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The South's Visible Hand: Textile Mills and The THE SOUTH’S VISIBLE HAND: TEXTILE MILLS AND THE CONTROL OF WHITE LABOR IN THE ANTEBELLUM SOUTHERN PIEDMONT, 1830-1860 By ZACHARY S. DAUGHTREY Bachelor of Arts in History University of Missouri Columbia, Missouri 2006 Master of Arts in History Southeast Missouri State University Cape Girardeau, Missouri 2008 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May, 2016 THE SOUTH’S VISIBLE HAND: TEXTILE MILLS AND THE CONTROL OF WHITE LABOR IN THE ANTEBELLUM SOUTHERN PIEDMONT, 1830-1860 Dissertation Approved: Dr. James L. Huston Dissertation Adviser Dr. Michael Logan Dr. Tonia Sharlach Dr. Stephen Perkins ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Any work within academia is not simply written by the author alone; rather, it is a great undertaking completed through the support of family, friends, professors, and university archivists. I wish to thank first my father, Charles; my mother, Glenna; and my aunt, Tamara, for the years of encouragement which continually kindled my love for history. I would like to next thank Dr. Michael Logan, Dr. Tonia Sharlach, and Dr. Stephen Perkins of Oklahoma State University who as committee members provided vital assistance and necessary critiques that have greatly aided in my abilities as a historian and a writer. I also wish to extend my deepest gratitude to my mentor and advisor, Dr. James L. Huston of Oklahoma State University, for his years of dedication and guidance through my doctoral degree and the writing of this dissertation. Your amazing knowledge of the subject has been absolutely priceless. The Department of History at Oklahoma State University have been invaluable to my doctoral studies. Their assistance both financially and academically are very much appreciated. Two graduate school colleagues, Michelle McCargish and Mary Sanders, provided immense benefits by allowing me to discuss ideas with them and they both provided hours of conversation about this project. Ms. McCargish’s understanding of antebellum southern history was most appreciated throughout my research. At this time, I also wish to express my gratitude to my mentor and friend, Dr. Frank Nickell of the State Historical Society of Missouri in Cape Girardeau, for his years of knowledge, guidance, and support of me both during my graduate school days at Southeast Missouri State and at Oklahoma State. Furthermore, I wish to also thank Major General (Ret.) Douglas Dollar of New Forums Press in Stillwater, Oklahoma for his support during my studies at OSU. Many thanks go out to the legion of archivists, historians, and library staffs across the South who provided phenomenal assistance with the gathering of primary source material for this project. My gratefulness goes out to Richard Starbuck of the Moravian Archives in Winston-Salem, North Carolina; Nathan Saunders and Elizabeth West of the South Caroliniana Library at the University of South Carolina; Valerie Gillespie of the David M. Rubenstein Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Duke University; Elaine DeNiro at the Roswell Historical Society in Roswell, Georgia; and the staffs of both the Southern Historical Collection at the Wilson Library at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill and the Hargrett Rare Book and Manuscript Library at the University of Georgia. I would like to explicitly mention the help of Deborah Tritt of the Gregg-Graniteville Library at the University of South Carolina-Aiken as well as Ann Boutwell and all the ladies of the Autauga County Heritage Association in Prattville, Alabama. Ms. Tritt was kind enough to devote an entire day to my research needs and provided private access to the William Gregg Papers housed at the Gregg-Graniteville Library. Ms. Boutwell and her cadre of ladies were kind enough to provide me with an outing of the grounds surrounding the former Prattville Manufacturing Company along with a driving tour through the former Prattville mill village. Both experiences were a great treat and your hospitality will not be soon forgotten. Lastly, I want to extend my deepest appreciation to my incredible girlfriend, Katie and her family, for their repeated kind words and good cheer throughout this process. Also, heartfelt thanks to all of my friends and co-workers from Kansas City to Cape Girardeau who have supported and encouraged me. I simply could not have accomplished anything without you. iii Acknowledgements reflect the views of the author and are not endorsed by committee members or Oklahoma State University. Name: ZACHARY S. DAUGHTREY Date of Degree: MAY, 2016 Title of Study: THE SOUTH’S VISIBLE HAND: TEXTILE MILLS AND THE CONTROL OF WHITE LABOR IN THE ANTEBELLUM SOUTHERN PIEDMONT, 1830-1860 Major Field: HISTORY Abstract: Throughout the antebellum