A Grammar of Ma Manda a Papuan Language of Morobe Province, Papua New Guinea

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Grammar of Ma Manda a Papuan Language of Morobe Province, Papua New Guinea ResearchOnline@JCU This file is part of the following reference: Pennington, Ryan (2016) A grammar of Ma Manda a Papuan language of Morobe Province, Papua New Guinea. PhD thesis, James Cook University. Access to this file is available from: http://researchonline.jcu.edu.au/48926/ The author has certified to JCU that they have made a reasonable effort to gain permission and acknowledge the owner of any third party copyright material included in this document. If you believe that this is not the case, please contact [email protected] and quote http://researchonline.jcu.edu.au/48926/ A grammar of Ma Manda A Papuan language of Morobe Province, Papua New Guinea by Ryan Pennington Thesis submitted to The Language and Culture Research Centre College of Arts, Society and Education James Cook University, Cairns, Australia in fulfilment of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the discipline of Linguistics May 2016 Disclaimer I declare that this thesis is my own work and has not been submitted in any form for another degree or diploma at any university or other institution of tertiary education. Information derived from the published or unpublished work of others has been acknowledged in the text and a list of references is given. As the copyright owner of this thesis, I grant James Cook University a permanent non- exclusive licence to store, display or copy any or all of the thesis, in all forms of media, for use within the University, and to make the thesis freely available online to other persons or organisations. I do not wish to place any restriction on access to this work. The research presented and reported in this thesis was conducted in accordance with the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research, 2007. The research study proposal received human research ethics approval from the JCU Human Research Ethics Committee on 4 Feb 2015, Approval ID H6045. Ryan Pennington For my Cs— For the one I lost in dusk and doubt. For the one who came in mourning. For the three who held me through the night. And the One who gave me morning. iii Acknowledgements A correlation exists between the magnitude of an achievement and the number of people required to realize that achievement. As my dreams and successes have multiplied, so has the web of interconnected relationships which supports me. I am the recipient of far too many benefactors to name. These people and organizations have given me advice, knowledge, money, trust, encouragement, forgiveness, and especially that eternally hoarded resource— time. First and foremost, I thank my supervisors at the Language and Culture Research Centre of James Cook University. Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald has been my most generous advocate and mentor during my time in Cairns. She is unparalleled in her knowledge of even the most intricate of linguistic details in the literature, and was openhanded with her encyclopedic knowledge. R. M. W. Dixon has been an ever-present source of firm guidance in a constantly-changing field of research. It is his monumental research in Basic Linguistic Theory which enabled my own research to be transparent and linked to the worldwide body of knowledge built up over millennia. Valérie Guérin is a friend who offered frequent encouragement, always reminding me that my life does not hinge on a single analysis, chapter, or thesis. These three supervisors deserve much of the accolades from this thesis, as it is only by their prodding that I am finished with the project today. Second, I thank SIL International, a praiseworthy organization composed of many sacrificial and honorable men and women. As a member of SIL (particularly its Papua New Guinea branch) for the duration of my research and study, I can say with authority that their work is valuable. I simply cannot begin to list everyone within SIL who has served me and my family during my last nine years as an SIL member. I would like to single out René van den Berg, however, for his gracious mentorship in my life. Next, I thank the Ma Manda people. They welcomed me and my wife into Saut Village in 2009, and forged the deepest of ties with us over the following months and years. They patiently taught us to speak their language, to cook their food, to walk barefoot, to heal wounds with stinging nettle, to carry our babies in string bags, and, especially, to slow down and relax. Saut is a magical place in my eyes, so disconnected from much of the stressors of my own life wrapped in my western baggage. As I slept in the moonlight and listened to laughter through bamboo walls, I saw the splendidly simple joys of humanity. I am forever changed by these people who took me in and gave me so much more than I can repay. iv Specifically, I thank Garambon Magu and his family. He has been my primary coworker over the years, dedicating his valuable time to this research. I thank Doyang Yambarum, into whose family I was adopted, and on whose land I was housed. I also thank Tuboin Bangam and Josep Pange, both of whom generously accompanied Garambon to SIL’s Ukarumpa Centre for month-long work trips. I also thank the numerous men, women, and children who let me attach microphones to their heads and record their stories—the fantastical and the mundane alike. This project belongs more to them than anyone, and it is my sincere hope that it will benefit them in a myriad of ways in the future. Next, I thank my family. My wife Crystal is behind all my successes, always believing