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DIGITHÈQUE Université Libre De Bruxelles UNIVERSITÉ LIBRE DE BRUXELLES, UNIVERSITÉ D'EUROPE DIGITHÈQUE Université libre de Bruxelles ___________________________ DELWIT Pascal, Les partis régionalistes en Europe. Des acteurs en développement ?, Bruxelles, Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2005. ___________________________ Cette œuvre littéraire est soumise à la législation belge en matière de droit d’auteur. Elle a été publiée par les Editions de l’Université de Bruxelles http://www.editions-universite-bruxelles.be/ Les règles d’utilisation de la présente copie numérique de cette œuvre sont visibles sur la dernière page de ce document. L'ensemble des documents numérisés mis à disposition par les Archives & Bibliothèques de l'ULB sont accessibles à partir du site http://digitheque.ulb.ac.be/ Accessible à : http://digistore.bib.ulb.ac.be/2011/DL2800413514_f.pdf Petites patries, petits partis ? Les partis régionalistes en Europe Pascal DELWIT Depuis une vingtaine d’années, le fait régional et l’action régionale semblent s’être fortement développés en Europe. La promotion de l’Europe des régions a été au devant de la scène dans la conclusion de nouveaux traités jalonnant la construction européenne depuis quinze ans. Et de manière emblématique un Comité des régions a été établi. A l’heure actuelle, celui-ci reste doté d’une influence formelle modeste mais son établissement atteste d’un intérêt renouvelé pour l’échelon régional, quand bien même la région recouvre des réalités (très) différentes dans les Etats membres de l’Union européenne. Il n’empêche, l’intérêt et l’attachement au niveau sub-national semblent s’être accrus en parallèle à l’affaiblissement de l’Etat nation, « de moins en moins capable de jouer ce rôle de pilotage de l’économie au service du maintien de l’équilibre social » 1. « La révolution fédéraliste a commencé », proclamait Dusan Sidjanski au lendemain de la chute du mur de Berlin 2. Plus généralement, dans certains Etats, des institutions décentralisées ont vu le jour. C’est notamment le cas en Belgique depuis 1980, en France depuis 1986 ou en Espagne dans le cadre de la transition démocratique. Plus récemment, l’exemple le plus marquant est sans doute la Grande-Bretagne. A la suite de la victoire travailliste en 1997, Tony Blair a non seulement impulsé un nouveau cadre institutionnel en Irlande du nord, mais son gouvernement a aussi établi des institutions régionales en Ecosse et au Pays de Galles. 1. Une nouvelle polarisation partisane régionale partisane ? En parallèle à cette affirmation du fait régional, des mouvements et partis de revendication régionaliste ont marqué les esprits par leur percée dans certains 8 LES PARTIS RÉGIONALISTES EN EUROPE PETITES PATRIES, PETITS PARTIS ? 9 sous-systèmes politiques européens ou par leur mise en cause du fait national comme cadre de référence identitaire. Il en va indubitablement ainsi en Espagne, où le nationalisme basque extrême, incarné par l’ETA, fait toujours usage de la violence politique pour parvenir à ses fins. Relayé sur la scène politique par la formation Herri Batasuna, il est l’expression d’un courant sociétal indéniable au Pays basque et en Navarre. Au-delà de son expression radicale, le nationalisme basque est aussi relayé par deux partis nationalistes démocratiques, le parti nationaliste basque (PNV) et Eusko Alkartasuna (EA). Et le débat fait rage autour de l’hypothèse d’un plan d’association entre le Pays basque et l’Etat espagnol porté par Juan José Ibarretxe, président du gouvernement autonome basque et leader du parti nationaliste basque. En Irlande du nord, la polarisation s’approfondit entre catholiques et protestants, ou plus correctement entre rattachistes irlandais et tenants du maintien dans le Royaume-Uni. Les armes se sont quasiment tues, mais l’expression politique des deux camps se radicalise au fil des scrutins régional et national (Delwit), comme en a encore attesté le résultat de l’élection générale britannique de mai 2005 : le Sinn Fein a largement supplanté le parti catholique modéré, le Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). De même, l’Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) du révérend Paysley a renvoyé à ses études le Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) de David Trimble, humilié dans ce scrutin. Ce dernier a d’ailleurs annoncé son retrait de la vie politique. Une autre forme de polarisation est intervenue depuis plusieurs années. Elle est symbolisée par le côté fermé et égoïste de nouvelles organisations porteuses du fait régional. La Ligue du Nord en Italie 3, examinée dans ce volume par Christophe Bouillaud, ou le Vlaams Belang en Belgique, qui n’a pas perdu une élection depuis le scrutin municipal de 1988, l’illustrent sans doute le plus nettement. Ces formations associent une valorisation régionaliste-nationaliste au rejet de l’autre : les étrangers, les Italiens du sud pour la Ligue du Nord, les Wallons pour le Vlaams Belang. Le principe de solidarité interpersonnelle dans un même Etat nation est nettement mis en cause par ces formations. A l’occasion, elles appellent même à l’édification d’un nouvel Etat. « L’action politique pour l’indépendance de la Flandre est le principe prioritaire du Vlaams Belang et restera aussi à l’avenir notre premier principe », proclame le Vlaams Belang d’entrée de jeu dans son programme 4. 