The Bahá’í Faith: A global community 37 The right to housing 37 The right to education 10 Chapter 1 38 The Bahá’í Institute for Higher The Current Situation Education 11 Text of the 29 October 2005 letter to police and other agencies in Iran 40 Chapter 3 13 The arrests of Bahá’í leaders Why Does the Islamic Republic of 14 Jailed for trying to help children Iran Persecute Bahá’ís? 16 Sowing hatred in the media 41 The Bahá’í Faith in Iranian history 16 Anti-Bahá’í articles published 41 Eyewitness to early persecution in Kayhan, 2001-2007 43 The 1979 revolution 17 An upsurge in violence 44 “To cut off the head...” 18 While the government seeks to inspire 46 Hanged for teaching “Sunday school” hatred, the people often offer their 48 Explaining the animosity against Bahá’ís support 51 No recourse for Bahá’ís 19 One family’s recent trials 20 The targeting of schoolchildren 52 Chapter 4 20 The Bahá’í Question secret memorandum The International Response 21 Cell phones as an instrument of harassment 53 UN human rights monitors have offered an independent view 22 The 1991 secret memorandum on the Bahá’í Question 54 The Bahá’í community of Iran speaks for itself 56 How the Islamic Republic of Iran has 24 Chapter 2 justified the persecution The Bahá’í Case and Human Rights 25 Freedom of religion 58 Chapter 5 26 The right to life, liberty and security Conclusion and Summary 27 Bahá’ís killed in Iran since 1978 28 The threat of execution 60 Appendix I: Bahá’ís Killed Since 1978 29 Imprisonment and the right to liberty 64 Appendix II: The United Nations’ Response 29 Torture 74 Appendix III: Related Documents 29 Number of Iranian Bahá’ís arrested, 2004 through mid-2008 91 Appendix IV: Further Reading 31 “Cause of death will be known later…” Executive Summary THE BAHÁ’Í QUESTION: CULTURAL CLEANSING IN IRAN INCE 1979, IRANIAN Bahá’ís have faced a government-sponsored, systematic International campaign of religious persecution in their homeland. In its early stages, experts on ethnic, more than 200 Bahá’ís were killed and at least 1,000 were imprisoned, racial or religious solely because of their religious beliefs. In the early 1990s, the government shifted its focus to social, economic cleansing have and cultural restrictions aimed at blocking the development of Iran’s Bahá’í com- identifi ed a number munity.S Such measures included eff orts to deprive Bahá’ís of their livelihood, to of warning destroy their cultural heritage, and to prevent their young people from obtaining signs that often higher education. foreshadow Over the last several years, however, there has been a resurgence of more extreme widespread purges. forms of persecution directed at the 300,000-member Bahá’í community of Iran, that country’s largest religious minority. Th is upsurge has alarmed human rights monitors, who fear not only for those Bahá’ís aff ected by the government’s renewed campaign but also that such attacks portend something far worse. International experts on ethnic, racial or religious cleansing have identifi ed a number of warning signs that often foreshadow widespread purges. Th ese include the “classifi cation” of minority groups into categories of “us versus them,” eff orts to “dehumanize” them in the media and other venues, the organization of hate groups, and “preparation” for extermination — a category that starts with the “identifi cation” of individual members of the group. Ominously, a number of recent events in Iran fi t into these categories: Th e emergence of documents that clearly spell out a secret government plan to identify and monitor Bahá’ís and their activities. Th e best example of this occurred in March 2006 with the public disclosure by a United Nations offi cial of a 29 October 2005 letter from Iranian military headquarters instructing state intelligence services, police units, and the Revolutionary Guard to make a “com- prehensive and complete report of all activities” of Bahá’ís “for the purpose of identifying all individuals” of this “misguided” sect. 4 | THE BAHÁ’Í QUESTION In March and May 2008, seven Bahá’í leaders who see to the minimum needs of Iran’s 300,000-member Bahá’í community were arrested in ominous sweeps similar to episodes in the 1980s when many Bahá’í leaders were rounded up and killed. As of publication, they were being held in Tehran’s notorious Evin prison on false charges that they had “confessed” to “illegal” activities. They are, seated from left, Behrouz Tavakkoli and Saeid Rezaie, and, standing, Fariba The arrest and imprisonment of national-level