Targeted Killing's Uses and Limitations in Counterterrorism
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Strategic Implications for Pakistan's Federally
J. Appl. Environ. Biol. Sci., 4(9S)239-252, 2014 ISSN: 2090-4274 Journal of Applied Environmental © 2014, TextRoad Publication and Biological Sciences www.textroad.com Afghanistan’s Security Imbroglio: Strategic Implications for Pakistan’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (Fata) Saima Perveen1, Professor Dr. Jehanzeb Khalil2 and Professor Dr. Babar Shah3 1,2Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan 3Director and Chairman, Regional Studies, University of Peshawar Received: September 12, 2014 Accepted: November 23, 2014 ABSTRACT Pakistan’s stability is interconnected with that of Afghanistan. Afghanistan’s turmoil has affected Pakistan’s internal security, economy and foreign policy. Recently, our foreign policy is ‘Afghan centric’, where fall out from western border has triggered militancy and extremism in FATA. There is strategic stalemate and Pakistan interests in Afghanistan have been transformed into challenges which need to be grappled at exigency. The incomprehensive skepticism has halted various developmental aspects. Both minor states of Pakistan and Afghanistan have common problems of militancy and insurgency with is a palpable gnaw and can be fissiparous to their state structure. The US exit from Afghanistan is cross to bear for Pakistan policy making elites to direct their course of action. The recent past and ongoing strategic challenges need exigency and responsible role in likely situation in order to safeguard any infringement on national sovereignty and territorial integrity. KEYWORDS: Militancy, National interests, Extremism, Foreign Policy, Strategic. 1 INTRODUCTION Pakistan interests in Afghanistan have been converted to challenge for Pakistan foreign policy due to turmoil in Afghanistan. Pakistan security has been deteriorated from the last three and half decades. -
The Osama Bin Laden Abbottabad “
The Osama bin Laden Abbottabad “Assassination” was a Joint Pakistan-US Operation. “The US Could Not Have Done it Alone” By Nauman Sadiq Region: Asia Global Research, April 29, 2014 Theme: Terrorism In-depth Report: PAKISTAN Operation Neptune Spear by the US Navy Seals in which Osama Bin Laden was allegedly killed on 2 May 2011 was actually a joint Pakistan-US operation. A lot of online material is available about the incident and the Pakistan government has also released the Abbottabad Commission’s Report (which is still classified) but the whole episode and its reporting sheds light on the complicity, sensationalism and spin-doctoring by the Western corporate media. By ‘joint operation’ I mean that the operation was carried out in full coordination with the Pakistani Air Force and ground forces which secured the area around OBL’s alleged compound on the night of the operation. The Navy Seals allegedly flew from the Jalalabad airbase in Afghanistan in the two ‘modified’ Black Hawk helicopters and landed in OBL’s Abbottabad compound some 90 minutes later. Prior exercise of Navy Seals Naturally the flight-path must have been from west-to-east. A few points to note here: First, the corporate media spin-doctors implied a quieter stealth helicopter; but no matter | 1 what kind of technology we employ a helicopter is a very noisy aircraft, Secondly, we are not sure whether the Black Hawks actually flew from Jalalabad, Afghanistan to Abbottabad, Pakistan because Pakistan had leased several airbases in Balochistan and Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa to the joint US air-force and CIA drone operations from October 2001 until the Salala incident in November 2011 like the Shamsi Airfield. -
The Super Smart Way to Dismantle ISIS
The Super Smart Way to Dismantle ISIS Published on The National Interest (http://nationalinterest.org) Home > The Super Smart Way to Dismantle ISIS The Super Smart Way to Dismantle ISIS [1] Eli Berman [2]Joseph H. Felter [3]Jacob H. Shapiro [4] Every week, the Islamic State (IS) makes further headlines with its ruthless behavior. Beheadings, mass executions, burnings and extreme acts of brutality are the methods of a terrorist campaign intended to cow opponents and rally potential fighters. At the same time, the group is fighting a guerilla war against Iraqi forces while engaging in more conventional infantry battles against Kurdish Peshmerga and Free Syrian Army cadres. The many tactics