62 Afro Thunder! Michigan Feminist Studies 63
Marquita R. Smith
Afro Thunder!: Sexual Politics & Gender Inequity in the Liberation Struggles of the Black Militant Woman
Introduction
“The position of women in SNCC is prone.”1 -Stokely Carmichael,2 1964 In the 1970s, on the heels of the civil rights movement and in the midst of a turbulent time in the radical movement of the Black Panther Party (BPP), a new film genre emerged. This genre—termed “Blaxploitation” as a combination of the words “black” and “exploitation”—featured black actors and actresses and targeted black audiences. Films of this genre were generally characterized by urban settings, which included drug use, pimps, and prostitutes. Because of the nature of the films, the genre was highly criticized for exploiting and reinforcing stereotypes about black people. The women starring in the subgenre of Blaxploitation films that focused on “strong female leads” were characterized as gun-toting, bullet-slinging, Afro-wearing women who often used sex as a weapon. Similarly, these characteristics were often attributed to many women of the Black Panther Party and other liberation movements of the era. Some prominent figures of the movements like Angela Davis were said to be the inspiration for the
1 Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee; SNCC was one of the principal organiza- tions of the American Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s. Carmichael was quoted as making this statement, jokingly according to some, at a SNCC meeting in 1964. 2 Former Leader of SNCC and the Black Panther Party; also coined the phrase “Black Power” in 1966. Michigan Feminist Studies 63
Blaxploitation female characters. While some characteristics inspired by real life translate directly into film, the Blaxploitation genre skews some crucial aspects of the experiences of black women. While the “strong female leads” of films appear to wield power over their sexuality, this was not always true for women within the liberation movements. Male members who wished to challenge or remove female members from positions of power in the Black Panther Party often used women’s sexuality—once a source of female empowerment—as a weapon against them. Brothers of the party disparaged Elaine Brown, the only woman to lead the BPP, for her intimate relationships with men within and outside of the party. The similarities between these real life revolutionaries and the “strong female leads” of the Blaxploitation films are striking: for both, their power and “badassness” is acceptable, but only within distinct limits. By using female sexuality as a weapon, male figures in the BPP and both the men behind the camera and male characters in the Blaxploitation film Coffy (1973) were able to maintain a position of dominance over these com- manding women as their power was either thwarted or, at minimum, kept in check. This paper will explore these ideas in three parts: the emergence of the Blaxploitation genre; the historical context of 1970-1975 with an emphasis on the radical movement of the Black Panther Party; and a comparative critical review of the female lead in Coffy portrayed by Pam Grier and Elaine Brown’s experience in the BPP. Through analysis, emphasis will be placed on the conditions faced by black women in positions of power. The Beginning of the Blaxploitation Genre
Although the range of films adhering to the conventions of the Blaxploitation genre spans from the late sixties to the mid-late seventies, I will concentrate on a more narrow scope. For my critique, I refer to films made between 1970 and 1975 that feature black leads with black narratives. The Blaxploitation genre reached popularity at a time when Hollywood was suffering from serious financial setbacks. Coincidently, Hollywood studios were also under intense criticism from black leaders 64 Afro Thunder! Michigan Feminist Studies 65 about the persistently degrading images of African-Americans in film. As Ed Guerrero succinctly notes, this “forced Hollywood to respond to the rising expectations of African Americans by making black-oriented features in order to solve the film industry’s political and financial problems” (70). Cotton Comes to Harlem (1970)—credited as the first Blaxploitation film—set out a framework of inner-city plot themes and stereotypical characterizations that subsequent films followed. Blaxploitation films generally feature a black hero or heroine who is socially and politically conscious, possessing the ability to “survive in and navigate the establish- ment while maintaining their blackness” (Lawrence 18). The lead charac- ters are surrounded by a black supporting cast and white people are often portrayed as villains who “feel the wrath of black justice” (Lawrence 19). Novotny Lawrence writes that the heroes and heroines are in control of their sexuality and “dictate the circumstances of their erotic encounters” (20) as a testament to their independence. This may hold true for the male leads but the sexuality of the female leads is marked by an illusion of control because of the overarching patriarchal system they must navigate. Despite various shortcomings and constant criticism, the Blaxploita- tion genre does provide a source of cultural value to the