in my ability to accomplish the tasks set before me. I’d throw it all away to return the favor— just watch. My three children constantly remind me of life’s more important things. I am so glad to once again have the time to devote to them. I need to pay them back for those late nights at work, and with interest. My father, Mark Pennington, was so excited for me to study linguistics, and was incredibly proud that I was pursuing a doctorate degree. After his life was cut short, I hope this thesis stands to honor his legacy. My mother, Karen Pennington, is an enduring example of loyalty and unconditional love. I hope I will continue to make her proud as I try to live up to her example. Finally, I thank a portion of the others who participated in my success. A number of fellow members of the LCRC at JCU contributed frequently through lively discussions, careful editing of chapter drafts, insightful questions, and words of encouragement. These include Grant Aiton, Angeliki Alvanoudi, Azeb Amha, Juliane Böttger, Elena Mihas, Colleen Oates, Howard Oates, Jolene Overall, Simon Overall, Nick Piper, Hannah Sarvasy, James Slotta, and Kasia Wojtylak, among others. I also want to specifically thank Amanda Parsonage, whose administrative efforts got me to Cairns and kept me there! v Abstract This is a grammar of Ma Manda, a language of Papua New Guinea, which covers major aspects of this previously undescribed language. The analysis is supported by culturally- embedded examples from a recorded text corpus. The result is a comprehensive preservation of this endangered language for its speakers, and for linguistic and anthropological scholars working in the Papuan arena. vi Table of Contents Disclaimer .................................................................................................. ii Acknowledgements .................................................................................. iv Abstract ..................................................................................................... vi List of tables ............................................................................................ xiv Lists of figures, maps, and pictures ..................................................... xvii Conventions .......................................................................................... xviii Abbreviations ......................................................................................... xxi PART I: INTRODUCTION ..................................................................... 1 1 The language and its people ............................................................... 2 1.1 Geography & demography .................................................................. 2 1.2 Culture ................................................................................................. 8 1.2.1 The village .............................................................................. 8 1.2.2 Economy ............................................................................... 11 1.2.3 The Church & the Ma Manda worldview ............................. 11 1.2.4 History .................................................................................. 14 1.2.5 Gardening & hunting ............................................................ 14 1.2.6 Kinship .................................................................................. 16 1.2.7 Names ................................................................................... 17 1.2.8 Marriage ................................................................................ 18 1.2.9 Birth ...................................................................................... 20 1.2.10 Death ..................................................................................... 21 1.2.11 Other ceremonies .................................................................. 21 1.3 Ma Manda language .......................................................................... 22 1.3.1 Language name ....................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Deixis and Reference Tracing in Tsova-Tush (PDF)
    DEIXIS AND REFERENCE TRACKING IN TSOVA-TUSH A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAIʻI AT MĀNOA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN LINGUISTICS MAY 2020 by Bryn Hauk Dissertation committee: Andrea Berez-Kroeker, Chairperson Alice C. Harris Bradley McDonnell James N. Collins Ashley Maynard Acknowledgments I should not have been able to finish this dissertation. In the course of my graduate studies, enough obstacles have sprung up in my path that the odds would have predicted something other than a successful completion of my degree. The fact that I made it to this point is a testament to thekind, supportive, wise, and generous people who have picked me up and dusted me off after every pothole. Forgive me: these thank-yous are going to get very sappy. First and foremost, I would like to thank my Tsova-Tush host family—Rezo Orbetishvili, Nisa Baxtarishvili, and of course Tamar and Lasha—for letting me join your family every summer forthe past four years. Your time, your patience, your expertise, your hospitality, your sense of humor, your lovingly prepared meals and generously poured wine—these were the building blocks that supported all of my research whims. My sincerest gratitude also goes to Dantes Echishvili, Revaz Shankishvili, and to all my hosts and friends in Zemo Alvani. It is possible to translate ‘thank you’ as მადელ შუნ, but you have taught me that gratitude is better expressed with actions than with set phrases, sofor now I will just say, ღაზიშ ხილჰათ, ბედნიერ ხილჰათ, მარშმაკიშ ხილჰათ..