of IS raises the question: which type of war are we fighting against it? President Barack Obama recently announced his strategy for stopping IS militants, presenting a draft authorization of military force. The debates about his request have used the language of traditional war – which take into account clear geographic boundaries and fully committed allies. This is misguided. There is no single front in this war and the level of our allies’ commitment to the effort varies from place to place. The fight against IS is, in fact, several different wars against the same enemy, with porous fronts that only occasionally resemble contiguous state boundaries. Therefore, finding the right strategy will require working with our allies in the Middle East to define their objectives and limitations—including an honest assessment of which territories matter enough for them to commit troops on the ground and eventually govern—and build our policy accordingly. -
Predation, Taxation, Investment, and Violence: Evidence from the Philippines
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES PREDATION, TAXATION, INVESTMENT, AND VIOLENCE: EVIDENCE FROM THE PHILIPPINES Eli Berman Joseph Felter Ethan Kapstein Erin Troland Working Paper 18375 http://www.nber.org/papers/w18375 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 September 2012 Previously circulated as "Predation, Economic Activity and Violence: Evidence from the Philippines." We acknowledge the assistance of the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) and the AFP National Development Support Command (NADESCOM), in the Philippines, of Katherine Levy and Mitchell Downey at UC San Diego, and the comments of seminar participants at the Einaudi Institute of Economic and Finance, the University of Warwick, the Department for International Development (DFID), London, LUISS Guido Carli University, Rome, the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), Addis Ababa, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), University of Washington, Georgia Institute of Technology, and the International Agricultural Trade Research Consortium, and those of our colleagues at UCSD, Stanford, and the Empirical Studies of Conflict (ESOC) collaborative. This research was supported by the Office of Naval Research (ONR) through Award N000141110735 at the National Bureau of Economic Research. It builds on research supported by U.S. Department of Defense Minerva research initiative through the Air Force Office of Scientific Research (AFOSR) under Award FA9550-09-1-0314. Any opinions, findings, conclusions or recommendations in this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect views of ONR or AFOSR. All mistakes are ours. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. -
Hard Targets: Theory and Evidence on Suicide Attacks*
Hard Targets: Theory and Evidence on Suicide Attacks* Eli Berman – Department of Economics, UCSD; NBER David D. Laitin – Department of Political Science, Stanford University For inclusion in Eva Meyersson Milgrom, ed. Suicide Bombing from an Interdisciplinary Perspective (to be submitted to Princeton University Press) *We thank Barak Bouks for research assistance. This version benefited from discussions with Larry Iannaccone, Gershon Shafir and Mahmoud Al-Gamal. James Fearon, Peter Katzenstein, Alan Krueger, Howard Rosenthal, and participants in a Stanford conference commented on earlier versions, compelling revisions. Berman acknowledges support of National Science Foundation grant 0214701 through the NBER. Mistakes are our own. Berman and Laitin, “Rational Martyrs” p. 2 Abstract: Why suicide attacks? Though rebels often kill coreligionists, they seldom use suicide attacks to do so. Though rebels typically target poor countries, suicide attacks are just as likely to target rich democracies. Though many groups have grievances, suicide attacks are favored by the radical religious. We model the choice of tactics by rebels. We first ask what a suicide attacker would have to believe to be deemed rational. We then embed the attacker and other operatives in a club good model which emphasizes the function of voluntary religious organizations as providers of local public goods. The sacrifices which these groups demand solve a free-rider problem in the cooperative production of public goods, as in Iannaccone (1992). These sacrifices make clubs well suited for organizing suicide attacks where defection by operatives (including the attacker) endanger the entire organization. Thus radical religious groups can be effective dispatchers of suicide bombers if they chose to do so. -