black community and American popular culture at large. During its height of popularity, the genre provided an opportunity for African-Americans to make money in the film industry. One notable cultural contribution comes in the form of soundtracks from the films, which match the plot themes or—as in the case of the soundtrack for Superfly (1972) written by soul artist Curtis Mayfield—challenged them. While Superfly glorifies the storyline of a flashy drug dealer, the message in Mayfield’s music paradoxically speaks of the dangers and consequences of drug abuse. The new genre also offered a slightly differing view of black women in the film industry at the time. As Yvonne Sims explains, “Blaxploitation movies provided alternative images of black femininity that signified empowerment and liberation for many African American women who were tired of viewing filmic images of black women as maids or seduc- tresses” (5). As Sims points out, the representations of black women in Michigan Feminist Studies 65 film were lacking, to say the least. Historically, the representation of black women in film has been as the matriarchal figure or mammy, the comical domestic servant, the tragic mulatto, or the sex object (Sims 5). Yet, with these archetypes in mind, it is easy to see how the female leads in many Blaxploitation films—despite their flashes of power—do not stray far from the consistent characterization as a sex object. Many of the Blaxploita- tion films with male leads make no attempts whatsoever to break away from the sex object archetype when characterizing black women within the plot. Lawrence glosses over this point when he mentions that films featuring black heroines “either challenge or work in direct opposition to these portrayals” (81) but then concedes that very few of the films attempted to explore the tensions and aspirations of black women or to examine the dynamics of sexual politics within the black community. In order to explore these tensions in detail, my analysis will be limited to the film Coffy featuring Pam Grier, a highly recognizable female star of the Blaxploitation genre. I chose Coffy as the vehicle to explore these tensions because it is Grier’s first starring role and one of the earliest Blaxploita- tion films with a female heroine. Aspects of the plot also lend themselves to comparison with the personal life experiences described by Elaine Brown. Historical Context of 1970-1975
By the time the Blaxploitation genre emerged in 1970, the major civil rights movement of the sixties had ended and black people frustrated with the inadequate fulfillment of equality in American society had moved towards a discourse of black liberation. The Black Panther Party (of Self- Defense) was founded in October 1966 in Oakland, California by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale. The stated purpose of the party was to establish revolutionary economic, social, and political equality across color and gender lines through the use of militant self-defense. Its members, accord- ing to the rules of the BPP,3 were to be trained on how to use firearms as a measure of protecting themselves and their community. The party was one of the first organizations in the history of the United States to use militant measures against the government in the struggle for equality 66 Afro Thunder! Michigan Feminist Studies 67
(Basgen). The party did not go unheard or unnoticed. On June 15, 1969, J. Edgar Hoover, director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, declared that the Black Panther Party “without question, represent[ed] the greatest threat to internal security of the country” and pledged that 1969 would be the last year of the its existence (Media Resource Center, University of California - Berkeley). Despite Hoover’s threat, the BPP did not cease to exist but it suf- fered many setbacks as some of its members faced legal issues and others denounced the party. The rules outlined according to party documents called for members to refrain from things like drug use, alcohol, swearing, stealing, hitting people, and “taking liberties with women” but many of these rules were frequently broken by members of the party, including those in leadership positions. By 1970, Founder and Leader Huey Newton had faced trials for the murder of a police officer and kidnapping with other trials still pending. By then the party had begun to move from a solely black nationalist movement to a more inclusive intercommunal movement for equality for other oppressed people of color around the world. During that same time period Angela Davis, a former professor in the philosophy department at the University of California at Los Angeles, befriended three black inmates of the Soledad Prison in California referred to as the Soledad Brothers (George Jackson, Fleeta Drumgo, and John Clutchette). She campaigned on their behalf as she believed they were unjustly imprisoned. Davis and Jackson developed an especially close relationship by writing to one another. On August 3, 1970 an attempt was made to break the Soledad Brothers out of prison. Davis was implicated in the kidnapping attempt because a gun used in the attempt was traced back to her (Media Resource Center, University of California - Berkeley).
