Economic Liberalization and Changes in Fundamentalism: the Case of Egypt
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Sternfeld-Dissertation-2014
Copyright by Rachel Anne Sternfeld 2014 The Dissertation Committee for Rachel Anne Sternfeld Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Political Coalitions and Media Policy: A Study of Egyptian Newspapers Committee: Jason Brownlee, Supervisor Zachary Elkins Robert Moser Daniel Brinks Esther Raizen Political Coalitions and Media Policy: A Study of Egyptian Newspapers by Rachel Anne Sternfeld, B.A.; M.S.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin August 2014 Dedication For Robert, who challenged us to contemplate difficult questions. Acknowledgements My dissertation would not be possible without the financial, intellectual and emotional support from myriad groups and individuals. The following are simply the highlights and not an exhaustive list of the thanks that are due. I am indebted to various entities at the University of Texas for providing the funding necessary for my graduate work. The Department of Government provided support for my coursework, awarded me a McDonald Fellowship that supported six months of fieldwork, and trusted me to instruct undergraduates as I wrote the dissertation. The Center for Middle Eastern Studies awarded me FLAS grants that covered two years of coursework and sent me to Damascus in the summers of 2008 and 2010. Beyond the University of Texas, the Center for Arabic Study Abroad (CASA) enabled me to spend a full calendar year in Cairo advancing my Arabic skills so I could conduct research without a translator. -
Rethinking U.S. Economic Aid to Egypt
Rethinking U.S. Economic Aid to Egypt Amy Hawthorne OCTOBER 2016 RETHINKING U.S. ECONOMIC AID TO EGYPT Amy Hawthorne OCTOBER 2016 © 2016 Project on Middle East Democracy. All rights reserved. The Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit, Washington, D.C. based 501(c)(3) organization. The views represented here do not necessarily reflect the views of POMED, its staff, or its Board members. Limited print copies are also available. Project on Middle East Democracy 1730 Rhode Island Avenue NW, Suite 617 Washington DC 20036 www.pomed.org CONTENTS I. Introduction. 2 II. Background . .4 III. The Bilateral Economic Aid Program: Understanding the Basics. 16 IV. Why Has U.S. Economic Aid Not Had A Greater Positive Impact? . 18 V. The Way Forward . 29 VI. Conclusion . 34 PROJECT ON MIDDLE EAST DEMOCRACY 1 RETHINKING U.S. ECONOMIC AID TO EGYPT I. INTRODUCTION Among the many challenges facing the next U.S. administration in the Middle East will be to forge an effective approach toward Egypt. The years following the 2011 popular uprising that overthrew longtime U.S. ally President Hosni Mubarak have witnessed significant friction with Egypt over issues ranging from democracy and human rights, to how each country defines terrorism (Egypt’s definition encompasses peaceful political activity as well as violent actions), to post-Qaddafi Libya, widening a rift between the two countries that began at least a decade ago. Unless the policies of the current Egyptian government shift, the United States can only seek to manage, not repair, this rift. The next U.S. -
What Inflamed the Iraq War?
Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism Fellowship Paper, University of Oxford What Inflamed The Iraq War? The Perspectives of American Cartoonists By Rania M.R. Saleh Hilary Term 2008 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT I would like to express my deepest appreciation to the Heikal Foundation for Arab Journalism, particularly to its founder, Mr. Mohamed Hassanein Heikal. His support and encouragement made this study come true. Also, special thanks go to Hani Shukrallah, executive director, and Nora Koloyan, for their time and patience. I would like also to give my sincere thanks to Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, particularly to its director Dr Sarmila Bose. My warm gratitude goes to Trevor Mostyn, senior advisor, for his time and for his generous help and encouragement, and to Reuter's administrators, Kate and Tori. Special acknowledgement goes to my academic supervisor, Dr. Eduardo Posada Carbo for his general guidance and helpful suggestions and to my specialist supervisor, Dr. Walter Armbrust, for his valuable advice and information. I would like also to thank Professor Avi Shlaim, for his articles on the Middle East and for his concern. Special thanks go to the staff members of the Middle East Center for hosting our (Heikal fellows) final presentation and for their fruitful feedback. My sincere appreciation and gratitude go to my mother for her continuous support, understanding and encouragement, and to all my friends, particularly, Amina Zaghloul and Amr Okasha for telling me about this fellowship program and for their support. Many thanks are to John Kelley for sharing with me information and thoughts on American newspapers with more focus on the Washington Post . -
Rethinking Islamist Politics February 11, 2014 Contents
POMEPS STUDIES 6 islam in a changing middle east Rethinking Islamist Politics February 11, 2014 Contents The Debacle of Orthodox Islamism . 7 Khalil al-Anani, Middle East Institute Understanding the Ideological Drivers Pushing Youth Toward Violence in Post-Coup Egypt . 9 Mokhtar Awad, Center for American Progress Why do Islamists Provide Social Services? . 13 Steven Brooke, University of Texas at Austin Rethinking Post-Islamism and the Study of Changes in Islamist Ideology . 16 By Michaelle Browers, Wake Forest University The Brotherhood Withdraws Into Itself . 19 Nathan J. Brown, George Washington University Were the Islamists Wrong-Footed by the Arab Spring? . 24 François Burgat, CNRS, Institut de recherches et d’études sur le monde arabe et musulman (translated by Patrick Hutchinson) Jihadism: Seven Assumptions Shaken by the Arab Spring . 28 Thomas Hegghammer, Norwegian Defence Research Establishment (FFI) The Islamist Appeal to Quranic Authority . 31 Bruce B. Lawrence, Duke University Is the Post-Islamism Thesis Still Valid? . 33 Peter Mandaville, George Mason University Did We Get the Muslim Brotherhood Wrong? . 37 Marc Lynch, George Washington University Rethinking Political Islam? Think Again . 40 Tarek Masoud, Harvard University Islamist Movements and the Political After the Arab Uprisings . 44 Roel Meijer, Radboud University Nijmegen, The Netherlands, and Ghent University, Belgium Beyond Islamist Groups . 47 Jillian Schwedler, Hunter College, City University of New York The Shifting Legitimization of Democracy and Elections: . 50 Joas Wagemakers, Radboud University Nijmegen, the Netherlands Rethinking Islamist Politics . 52 Carrie Rosefsky Wickham, Emory University Progressive Problemshift or Paradigmatic Degeneration? . 56 Stacey Philbrick Yadav, Hobart and William Smith Colleges Online Article Index Please see http://pomeps.org/2014/01/rethinking-islamist-politics-conference/ for online versions of all of the articles in this briefing . -
Fault Lines: Sinai Peninsula 20 OCT 2017 the Sinai Peninsula Is a Complicated Operational Environment (OE)
Fault Lines: Sinai Peninsula 20 OCT 2017 The Sinai Peninsula is a complicated operational environment (OE). At present, there are a number of interconnected conditions creating instability and fostering a favorable environment for the growth of Islamic extremist groups. Egypt is battling this situation with large-scale security operations, yet militant activity is not diminishing. The Egyptian government, in coordination with the Israeli government, is placing renewed interest on countering insurgent actors in the region and establishing a lasting security. Despite its best effort, Egypt has been largely unsuccessful. A variety of factors have contributed to the continued rise of the insurgents. We submit there are four key fault lines contributing to instability. These fault lines are neither mutually exclusive nor are they isolated to the Sinai. In fact, they are inexorably intertwined, in ways between Egypt, Israel, and the Sinai Peninsula. Issues related to faults create stability complications, legitimacy concerns, and disidentification problems that can be easily exploited by interested actors. It is essential to understand the conditions creating the faults, the escalation that results from them operating at the same time, and the potential effects for continued insecurity and ultimately instability in the region. FAULT LINES Egypt-Israel Relations - Enduring geopolitical tension between Egypt and Israel, and complex coordination needs between are “exploitable dissimilar and traditionally untrusting cultures, has potential for explosive effects on regional stability. sources of Political Instability - Continued political instability, generated from leadership turmoil, mounting security concerns, and insufficient efforts for economic development may lead to an exponentially dire security situation and direct and violent instability in the challenges to the government. -