Bahá’í leaders in March and May Kamalabadi, Vahid 2008 in a manner that was grimly similar to episodes in the 1980s when scores Tizfahm, Jamaloddin of Iranian Bahá’í leaders were rounded up and killed. That, along with a marked Khanjani, Afif Naeimi, upsurge in arrests and imprisonments. and Mahvash Sabet. A vigorous campaign in the state-run news media to vilify and defame Bahá’ís. Since 2005, for example, the Kayhan newspaper has run more than 200 false or misleading articles about Bahá’í teachings, history and activities — an effort that has been echoed on television and radio. The targeting of Bahá’í children for harassment and abuse by teachers and administrators at elementary and secondary schools throughout the country, with the clear aim of forcing Bahá’í children to give up their faith. During a 30-day period from mid-January to mid-February 2007, for example, some 150 incidents of insults, mistreatment, and even physical violence by school authori- ties against Bahá’í students were reported in at least 10 Iranian cities. A general upsurge in violence against Bahá’ís and their properties, often by anony mous individuals. In the summer of 2007, for example, unknown individuals bulldozed Bahá’í cemeteries in two cities (apparently as part of a coordinated effort, since virtually every Bahá’í cemetery in Iran has recently been vandalized or desecrated), sent threatening letters to 30 Bahá’í families in Najafabad, and scrawled hateful graffiti on Bahá’í homes and shops in Abadeh. Executive Summary | 5 Th e government’s long term strategy to destroy the Bahá’í community without attracting undue interna- tional attention was cruelly outlined in a secret 1991 memorandum that aimed at establishing a policy regarding “the Bahá’í question.” Drafted by the Supreme Revolutionary Cultural Council and signed by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, the document calls for a series of restrictions on the access of Bahá’ís to education and livelihood that is nothing less than a blueprint for the strangulation of the Bahá’í community. Most signifi cantly, it lays out unequivocally the government’s overall objective — to ensure that the “progress and development” of the Bahá’í community are “blocked.” The recent upsurge in state-sponsored violence against Bahá’ís and their properties, coupled with the ongoing denial of higher education to Bahá’í youth, continuing measures aimed at depriving Bahá’ís of their rightful property and livelihood, and ongoing attempts to destroy the cultural heritage of Iranian Bahá’ís, all indicate that the government’s secret plan is still very much in eff ect. Such incidents and trends, moreover, are well docu- mented not only by human rights groups but also UN investigators and others — which fl atly contradicts the On 8 September 2007, an intimidating and government’s oft-repeated contention that it has no off ensive letter was distributed to approximately campaign of persecution against the Bahá’ís. 30 Bahá’í homes in the village of Vilashahr, outside Th e fact is that the Bahá’ís of Iran remain in a pre- Najafabad. Th e letter, denouncing Bahá’ís as traitors carious state. Th ey are denied the right to practice their and agents of colonialism, threatens them with faith freely, guaranteed under international human retribution, in the absence of decisive government rights instruments such as the International Bill of action against them. At about the same time, hostile Human Rights, to which Iran is a party. Th e adminis- and insulting graffi ti was sprayed on the walls trative institutions of their faith have been dismantled of these homes. Such graffi ti included: “Unclean in accordance with a government edict. Th ey live each Bahá’ís and agents of Israel,” “Bahá’ís: enemies of day knowing that their government seeks to eradicate God,”and “Bahá’ís: traitors to their country.” their community as a viable entity in the country, and For a full-size version, see page 75, Appendix III that even slight infractions can result in the deprivation of their livelihood, imprisonment or worse. Bahá’ís recognize that there are many other oppressed groups in Iran, including academics, women’s rights activists, students, and journalists. Th e situation of Iranian Bahá’ís, however, off ers a special case, inasmuch as they are persecuted solely because of their religious belief, remain committed to nonviolence and nonpartisanship and seek only to contribute to the development of their homeland.
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