    [Show full text]
  • Pluractionals in Fwe
    DEPARTMENT OF LANGUAGES AND CULTURES BANTUGENT - UGENT CENTRE FOR BANTU STUDIES PLURACTIONALS IN FWE Hilde Gunnink - 28 August 2017 - CALL 47 Fwe • +- 20.000 speakers • spoken in Zambia and Namibia • Eastern Bantu, Bantu Botatwe (Bostoen 2009, de Luna 2010) Pluractionality pluractionality / verbal number: multiple events • ètêndè rìcóːkêtè ‘His leg is broken.’ • ètêndèrìcó ːkáùkìtè> PLURACTIONAL ‘His leg is broken in multiple places.’ Pluractionals 1. Suffix -a-: event-internal pluractionality 2. Stem reduplication: event-internal/external pluractionality 3. Prefix -kabú- / -yabú-: locative pluractional Pluractional -a- • derivational suffix -a- • obligatorily followed by another derivational suffix: – -ur- / -uk-: separative – -ik-: impositive – -ir-: applicative Pluractional -a- Pluractional -a- with separative -ur-/-uk- -dàm-à-ùr-à ‘to beat up, beat to a pulp’ -cènk-à-ùk-à ‘to look over both shoulders’ Pluractional -a- with transitive impositive -ik- -dáns-à-ìk-à ‘to scatter’ -hánj-à-ìk-à ‘to hang up (multiple objects)’ Pluractional -a- with applicative -ir- -shónj-à-ìr-à ‘to throw (multiple times)’ -sòs-à-ìr-à ‘to keep on poking a fire’ Pluractional -a- From *-ag- “imperfective/repetitive/habitual” (Meeussen 1967) Or from *-ad- “extensive: be in a spread-out position” (Schadeberg 2003)? “Extensive” -a- Yeyi (R41) -aar- “extensive” -tj’embaara ‘pinch repeatedly’ Tonga (M64) -aul-/-auk- “dispersive/frequentative” -yandaula ‘seek for, want in many places’ Lamba (M54) -al-/-aul-/-auk- “extensive” -kwamaula ~ -kwamala ‘tear to bits’ Kwangali
    [Show full text]
  • Habituality in Four Oceanic Languages of Melanesia
    STUF 2019; 72(1): 21–66 Kilu von Prince*, Ana Krajinović, Anna Margetts, Nick Thieberger and Valérie Guérin Habituality in four Oceanic languages of Melanesia https://doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0002 Abstract: Our knowledge about tense, aspect and modality (TMA) in the Oceanic languages of Melanesia has so far been severely limited by the lack of available data. Habituality in particular, as one of the less described TMA categories, has not yet been widely discussed for this group of languages. Based on corpus data and elicitations, we give a detailed overview of four languages, identifying common trends and addressing specific questions of general concern. These include the relation of habituality to (im)perfectivity and the relation between habituality and irrealis. Keywords: aspect, Oceanic, reduplication, modality 1 Introduction The Oceanic language family roughly includes between 450 (Lynch et al. 2002) and 520 (Hammarström et al. 2017) individual languages. Most of them are spoken in Melanesia, specifically in Papua New Guinea, the Admiralty Islands, the Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and New Caledonia. In contrast to some of the bigger Oceanic languages of Polynesia such as Samoan or Maori, most of the Oceanic languages of Melanesia are spoken by relatively small communities of speakers, often do not have a standardized variety, a written tradition, or official status. Accordingly, they are often comparatively under-documented. *Corresponding author: Kilu von Prince, Institut für Deutsche Sprache und Linguistik, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Unter den Linden 6, 10099 Berlin, Germany, E-mail: [email protected]. Ana Krajinović, Institut für Deutsche Sprache und Linguistik, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Unter den Linden 6, 10099 Berlin, Germany, E-mail: [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: a Case Study from Koro
    Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro By Jessica Cleary-Kemp A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Associate Professor Lev D. Michael, Chair Assistant Professor Peter S. Jenks Professor William F. Hanks Summer 2015 © Copyright by Jessica Cleary-Kemp All Rights Reserved Abstract Serial Verb Constructions Revisited: A Case Study from Koro by Jessica Cleary-Kemp Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics University of California, Berkeley Associate Professor Lev D. Michael, Chair In this dissertation a methodology for identifying and analyzing serial verb constructions (SVCs) is developed, and its application is exemplified through an analysis