Republican Egypt Interpreted: Revolution and Beyond
14 Republican Egypt interpreted: revolution and beyond ALAIN ROUSSILLON Egypt is one of a restricted group of developing countries whose politics have assumed a special significance as test cases of opposing models of development. Egypt shares with India, China, Algeria, Yugoslavia and Cuba the analytical interest of partisan and aca- demic observers for the light its experience may shed upon the competing theories of development and for the possibility that its history may reveal a unique and unanticipated model Leonard Binder, In a Moment of Enthusiasm, p.. i. Introduction Towards the end of the 1970s, as the opening up (infitah) toward the west and the liberalization of the economy were sharply criticized as "betrayal" of the 1952 revolution's goals, as return of the exploitative bourgeoisie, and as abandonment of the Palestinian cause, certain observers, Egyptian and foreign, began to lay out a new "model" for the reading of contemporary Egyptian history. This model attempted to view Egypt's various "experi- ments," before and after the revolution, from a common perspective; it also made it possible to explain the "cycles" through which Egypt has ultimately failed to "modernize" and regain the place among nations that its millenia of history allows it to demand. Muhammad 'Ali and Nasir, breaking with a past of national humiliation, both incarnated Egypt's "will to power" by basing restoration of its regional and international role on a state economy heavily reliant on industry and the construction of a national armed force: the failure of both projects was brought about by conjunction of the "perverse" consequences of their own options and methods, and by the hostility from coalitions of external interests, alarmed by the regional role to which Egypt aspired. -
CHP2.Pdf.Pdf (69.15Kb)
Chapter Two The Etatist system in Egypt, 1952-1991 Introduction To understand the historical development of the economic and political transformations caused by Egypt’s structural adjustment program at the beginning of the 1990s, it is necessary to analyze the development of the Egyptian economy from the 1950s to today. Hansen (1991: 10) divides Egypt’s economic and political transformations in the twentieth century into five periods. The first period, from 1929 to 1955, was characterized by a dependence upon private enterprise and free trade. This yielded a moderate-sized public sector. At this time, Egypt’s development strategy depended upon agricultural exports, which it supported through public investment. In terms of industry, Egypt primarily focused upon import substitution, which supported Egypt’s industry through tariffs and other trade restrictions. The second period, from 1955 to 1960, which was a period of transition, witnessed no essential changes. However, the third period, from 1960 to 1965, witnessed the rise of etatism, a peacetime economy, an increased public sector, and Egypt’s first five-year plan. Like the first period, Egypt’s economy still depended upon agriculture, export promotion and import substitution. In industry, however, import substitution began to be supplanted by a growing military-production agenda. The fourth period, from 1965 to 1973, merged etatism with a wartime economy, an enlarged public sector, and military-based economic growth. Finally, the fifth period, 17 from 1973 to1991 continued Egypt’s involvement with etatism and a large public sector, but moved back to a peacetime economy, and witnessed the development of the infitah, or partial economic liberalization. -
Egypt Is an Ally- It Must Act Like One, NFFS Nov
NAPLES FLORIDA FEDERATION STAR November 2001 "Egypt is an Ally- It Must Act Like One" By Kenneth W. Stein The war against terrorism will not end if we neutralize savage killers, their training facilities and handlers, elusively clandestine bank accounts, and regimes that support them. This is also a battle of definitions, words, and marketing; it is about the contents of malice poured out against the U.S. by Arab newspapers and other Arab media outlets. With dozens of Arab writers and commentators spewing out venom toward the U.S., we need our Arab coalition partners and those who seek our support to reduce their hateful attacks on the U.S. Credit the Jordanian government for reducing anti-American media attacks. Origins for anti-American feeling can be found more or less regularly in the Palestinian, Saudi, Syrian, Iraqi, and London Arab press. But the U.S. has a special and necessary relationship with Egypt; it is in Cairo where the first effort to tone down anti-American anger must start. No, I do not suggest telling others what to write or what to think. But from allies, more should be expected and demanded. Twenty years after President Sadat's assassination, sustaining American foreign aid to Egypt remains central to our national interest. It should not stop. However, if we do not lean on Egypt, a long-time friend and leader of public Arab opinion, no remote chances exist for anti-American feeling to subside in the Middle East. Egypt's influence on Palestinian attitudes is greater than any other Arab state. -
Horizons of the World : Imagining Coexistence in Language Through Understanding and Refiguring of Reality Ayman A