3 Excerpt from the Rules of the Black Panther Party (http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/ workers/black-panthers/unknown-date/party-rules.htm): 5. No party member will use, point, or fire a weapon of any kind unnecessarily or acciden- tally at anyone. 16. All Panthers must learn to operate and service weapons correctly. Michigan Feminist Studies 67
A warrant was issued for Davis’s arrest causing her to flee California and in turn be placed on the FBI’s most wanted list. She was captured, put on trial, and acquitted of all charges in 1972. In retrospect, Davis says it is clear why she was harrassed: “The government feared the political poten- tial of black women and that was a manifestation of a larger plan to push us away from political involvement, from militant political involvement” (Greene and Brown). The highly public image of Davis as a radical Com- munist sporting a large afro undoubtedly had some influence in the devel- opment of some female characters that emerged on film. Today, Davis smirks at the idea that she has gone down in history as a hairdo (Davis). By the time of Davis’s acquittal, the face of the Black Panther Party was quickly changing as criminal charges tore at the seams of the party’s mission. In April 1972, Newton stated that the BPP was “putting down the gun” to work within the system to better the black community. When Newton entered a self-imposed exile in Cuba in the summer of 1974, Elaine Brown succeeded him as Chairwoman of the Black Panther Party, the first and only woman to hold the position. Her leadership was constantly questioned and challenged by male members unhappy with Newton’s decision to appoint her leader of the party. By the end of her time as Chairwoman in 1977, the party as it had existed during the preceding decade was in a state of disrepair and soon collapsed. “Coffy: She’ll Cream You”4
Coffy, directed and written by white filmmaker Jack Hill, was among the earliest Blaxploitation films to have a female heroine. During the film’s director commentary, Hill credits his knowledge of black culture to his time spent as a youth hanging out with musicians in black sections of Los Angeles. He also offers that the actors in the film contributed to its development. In the 1973 film, Pam Grier stars as Coffy, a nurse who takes the law into her own hands to seek revenge for her younger sister’s heroin addiction by posing as a Jamaican prostitute to infiltrate the under-
4 This tagline was used in the advertisements for the film. 68 Afro Thunder! Michigan Feminist Studies 69 ground drug ring. In the opening scene, the viewer is introduced to Coffy in her role as seductress. She poses as a drug-addicted prostitute who will to “do anything” for a fix and the drug dealer does not refuse her. Once in the drug dealer’s home, Coffy appears in command as she coyly reveals a breast while asking the dealer to turn off the light. Before he realizes what is about to happen Coffy shoots him at close range with a shotgun. Before leaving, she forces another drug dealer to overdose by injecting himself with heroin. This scene sets the tone for the rest of the film as Coffy uses sex as a method of luring her unsuspecting targets. By adhering to the historical sex object archetype of black women in film, Coffy’s construction as a sex object subverts her role as a powerful action heroine. Her utilization of sexuality as a trap is successful because she appears to be subservient to the domineering power of a patriarchal set of ideals and assumptions concerning the role of women. In her day-to- day life, Coffy does not have a solid grasp of her situation. She is having trouble focusing at work and feels helpless in her fight to heal her sister and fight the rampant drug abuse in her community. Her relationship with Councilman Howard Brunswick allows for some insight into the complex sexual relationship between a black man and woman. He introduces Coffy as a “liberated woman” to his white associate in public then later refers to her as a “lusty, young bitch” after having sex. The power and honor he bestowed on her just hours before is stripped away as he reduces her to a mere sex object. Her belittlement continues in her everyday life as a random white man approaches her car outside of her job and inexplicably attempts to fondle her. Her police officer friend Carter comes to her rescue. Later, when Carter’s apartment is ambushed, one of the attackers attempts to assault her (again exposing her breasts) before fleeing the scene. In the director’s commentary, Hill states that beautiful actresses are “not afraid to show [their bodies]” and that Grier believed it was something she was “expected and proud to do.” Stephane Dunn details the implications of Grier’s bare breasts as she writes that the film perpetuates “the historical white supremacist construct of black women as ‘sluts’ and ‘prostitutes’ who are ‘objects of open sexual lust.’ Camera shots through- out, including those of the male gazes directed at Grier within the films, reveal the objectification of her ‘black’ sexualized body” (111). However, Michigan Feminist Studies 69 this construct also extends to the black men who are active participants in Coffy’s hypersexualization. The frequent acts of sexual violence and aggression directed at Coffy and her subdued responses greatly imply a numbing complacency with such harassment. The objectifying of the female body continues to move the film’s plot forward from Coffy’s everyday life into her alternate role in the drug un- derworld. After obtaining information on the main drug supplier for her community—Arturo Vitroni—Coffy adopts the persona of “Mystique,” a Jamaican prostitute, to get closer to him. She first attempts to penetrate his circle via a pimp/dealer named King George. When she introduces herself to George he rationalizes his objectifying desire to have sex with her by saying he has to “test her out” for Vitroni. She offers her body as a means to gain access to Vitroni. Later, “Mystique” gets into a fight with George’s call girls at a party and uses her curly hair as a place to conceal weapons. Hill credits Grier with incorporating this idea into the film and says she got it from what was “really happening,” referring the techniques some African-American women used for protection. This aspect of the film furthers its correlation to the armed militant women aligned with the BPP. As mentioned, the BPP’s militant stance championed the use of weapons for self-defense. Vitroni, aroused by the woman-on-woman violence, calls her a “wild animal” that he has to have. Once Coffy obtains access to Vitroni for a sexual encounter he spits on her, calls her a “no-good dirty nigger bitch” and screams at her, demanding that she crawl. When Coffy points her gun at him, he quickly dismisses her visible threat. He does not consider her as a formidable enemy and thinks George has sent her to kill him, an idea to which Coffy acquiesces. To Vitroni, the idea of a black woman cunningly plotting to kill him is beyond belief or comprehension. Coffy’s plan is foiled as she is captured, beaten and locked in a shed by Vitroni’s men. When she is confronted with the truth of Brunswick’s involvement in the drug ring in the presence of Vitroni, Brunswick publicly denigrates her saying “she’s just some broad I fuck” and suggests that she be killed. After making her escape and returning to confront Brunswick, Coffy is visibly swayed by his rhetoric. She is unable to overcome her emotion and kill him as she has done other men encountered in the course of her 70 Afro Thunder! Michigan Feminist Studies 71 mission. Her only impetus to harm him comes when she sees that he has a naked white woman upstairs, triggering her to shoot him in the groin. Her sexuality, repeatedly used to lure in her enemies, functions as a double- edged sword as it also makes her vulnerable to the man she cares for. By the film’s end, Coffy’s role as a powerful woman in command is undercut by her near-fatal inability to make decisions independent of the manipula- tion of a man who has demonstrated blatant disregard for her as a woman and as a human being. Her inspiration to act stems more from personal retribution than from ideals of saving her community or women’s liberation. Grier and others have responded to the criticisms of the Blaxploita- tion genre. Speaking of her roles within the genre, Grier says: [My films] reflected the black community through language and music. We basically documented what was going on… musically, religiously, and politically. I appreciate that…now because now we can look back and see what we were about, and what we were say- ing. In the ‘70s we reaped the rewards of the ‘50s and ‘60s… It was a time of freedom and women saying that they needed empowerment. There was more empower- ment and self-discovery than any other decade than I can remember. All across the country, a lot of women were Foxy Brown and Coffy… I just happened to be the first one that these filmmakers …found to portray that image. (qtd. in Lawrence 91) Much of this statement is true; the genre did emerge during a time of well- fought freedom and women’s liberation movements. Grier’s earlier films (Coffy, Foxy Brown (1974), Sheba, Baby (1975)) were touted for having strong feminine appeal with a star who embraced being sexy. The images portrayed particularly by Grier are problematic not only because of their hypersexualization, but also because of the stereotyped characterizations crafted for a black woman by a white man. Coffy’s empowerment is stymied by her static role as a prostitute (as she portrays in a number of her films) and her treatment as a lesser being by the men she fights and loves. Mary Ann Doane’s analysis of female agency in action films illumi- Michigan Feminist