of SVCs in Koro, an Oceanic language of Papua New Guinea. SVCs involve two main verbs that form a single predicate and share at least one of their arguments. In addition, they have shared values for tense, aspect, and mood, and they denote a single event. The unique syntactic and semantic properties of SVCs present a number of theoretical challenges, and thus they have invited great interest from syntacticians and typologists alike. But characterizing the nature of SVCs and making generalizations about the typology of serializing languages has proven difficult. There is still debate about both the surface properties of SVCs and their underlying syntactic structure. The current work addresses some of these issues by approaching serialization from two angles: the typological and the language-specific. On the typological front, it refines the definition of ‘SVC’ and develops a principled set of cross-linguistically applicable diagnostics.
    [Show full text]
  • Abstract of Counting Systems of Papua New Guinea and Oceania
    Abstract of http://www.uog.ac.pg/glec/thesis/ch1web/ABSTRACT.htm Abstract of Counting Systems of Papua New Guinea and Oceania by Glendon A. Lean In modern technological societies we take the existence of numbers and the act of counting for granted: they occur in most everyday activities. They are regarded as being sufficiently important to warrant their occupying a substantial part of the primary school curriculum. Most of us, however, would find it difficult to answer with any authority several basic questions about number and counting. For example, how and when did numbers arise in human cultures: are they relatively recent inventions or are they an ancient feature of language? Is counting an important part of all cultures or only of some? Do all cultures count in essentially the same ways? In English, for example, we use what is known as a base 10 counting system and this is true of other European languages. Indeed our view of counting and number tends to be very much a Eurocentric one and yet the large majority the languages spoken in the world - about 4500 - are not European in nature but are the languages of the indigenous peoples of the Pacific, Africa, and the Americas. If we take these into account we obtain a quite different picture of counting systems from that of the Eurocentric view. This study, which attempts to answer these questions, is the culmination of more than twenty years on the counting systems of the indigenous and largely unwritten languages of the Pacific region and it involved extensive fieldwork as well as the consultation of published and rare unpublished sources.
    [Show full text]
  • AMBAKICH [Aew]
    Endangered languages listing: AMBAKICH [aew] Number of speakers: 770; Total population of language area: 1,964 (2003). Ambakich (also called Aion or Porapora) is a language spoken in the Angoram district of East Sepik Province, Papua New Guinea. Ambakich is classified as one of the “Grass” languages (Laycock 1973); these languages are now regarded as members of the “Lower Sepik-Ramu” family (Foley 2005). Ambakich speakers mostly live in villages along the Porapora River, which flows northward into the Sepik River. One village (Yaut) is located on the Keram River, southwest of the other villages. Speakers call their language “Ambakich”, whereas “Aion” is the name of the ethnic group. The population in 2003 was probably greater than the 1,964 reported. The language has SOV structure. An SIL survey in 2003 (Potter et al, forthcoming) found that Ambakich has very low vitality. While most adults were able to speak Ambakich, both children and youth spoke and understood Tok Pisin far better than Ambakich. Ambakich speakers report positive attitudes toward their language, stating they value it as an important part of their culture. However, parents use more Tok Pisin than Ambakich when speaking to their children. Communities verbally support the use of Ambakich in schools and teacher attitudes are positive; however teachers feel that the children are not learning the language because it is not being used in the home. Tok Pisin is used in all domains, including home, cultural, religious, social, legal, trade and other interactions with outsiders. Ambakich speakers are close neighbours to the Taiap language studied by Kulick (1992).