Perceptions of Extremism Among Muslims in Australia Rachel Woodlock and Zachary Russell
Perceptions of Extremism Among Muslims in Australia Rachel Woodlock and Zachary Russell Abstract The purpose of the present paper is to ask how Muslims in Australia perceive the existence of extremism in their ranks. Whilst there exists a body of research on the phenomenon of extremism amongst Muslims, a gap has emerged in our understanding of how Muslims themselves perceive extremism in their communities. The present research is based on data collected during 2007 and 2008 among approximately six hundred Muslims living in Sydney, Melbourne and regional Victoria. This sample was asked to respond to the question: “Some people think there has been a rise in extremism among Muslim Australians over recent years, others think extremism is declining–what do you think?” The present paper will analyse responses to that question and discuss whether variables such as age; gender; immigrant status; citizenship status; convert status; employment status; and ancestry impact responses given. In particular, close attention will also be paid to the type and level of extrinsic religious commitment of participants and seek to discover whether these two variables can predict perceptions of the existence of extremism among this sample of Muslims in Australia. Introduction Whilst there exists a body of research on the phenomenon of religious and ideological extremism, there exists a gap in our understanding of how adherents themselves view the existence of extremism as a force in their communities. Muslims in particular have received much scholarly and media attention over recent years, but little research has been conducted with a view to discovering what Muslims think about the topic. -
100 Days of NA
FAFEN Parliament Monitor 1of 14th00 National DA AssemblyYS 1.0 Executive Summary The 14th National Assembly took oath on June 1, 2013 after a landmark smooth and democratically managed transfer of power. Despite allegations of rigging and irregularities in the May 11 elections, the transition of power remained august as the newly-elected members took oath indicating at the increasing maturity that political organization had achieved, strengthening democracy. The oath-taking of members was followed by the election of the Speaker in a triangular contest that clearly established the majority of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PMLN) in the National Assembly. Following the Speaker's election, Mian Muhammad Nawaz Sharif was elected as the Prime Minister – Leader of the House – with 244 votes. This was the second time in the political history of Pakistan that the PMLN secured a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly. Earlier in 1997, the PMLN had formed the government with a two-thirds majority. However, they were undemocratically booted out in a military coup on October 12, 1999. The following table details the election results since 1970: Party Name 1970 1977 1988 1990 1993 1997 2002 2008 2013 PPPP 70 155 94 - 86 18 80 125 45 PMLN - - - - 73 135 18 92 190 Independent 12 8 40 22 15 21 1 20 8 1 IJI - - 54 106 - - - - - PMLQ/PML - - - - - - 118 50 2 MMAP/JUIF - - - - - - 59 8 12 Y L MQM - - - - - - 17 25 24 B PDA - - - 44 - - - - - M E PNA - 36 - - - - - - - S PTI - - - - - - 1 - 35 S A MQMH (Haq Parast) - - - 15 - 12 - - - L National Alliance - - - - - - 16 - - A PMLF - - - - - - 5 5 5 N O JI - - - - - - - - 4 I T PkMAP - - - - - - 1 - 4 A N NPP - - - - - - - 1 2 H ANP - - - - - - - 13 2 T AJIP - - - - - - - - 1 4 1 AMLP - - - - - - - - 1 F APML - - - - - - - - 1 O BNP - - - - - - 1 - 1 S Y NP - - - - - - - - 1 A D PPPS/QWPS - - - - - - 2 1 1 0 PMLZ - - - - - - 1 - 1 0 1 Obtaining a clear majority in the general elections is a unique feat that only PMLN has enjoyed in the country's political history. -
The Extremist's Advantage in Civil Wars