2. Les partis régionalistes : une nouvelle famille de partis ? Ces quelques observations tendent à accréditer l’idée de l’avènement d’une nouvelle famille de partis : celles des partis régionalistes. En introduction à l’atelier consacré aux « nouveaux partis au gouvernement » lors de la réunion annuelle de l’ECPR à Uppsala en 2004, Kris Deschouwer classe les partis régionalistes comme le troisième grand groupe de « nouveaux partis » 5. Quelques années auparavant, Marc Lazar défendait la même thèse quant à l’émergence d’acteurs régionalistes : « Enfin, l’émergence de nouveaux groupes d’intérêt (écologistes, féministes, régionalistes, etc.) et partis (verts, verts-rouges, nouvelle gauche, régionalistes, etc.) qui reflètent la complexité croissante des sociétés et contribuent à leur différenciation, contestent les organisations traditionnelles et critiquent leurs modes de négociations, achève d’ébranler le vieil édifice »6 . En 1998, Huri Türsan évoquait une « prolifération » 8 LES PARTIS RÉGIONALISTES EN EUROPE PETITES PATRIES, PETITS PARTIS ? 9 contemporaine de partis régionalistes 7 et Seth Kincaid Jolly l’existence d’un consensus sur la « progression des partis régionalistes » dans la période actuelle 8. Cette perspective mérite pourtant des nuances importantes sous différents angles. Il convient en premier lieu de s’interroger sur la nouveauté du phénomène. En vérité, et Daniel-Louis Seiler le rappelle dans cet ouvrage, la question régionale et de la place des « communautés » dans l’édification stato-nationale est très ancienne. Elle a été particulièrement saillante dans la période de l’entre-deux-guerres. Plus nettement encore, sans même évoquer les organisations politiques qui ont disparu, nombre de partis régionalistes sont des formations anciennes, parfois centenaires : le parti sarde d’action (1921) 9, la Ligue du Nord (1991), le parti populaire du sud-Tyrol (1945), l’Union valdôtaine (1945), la gauche républicaine de Catalogne (1931) 10, Convergence et Union démocratique de Catalogne (1978), le parti nationaliste basque (1894), Eusko Alkartasuna (1986), le parti bavarois (1946), le parti populaire suédois (1906), le Sinn Fein (1907), le parti travailliste et social- démocrate (1970), le parti national écossais (1934) 11 ou encore le parti du pays de Galles (1925). Ajoutons que la fédération européenne de partis rassemblant un certain nombre de formations régionalistes, l’Alliance libre européenne (ALE), voit le jour dès 1981 12. Dans cette optique, l’idée de réveil est sans doute plus pertinente que celle d’émergence ou de nouvelle famille de partis. Le deuxième angle de vue concerne la notion de famille de partis. Les partis régionalistes constituent-ils une « famille » de partis ? En première approche, il convient d’observer la traduction politique d’une éventuelle existence d’une famille de partis. Le parti démocratique des peuples d’Europe-Alliance libre européenne, qui a cette prétention au niveau européen 13, rassemble en 2005 vingt-cinq partis membres : l’Union du peuple alsacien, le partido andalucista, le partie deutschprachigen, l’Union démocratique bretonne, le partidu di a Nazione corsa, le Plaid Cymru, Liberta Emilia-Nazione Emilia, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, Eusko Alkartasuna, le Fryske Nasjonale Partij, le Bloque Nacionalista Galego, le partit occitan, le partido sardo d’Azione, le Mouvement Région Savoie, la Ligue savoisienne, le Scottish National Party, le Slovenska Skupnost, l’Union fûr Südtirol, l’Unitat Catalana, l’Union valdôtaine, le Vinozhito-Rainbow Party, Spirit, la Liga Fronte Veneto, le Ruch Autonomii Slaska et Cornaal/Kernow. Ce nombre important ne peut toutefois masquer deux réalités. Plusieurs de ces formations sont groupusculaires et n’ont qu’une présence et une visibilité politiques insignifiantes (infra). Elles sont peu connues sinon inconnues, y compris dans l’espace territorial ou auprès de la communauté qu’elles aspirent à représenter. L’exemple des cinq formations françaises est sans aucun doute illustratif de cette observation. Surtout, comme le rappelle Peter Lynch dans sa contribution, un nombre appréciable de partis qualifiés de régionalistes, dont certains parmi les plus importants, n’y sont pas présents et sont parfois membres d’autres fédérations européennes de partis : le parti nationaliste
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