    [Show full text]
  • Pluractionality and Aspectual Structure in the Galician Spanish Tener-Perfect
    Pluractionality and Aspectual Structure in the Galician Spanish Tener-Perfect Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Maria del Pilar Chamorro Graduate Program in Spanish & Portuguese The Ohio State University 2012 Dissertation Committee: Professor Scott A. Schwenter, Co-advisor Professor Judith Tonhauser, Co-advisor Professor Terrell A. Morgan Copyright by Maria del Pilar Chamorro 2012 Abstract In this dissertation I explore the meaning of the perfect construction tener ‘have’ (present indicative) + (non agreeing) past participle as used in the Spanish spoken in Galicia (northwest region of Spain), to which I refer as GaSP (Galician Spanish Perfect). The goal is to develop a formal analysis that captures the empirical findings of the meanings of Galician Spanish utterances with this construction. First, temporal reference in GaSP utterances is constrained to reference time intervals that include the time of utterance in their denotation and whose length is equal or greater than (roughly) two days stretching from the day of utterance time into the past. Second, GaSP utterances express plural eventualities temporally distributed at discontinuous intervals across the reference time interval. And third, in contrast to the so- called prototypical perfects, the range of interpretations of GaSP utterances is very limited, exhibiting universal and existential readings with multiple events. I formally analyze the empirical findings within the Reichenbachian framework of temporality. I specifically capture the temporal relations between the times involved in tense and aspect in Klein’s (1994) theory of temporal interpretation. Tense determines the relation between the time of utterance and the reference time whereas grammatical aspect determines the relation between the reference time and the eventuality time.
    [Show full text]
  • Aspects of Tok Pisin Grammar
    PACIFIC LINGUISTICS Senie� B - No. 66 ASPECTS OF TOK PIS IN GRAMMAR by Ellen B. Woolford Department of Linguistics Research School of Pacific Studies THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY Woodford, E.B. Aspects of Tok Pisin grammar. B-66, vi + 123 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1979. DOI:10.15144/PL-B66.cover ©1979 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. PACIFIC LINGUIS TICS is issued through the Lingui�tie Ci�ete 06 Canbe��a and consists of four series: SERIES A - OCCASIONAL PAPERS SERIES B - MONOGRAPHS SERIES C - BOOKS SERIES V - SPECIAL PUBLICATIONS EDITOR: S.A. Wurrn. ASSOCIATE EDITORS: D.C. Laycock, C.L. Voorhoeve, D.T. Tryon, T.E. Dutton. EDITORIAL ADVISERS: B. Bender, University of Hawaii J. Lynch, University of Papua D. Bradley, University of Melbourne New Guinea A. Capell, University of Sydney K.A. McElhanon, University of Texas S. Elbert, University of Hawaii H. McKaughan, university of Hawaii K. Franklin, Summer Institute of P. MUhlh�usler, Linacre College, Linguistics oxford W.W. Glover, Summer Institute of G.N. O'Grady, University of Linguistics victoria, B.C. G. Grace, University of Hawaii A.K. pawley, University of Hawaii M.A.K. Halliday, university of K. Pike, Univeraity of Michigan; Sydney Summer Institute of Linguistics A. Healey, Summer Institute of E.C. Pol orne, University of Texas Linguistics G. Sankoff, Universite de Montreal L. Hercus, Australian National E. Uhlenbeck, University of Leiden University J.W.M. Verhaar, University of N.D.