Studies 71 nates this critique: “The very fact that we can speak of a woman ‘using her sex or ‘using’ her body for particular gains is highly significant—it is not that a man cannot use his body in this way but that he doesn’t have to” (26, emphasis added). The time in history in which her films were released were still critical moments during the women’s movement, especially the black women’s liberation movement, but Grier’s roles did not speak to the issues specific to the movement. If the films were put forth as a documentation of experiences occurring in the black community—as Hill suggests—one must question why the films did not explore the challenges of gender relations in the black community. In a 2004 interview, Hill said he was happy to have directed and written Blaxploitation films because “it helped give black actors a chance to work, introduce black actors and black lifestyle into the mainstream film audience” (Hill). Hill’s displays of “black lifestyle” are misguided. In the film’s commentary, he openly admits his ignorance about how to do a “black film.” His blindness to the nuanced issues of gender relations and the lacking characterizations of the cast are a result of his location within society as a white man attempting to construct a strong black female lead. Hill’s portrayal of “black culture” is nothing more than a representation of a citation and grossly lacks true comprehension. A Bitter Taste of Power
Elaine Brown chronicles her development from a young girl from the streets of Philadelphia to her rise and fall as Chairwoman of the Black Panther Party in her autobiography, A Taste of Power: A Black Woman’s Story. She begins her narrative by bringing the reader into her first official address to the BPP as Chairwoman. Her reluctance to accept the position is well founded; she knows some of the Brothers will not be comfortable with her in charge. How she was appointed is even more striking. After being hit by Huey Newton, cofounder and respected leader of the BPP, Brown had serious considerations about leaving. When Newton goes into exile, he appoints her to take his leadership position. His words are distinctly clear: “Save my party. You’re the only one who can do it. You are mine. I can’t trust anybody else with my party” (Brown 11, emphasis 72 Afro Thunder! Michigan Feminist Studies 73 added). Newton’s designation of Brown as his successor is a strategic move. By having Brown in charge, he believes he can maintain control by proxy while in exile. Brown, fearful of his wrath if she denies his request, agrees. Immediately the reader is made aware of the conflict of Brown’s mitigated power. Brown is raised in poverty in North Philadelphia by her single mother. She is a bright child and attends schools for gifted students. During her formative school years, Brown develops two distinct person- alities: at school, she “acts white” and at home, she is like the other black girls from her neighborhood. Brown continues playing these two separate roles throughout her teenage years but she later realizes that it does not matter how smart or well dressed she is, she is still a black girl. After high school, she moves to California to pursue professional songwriting. She quickly runs out of money and soon considers prostitution as a means to an end but is unsuccessful in turning her first “trick” (Brown 74). While working as a cocktail waitress, Brown meets a white man who will bring forth change in her life, Jay Kennedy. Kennedy—a communist according to Brown—educates her on politics and race relations in America. Brown listens to him but does not fully grasp the importance of his stance until after the demise of their relationship. Brown—upset that the married Kennedy will not leave his wife and marry her—decides that she can no longer be “blind to what is so very clear” (Brown 103). By separating her- self from her white lover, Brown also declares herself a part of the black liberation movement against a white power structure. The seeds Kennedy planted begin to grow. In 1967, Brown begins her new life within the liberation movement by learning as much as she can from those around her. One of the earliest lessons she learns regarding the BPP is that women are secondary. Brown recalls her first group eating experience when she is told of the unwritten rule that the Brothers were to eat before any Sisters: “Sisters…did not challenge Brothers. Sisters…stood behind their black men, supported their men, and respected them…it was not only ‘unsisterly’ of us to want to eat with our Brothers, it was a sacrilege for which blood could be shed” (Brown 109). This is a recurring theme throughout her experience as a member of the BPP. As her instruction continues, Brown also learns that Michigan Feminist Studies 73 her role as a woman might call for her to “sleep with the enemy at night and slit his throat in the morning” (Brown 