The University of San Francisco USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center Doctoral Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects 2008 Horizons of the world : imagining coexistence in language through understanding and refiguring of reality Ayman A. Moussa Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.usfca.edu/diss Part of the Education Commons Recommended Citation Moussa, Ayman A., "Horizons of the world : imagining coexistence in language through understanding and refiguring of reality" (2008). Doctoral Dissertations. 188. https://repository.usfca.edu/diss/188 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects at USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The University of San Francisco HORIZONS OF THE WORLD: IMAGINING COEXISTENCE IN LANGUAGE THROUGH UNDERSTANDING AND REFIGURING OF REALITY A Dissertation Presented to The Faculty of the School of Education Department of Leadership Studies Organization and Leadership Program In partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Education by Ayman A. Moussa San Francisco May 2008 This dissertation, written under the direction of the candidate’s dissertation committee and approved by the members of the committee, has been presented to and accepted by the Faculty of the School of Education in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Education. The content and research methodologies presented in this work represent the work of the candidate alone. -
1 Please Note Author Is the Copyright Holder Paper Is Not to Be
Please note Author is the copyright holder Paper is not to be quoted without express permission of the author Political Islam and the New Global Economy: The Political Economy of Islamist Social Movements in Egypt and Turkey Joel Beinin Department of History Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305-2024 [email protected] prepared for the conference on French and US Approaches to Understanding Islam France-Stanford Center for Interdisciplinary Studies September 12-14, 2004 © Joel Beinin 1 I. Introduction: Statement of the Argument Since September 11, 2001 much ink has been spilled analyzing “Islamic fundamentalism” or ostensibly more authoritatively, but not necessarily more precisely, “Wahhabism” and their threat to US national security and Western civilization. The armed radicals of al-Qa`ida and similar groups, while they have received the lion’s share of public attention, are only one relatively small component of a broad movement of Islamic activism that has emerged since the mid-1970s. “Islamists” or “Islamic activists” or proponents of “political Islam” – I use these terms interchangeably – are Muslims who do not necessarily accept received understandings of the Islamic tradition as the ultimate determinants of contemporary Muslim identity and practice. Rather, they self-consciously seek to refashion that tradition in response to the challenges – however defined – faced by their community and to mobilize Muslim sentiment and identity in support of their vision of a proper Islamic society.1 Even if that vision is presented as a return to an ideal past, it addresses modern political, economic, and cultural problems. The term “fundamentalism” is inadequate to describe this phenomenon because it suggests a Protestant literalist reading of the Bible which has no analog in Islam and because it implies a backward-looking rather than a modern social movement. -
This Electronic Thesis Or Dissertation Has Been Downloaded from the King’S Research Portal At
This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ Contentious politics and the making of Egyptian public spaces El-Kouedi, Mona Awarding institution: King's College London The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement. END USER LICENCE AGREEMENT Unless another licence is stated on the immediately following page this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work Under the following conditions: Attribution: You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Non Commercial: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 10. Oct. 2021 This electronic theses or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ Contentious politics and the making of Egyptian public spaces Title: Author: Mona El-Kouedi The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement. -
Political Strategies and Regime Survival in Egypt
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by The University of North Carolina at Greensboro 1 Ryan, C. R. (2001). POLITICAL STRATEGIES AND REGIME SURVIVAL IN EGYPT. Journal of Third World Studies, 18(2), 25-46. Published by the Association of Third World Studies. (ISSN: 8755-3449) Version of record available from: http://gsw.edu/~atws/volumes/vol18.htm Political Strategies and Regime Survival in Egypt by Curtis R. Ryan ABSTRACT The article explores the durability of Egypt's republican executive leadership and examines the strategies of survival employed by the three presidential regimes of the country from 1954 to 2000. The presidential regimes of Gamal 'Abd al-Nasser, Anwar al- Sadat and Husni Mubarak were compared. Strategic patterns of each president were identified under the concepts of containment, repression and external diversion. The article further shed light on the strategies of political survival which are common in other developing countries. It gave a view on the effect of these survival strategies on plans for change and development. ARTICLE Given the chronic instability that characterizes much of the Middle East and the "Third World", it is puzzling that Egypt has seen few changes of government since the 1952 overthrow of the monarchy of King Farouk. Egypt has maintained and developed essentially the same state structure since 1952, with only two changes of chief executive- and these transfers of power came about not as a result of a coup or revolution, but only upon the death of the incumbent president.1