The Extremist’s Advantage in Civil Wars The Extremist’s Barbara F. Walter Advantage in Civil Wars One of the puzzles of the current wave of civil wars is that rebel groups espousing extremist ideologies—especially Salaª jihadism—have thrived in ways that moderate rebels have not.1 Groups such as Jabhat al-Nusra and the Islamic State (also known by the acronym ISIS) have attracted more recruits, foreign soldiers, and ªnancing than corresponding moderate groups such as the Free Syrian Army, Ahlu Sunna Waljamaa, or Jaysh Rijaal al-Tariqa al-Naqshbandia (JRTN).2 The proliferation and success of extremist groups is particularly surprising given that their goals are far more radical than those of the populations they seek to represent.3 Salaª jihadists aim to establish a transnational caliphate using military force, an objective the vast majority of Muslims do not support.4 Why have so many extremist groups emerged in countries experiencing civil wars since 2003, and why have they thrived in ways that moderate groups have not? Barbara F. Walter is Professor of Political Science at the School of Global Policy and Strategy at the Univer- sity of California, San Diego. The author thanks Jesse Driscoll, Isaac Gendel, Dotan Haim, Ron Hassner, Allison Hodgkins, Joshua Kertzer, Aila Matanock, William McCants, Assaf Moghadam, Richard Nielsen, Emily Ritter, Michael Stohl, and Keren Yarhi-Milo for their willingness to read the manuscript and offer helpful feedback. She is especially grateful to Gregoire Phillips for answering an endless series of questions with enormous good cheer. Finally, she thanks the participants of the International Rela- tions Faculty Colloquium at Princeton University for inviting her to present this work and follow- ing up with thoughtful suggestions. -
Afghanistan Factor in the Trilateral Relations of the United States, Pakistan and China (2008-2016)
AFGHANISTAN FACTOR IN THE TRILATERAL RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES, PAKISTAN AND CHINA (2008-2016) By SAIMA PARVEEN Reg. No.12-AU-M.PHIL-P/SCI-F-4 Ph. D (Political Science) SUPERVISOR Prof. Dr. JEHANZEB KHALIL Pro-Vice Chancellor Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan Co-Supervisor Prof. Dr. Taj Muharram Khan DEPARTMENT OF POLITCAL SCIENCE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, ABDUL WALI KHAN UNIVERSITY MARDAN Year 2018 i AFGHANISTAN FACTOR IN THE TRILATERAL RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES, PAKISTAN AND CHINA (2008-2016) By SAIMA PARVEEN Reg. No.12-AU-M.PHIL-P/SCI-F-4 Ph. D (Political Science) Thesis submitted to the Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan in the partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Ph. D in Political Science DEPARTMENT OF POLITCAL SCIENCE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES, ABDUL WALI KHAN UNIVERSITY MARDAN Year 2018 ii Author’s Declaration I, Saima Parveen_hereby state that my Ph D thesis titled, “ Afghanistan Factor in the Trilateral Relations of the United States, Pakistan and China (2008-2016) is my own work and has not been submitted previously by me for taking any degree from this University i.e. ABDUL WALI KHAN UNIVERSITY MARDAN or anywhere else in the country/world. At any time if my statement is found to be incorrect even after my Graduate, the University has the right to withdraw my Ph D degree. Name of Student: Saima Parveen Date: 10 January, 2018 iii Plagiarism Undertaking I solemnly declare that research work presented in the thesis titled “AFGHANISTAN FACTOR IN THE TRILATERAL RELATONS OF THE UNITED STATES, PAKISTAN AND CHINA (2008-2016)” is solely my research work with no significant contribution from any other person. -
The Battle for Pakistan
ebooksall.com ebooksall.com ebooksall.com SHUJA NAWAZ THE BATTLE F OR PAKISTAN The Bitter US Friendship and a Tough Neighbourhood PENGUIN BOOKS ebooksall.com Contents Important Milestones 2007–19 Abbreviations and Acronyms Preface: Salvaging a Misalliance 1. The Revenge of Democracy? 2. Friends or Frenemies? 3. 2011: A Most Horrible Year! 4. From Tora Bora to Pathan Gali 5. Internal Battles 6. Salala: Anatomy of a Failed Alliance 7. Mismanaging the Civil–Military Relationship 8. US Aid: Leverage or a Trap? 9. Mil-to-Mil Relations: Do More 10. Standing in the Right Corner 11. Transforming the Pakistan Army 12. Pakistan’s Military Dilemma 13. Choices Footnotes Important Milestones 2007–19 Preface: Salvaging a Misalliance 1. The Revenge of Democracy? 2. Friends or Frenemies? 3. 2011: A Most Horrible Year! 4. From Tora Bora to Pathan Gali 5. Internal Battles 6. Salala: Anatomy of a Failed Alliance 7. Mismanaging the Civil–Military Relationship 8. US Aid: Leverage or a Trap? 9. Mil-to-Mil Relations: Do More 10. Standing in the Right Corner 11. Transforming the Pakistan Army 12. Pakistan’s Military Dilemma 13. Choices Select Bibliography ebooksall.com Acknowledgements Follow Penguin Copyright ebooksall.com Advance Praise for the Book ‘An intriguing, comprehensive and compassionate analysis of the dysfunctional relationship between the United States and Pakistan by the premier expert on the Pakistan Army. Shuja Nawaz exposes the misconceptions and contradictions on both sides of one of the most crucial bilateral relations in the world’ —BRUCE RIEDEL, senior fellow and director of the Brookings Intelligence Project, and author of Deadly Embrace: Pakistan, America and the Future of the Global Jihad ‘A superb, thoroughly researched account of the complex dynamics that have defined the internal and external realities of Pakistan over the past dozen years. -