136). Many women scoff at the idea of using their bodies in such a way and vow that no member of the BPP will be “rewarded” with sex by female members of the party. Here the difference between real-life women and those portrayed by Grier on film is striking; Coffy’s main source of access is through the use of her body, the exact method women of the BPP denounced. It is significant that Brown chronicles her sexual encounters with BPP members including Eldridge Cleaver, Huey Newton, and a member referred to as Steve. Each of these men subject Brown to verbal and/or physical abuse after their sexual encounters, similar to disrespect Coffy’s lover shows her after they sleep together. When Brown does not quickly agree to his plan, Cleaver tells her “I’ll bury your ass in Algiers” (Brown 224). After suffering a brutal three-hour beating at the hands of Steve, she comes to an awakening. She declares, “I had seen the core of my fear, which was loneliness. This was the deepest truth of why I was in the Black Panther Party, of why I smothered my life with Huey Newton” (Brown 310). Newton offers her no sympathy; the Brothers feel it is some- thing she needed to experience to put her back in place despite it being against party policy. At this point, Brown is already emotionally tethered to Newton and cannot easily distance herself from him or the party, again reflecting Coffy’s attachment to Brunswick in spite of knowledge of his malicious indifference towards her. Brown’s development of a black feminist consciousness begins once she is appointed Chairwoman. As she precisely explains, “A black woman in the Black Power movement was considered, at best, irrelevant. A woman asserting herself was a pariah. If a black woman assumed a role of leadership, she was said to be eroding black manhood, to be hinder- ing the progress of the black race” (357). The statement made by Stokely Carmichael years before concerning women’s position within liberation movements sheds light on Brown’s point. The paradox in the ideology of the black liberation movement’s fight against a white power structure highlights its hypocritical nature: where gender is concerned, the black woman’s role opposite the black man mirrors the racial hierarchy many liberation movements were struggling to dismantle. The same principles 74 Afro Thunder! Michigan Feminist Studies 75 used in the fight for black liberation were not applied within the BPP in regards to gender relations, despite its stated mission. This becomes clearer to Brown as she writes, “the value of my life had been obliterated as much by being female as by being black and poor” (367). Both Grier’s character and Brown represent the threat of castration for black men by wielding their (limited) power in ways that threatened “black manhood.” The notion that black male empowerment must come at the expense of black female empowerment creates a false dichotomy and implies that the liberation of one cannot come with the other. Frances M. Beal’s statement that “the black woman in America can justly be described as a ‘slave of a slave’” (168) grapples directly with the perceptions inform- ing the idea of black liberation being somehow nonnegotiable in terms of gender inequality. Beal credits a capitalist system with creating such ten- sions in the black community. By using the black woman as the “scape- goat for the evils that this horrendous System has perpetrated on black men” (Beal 168), the white patriarchal power structure has long been able to use its dominate ideology do the work for it. Nowhere is this more evident that in the gender relationships described in this analysis of two microcosms from popular culture and actual liberation movements. Both Brown and Grier’s Coffy challenged patriarchal systems and in some ways succeeded in overcoming their enemies but not without serious degrada- tion—simply for being a woman. Epilogue: Lasting Effects
If there is any indication of Grier’s status as a sex symbol, it is evident in my experience attempting to research archives for interview material. Upon searching the magazine archives at Rutgers University, I was pleased to find every major magazine issue with a Grier article present. I was soon displeased but not surprised to find that most, if not all, of the pages containing Grier’s photograph were torn from the archives. One issue of Ebony Magazine featuring four black female stars of the Blax- ploitation genre had been precisely cut to remove only Grier’s photograph from the cover. I was able to gather portions of the articles that were on pages with script and no large photographs. Interestingly, the sole article Michigan Feminist Studies 75 remaining intact was Grier’s August 1975 cover and story of Ms. Magazine, a feminist publication. This experience reaffirmed my belief that Grier’s popularity was largely based on her physical attractiveness. Those who tore the pages