period, the concept of control was a fundamental cornerstone of white southern society. Plantations exhibited the most lucid example of this control where the master dominated not only slaves but the physical environment as well. Yet elite white southerners felt poor whites also needed controlling. Poor whites, a landless, migratory group, roamed the southern countryside in search of employment and steady wages. If poor whites found employment, it was often tenant farming and, at times, as day-laborers on southern plantations. Although allowed to work on plantations, planter elites held varying degrees of ambivalence towards poor whites as well as a disdain for whites working in the fields doing what they deemed work unbecoming a member of the white race. This study centers upon the relationship between textile mill management and the poor white labor forces within the southern Piedmont between 1830 and 1860. Focusing on poor white textile laborers, it concludes that elite southerners viewed poor whites as fundamentally different from the rest of white southern society, basing these views on contemporary scientific, religious, and historical thought. Furthermore, plantations and textile mills, as well as mill villages, operated in strikingly similar ways. Poor whites, limited in their ability to purchase land already held by plantation masters, entered into industrial labor within textile mills and experienced numerous control measures within factories and mill villages. Ultimately, having experienced generations of harsh treatment by elites, poor whites entered into mill employment and did not take part in organized labor resistance or activism, unlike industrial employees in the Upper South and North. This deference can be attributed to a lack of rival foreign-born labor as well as psychosocial behaviors caused by the experience of poor whites in the antebellum Piedmont. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………...1 I. THE VISIBLE HAND…………………………………………………………….19 II. MINDS OF THE MASTER CLASS……………………………………………..41 III. POOR WHITES OF THE ANTEBELLUM PIEDMONT………………………79 IV. BENEVOLENT DESPOTISM………………………………………………….113 V. CLUBS AND CARROTS………………………………………………………..147 CONCLUSION……………………………………………………………………...174 BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………………...181 v LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1.1. Textile Mills Operating in Piedmont South, 1840 and 1850…………………...........................125 2.1. Illiteracy Rates of All Whites Aged 20 and Over in Counties with Textile Factories, 1840………………………………………………………………………………………….............142 3.1. Illiteracy Rates of All Whites Aged 20 and Over in Counties with Textile Factories, 1850………………………………………………………………………………………………….144 4.1. Total Foreign-born Population by County, 1860……………………………………….............168 5.1. Total Slave Population by County, 1860……………………………………………………….169 vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1.1. Piedmont South, 1860 ........................................................................................88 vii INTRODUCTION Almost twenty-five years ago, Merritt Roe Smith remarked how the analysis of industrial communities, the so-called “class and community study,” had broadened scholarly knowledge of the subject. Yet Smith and his contemporaries complained that the work of New Labor historians was too myopic in scale, choosing to explore only specific locations, making synthesis virtually impossible to achieve. Philip Scranton observed that the studies varied “enormously in their emphasis on conflict, parties, culture, ethnicity, and institutions,” further hindering the task of reaching conclusions across a wide array of historical study more difficult. Likewise, Herbert Gutman—a trailblazer in the field of the New Labor history—reinforced the sentiments of Smith and Scranton, adding that monographic examinations of industrial communities failed to present an overall picture of nineteenth-century American manufacturing.1 The same can be said of the study of textile production in the antebellum South. While each article and monograph have added to scholarly understanding of cotton factories operating in the years before the Civil War, the historical focus has been limited to particular manufacturers in specific locations without investigating mills across the region using a common analytical framework. Furthermore, studies have chosen to concentrate on various aspects of the worker experience (e.g. management, activism, and resistance), and subsequently apply conclusions 1 Merritt Roe Smith, “Industry, Technology, and the ‘Labor Question’ in 19th-Century America: Seeking Synthesis,” Technology and Culture 32 (July, 1991): pp. 555-570, 555-556. See also Philip Scranton, “None-Too-Porous Boundaries: Labor History and the History
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