Downloaded by [New York University] at 23:42 28 November 2016 Pakistan’S Inter- Services Intelligence Directorate
Downloaded by [New York University] at 23:42 28 November 2016 Pakistan’s Inter- Services Intelligence Directorate This book is the first comprehensive study of Pakistan’s Inter- Services Intelli- gence Directorate (ISI). The rise of Pakistan- backed religious extremist groups in Afghanistan, India and Central Asia has focused international attention on Pakistan’s premier intelligence organization and covert action advocate, the Inter- Services Intelligence Directorate or ISI. While ISI is regarded as one of the most powerful government agencies in Pakistan today, surprisingly little has been written about it from an academic perspective. This book addresses critical gaps in our understanding of this agency, including its domestic security mission, covert backing of the Afghan Taliban, and its links to al- Qa’ida. Using primary source materials, including declassified intelligence and diplomatic reporting, press reports and memoirs, this book explores how ISI was transformed from a small, negligible counter intelligence outfit of the late- 1940s into the national security behemoth of today with extensive responsibilities in domestic security, political interference and covert action. This study concludes that reforming or even eliminating ISI will be funda- mental if Pakistan is to successfully transition from an army- run, national security state to a stable, democratic society that enjoys peaceful relations with its neighbors. This book will be of interest to students of intelligence studies, South Asian politics, foreign policy and international security in general. Owen L. Sirrs is Adjunct Professor at the University of Montana, USA, and the author of two previous books, including, most recently, The Egyptian Intelligence Service (Routledge 2011). -
Predation, Taxation, Investment, and Violence: Evidence from the Philippines Eli Berman, Joseph Felter, Ethan Kapstein, and Erin
Predation, Taxation, Investment, and Violence: Evidence from the Philippines Eli Berman, Joseph Felter, Ethan Kapstein, and Erin Troland Selected Paper prepared for presentation at the International Agricultural Trade Research Consortium’s (IATRC’s) 2014 Annual Meeting: Food, Resources and Conflict, December 7-9, 2014, San Diego, CA. Copyright 2014 by Eli Berman, Joseph Felter, Ethan Kapstein, and Erin Troland. All rights reserved. Readers may make verbatim copies of this document for non-commercial purposes by any means, provided that this copyright notice appears on all such copies. Predation, Taxation, Investment, and Violence: Evidence from the Philippines Eli Berman (UCSD and NBER), Joseph Felter (Stanford), Ethan Kapstein (Arizona State University and NBER), Erin Troland (UCSD) October 2014 We acknowledge the assistance of the Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD) and the AFP National Development Support Command (NADESCOM), in the Philippines, of Katherine Levy and Mitchell Downey at UC San Diego, and the comments of seminar participants at the Einaudi Institute of Economic and Finance, the University of Warwick, the Department for International Development (DFID), London, LUISS Guido Carli University, Rome, the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), Addis Ababa, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), University of Washington, and those of our colleagues at UCSD, Stanford, and the Empirical Studies of Conflict (ESOC) collaborative. This research was supported by the Office of Naval Research (ONR) through Award N000141110735 at the National Bureau of Economic Research. It builds on research supported by U.S. Department of Defense Minerva research initiative through the Air Force Office of Scientific Research (AFOSR) under Award FA9550-09-1-0314.