from the archives were not interested in her words. The sexy caricature of a “strong black woman”—an object of desire—is what has persisted and been valued. Grier, a self-described feminist, has acknowledged the dilemma between her characters on film and the message she had hoped to portray. Her sexy image bothered her. In the Ms. interview Grier blames AIP for fostering her image so “all you see is bang, bang, bang, shoot ‘em up tits and ass” (Kincaid 53). Yet, Grier continued to make films with AIP while planning to strike out on her own with a production company. She was a “bankable” star; as long as the money was coming in, the relation- ship between Grier and AIP was a tolerable one for both parties. During the course of a New York Magazine interview, Grier asked the writer if “down there” (referring to the peep show and sex shop area of 42nd street in New York City) was were her films really made money (Jacobson 44). The interviewer described Grier as being visibly uncomfortable with the implication of being viewed as a sex object more than she was appreciated as an actress. When the Blaxploitation genre faded out, so did Grier’s star power. The demise of the Blaxploitation genre came about because of Hollywood’s shift of perception towards the end of 1973. Hollywood’s belief that black audiences were tiring of the redundant storylines and the realization that an all-black movie was not necessary to draw in a black audience rendered Blaxploitation films obsolete (Guerrero 105). Consequently, Grier’s number of leading roles all but disappeared. Since her decline in stardom, Grier has lived a relatively quiet life. In 1997, filmmaker Quentin Tarantino—a self-proclaimed fan of Blaxploitation films—selected Grier for her first leading role in years for Jackie Brown, in many ways an homage to the defunct genre. Jackie Brown gave new life to Grier’s acting career and she recently had a role on the Showtime television series “The L Word.” Elaine Brown’s life has played out in similar ways. After leaving the Black Panther Party in 1977, she relocated to France, largely out of fear for her well-being. She has since returned to the United States and 76 Afro Thunder! Michigan Feminist Studies 77 now resides in Atlanta, Georgia. She also campaigned as a presidential candidate of the Green party in 2008 but dropped out of the race after being subjected to what she called “rumor-mongering” about her role in the BPP. Rumors that she was a federal agent have surfaced alongside claims that Kennedy was an ex-FBI agent and CIA informant. Brown’s claim of Kennedy being a member of the Communist party has largely been disregarded. Whether or not Brown was a federal agent is immate- rial to the critique of her treatment by male members of the BPP. Her role and experience as a female leader remains pertinent to the issues women continue to face in positions of leadership. The experiences of Brown and Grier demonstrate the difficulties that arise when race, gender, and power intersect. These intersections are murky and uneasily navigated. Often wrought with contradiction, liberation discourse, when concerned with black women in particular, has failed to live up to its ideals for equality. The ease with which male members of the BPP and films like Coffy transform women’s sexuality from a source of empowerment into a tool of negation exposes an underlying sentiment of women’s inequality that remains relevant in contemporary society. We must acknowledge and confront gender inequity, especially when it is uncomfortable, if we hope to distance ourselves from an ugly past.
Works Cited Basgen, Brian. History of the Black Panther Party. 2002. 15 October 2008
Carmichael, Stokely. Quoted in David Barber. A Hard Rain Fell: SDS and Why it Failed. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2008. Coffy. Dir. Jack Hill. Perf. Pam Grier. American International Pictures. 1973. Davis, Angela. More Than Hair Knoxville Voice. 19 April 2007. Doane, Mary Ann. Femme Fatales: Feminism, Film Theory, Psychoanalysis. New York: Routledge, 1991. Dunn, Stephane. “Baad Bitches” and Sassy Supermamas: Black Power Action Films. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2008. Greene, Cheryll and Marie Dutton Brown. “Woman Talk: A conversation between June Jordan and Angela Davis.” Essence Magazine May 1990: 92-96, 190, 193, 197. Guerrero, Ed. Framing Blackness: African American Image in Film. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1993. Hill, Jack. Jack Hill, Filmmaker Gary Schultz. 14 May 2004. Jacobson, Mark. “Sex Goddess of the Seventies.” New York Magazine. 19 May 1975: 43-45. Lawrence, Novotny. Blaxploitation Films of the 1970s: Blackness and Genre. New York: Routledge, 2008. Media Resource Center, University of California - Berkeley. UC Berkeley Library Social Activism Sound Recording Project: The Black Panther Party. 6 March 2008. 15 October 2008