    [Show full text]
  • GRAMMATICALIZATION in TOK PISIN Cindy Tung
    GRAMMATICALIZATION IN TOK PISIN Cindy Tung WHAT IS TOK PISIN? Tok Pisin began as an English-based pidgin spoken by the majority of Papua New Guinea’s population, with many of these people speaking Tok Pisin as a L21, but the language is now classified as a creole. It is hard to pinpoint the exact definitions of the words “pidgin” and “creole,” as both are contact languages that are created out of circumstances where people cannot dialogue with their existing languages. The definition of a pidgin is “a system of communication which has grown up among people who do not share a common language [but desire communication]” (Crystal 2010: 344), and the primary distinction between a creole and a pidgin is that a creole is spoken as a native language and pidgins are only spoken as an L2. Pidgins also tend to be limited in scope, covering only a limited topic, often trade. As a language evolves from a pidgin to a creole, the vocabulary expands to cover more aspects of communication. Tok Pisin traces its history to the pidgin of Samoan plantations located roughly 2,500 miles west of Papua New Guinea. Under German plantation owners and colonial masters, native English input was unavailable, and vocabulary was incorporated into Tok Pisin by a strategy of its own, causing Tok Pisin to develop as a language without heavy English influence (Mühlhausler 2003: 5). Although the majority of the lexicon originates from English, German words were adopted into Tok Pisin during Germany’s rule of Papua New Guinea. Some of these words include beten ‘to pray’, raus ‘get lost’, and borim ‘to drill’ (Mühlhausler 2003: 27).
    [Show full text]
  • Language Dispersal Beyond Farming
    Language Dispersal Beyond Farming edited by Martine Robbeets and Alexander Savelyev John Benjamins Publishing Company Language Dispersal Beyond Farming Language Dispersal Beyond Farming Edited by Martine Robbeets Alexander Savelyev Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, Jena John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam / Philadelphia TM The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of 8 the American National Standard for Information Sciences – Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi z39.48-1984. ./z. Cataloging-in-Publication Data available from Library of Congress () (-) © –John Benjamins B.V. The electronic edition of this book is Open Access under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 This license permits reuse, distribution and reproduction in any medium for non-commercial purposes, provided that the original author(s) and source are credited. Derivative works may not be distributed without prior permission. This work may contain content reproduced under license from third parties. Permission to reproduce this third-party content must be obtained from these third parties directly. Permission for any reuse beyond the scope of this license must be obtained from John Ben- jamins Publishing Company, [email protected] John Benjamins Publishing Company · https://benjamins.com Table of contents List of tables vii List of figures ix List of contributors xi Acknowledgements xiii Chapter 1 Farming/Language Dispersal: Food for thought 1 Martine
    [Show full text]
  • Special Issue 2012 Part I ISSN: 0023-1959
    Reassessing the wider genetic affiliations of the Timor-Alor-Pantar languages Item Type Book chapter Authors Robinson, Laura C.; Holton, Gary Citation Robinson, Laura C. and Gary Holton. 2012. Reassessing the wider genetic affiliations of the Timor-Alor-Pantar languages. On the History, Contact and Classification of Papuan Languages, ed. by H. Hammarström and W. van den Heuvel, 59-87. (Special Issue of Language and Linguistics in Melanesia.) Port Moresby: Linguistic Society of Papua New Guinea. Download date 30/09/2021 10:10:40 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/11122/1053 Language & Linguistics in Melanesia Special Issue 2012 Part I ISSN: 0023-1959 Journal of the Linguistic Society of Papua New Guinea ISSN: 0023-1959 Special Issue 2012 Harald Hammarström & Wilco van den Heuvel (eds.) History, contact and classification of Papuan languages Part One Language & Linguistics in Melanesia Special Issue 2012 Part I ISSN: 0023-1959 REASSESSING THE WIDER GENEALOGICAL AFFILIATIONS OF THE TIMOR- ALOR-PANTAR LANGUAGES Laura Robinson and Gary Holton University of Alaska, Fairbanks [email protected], [email protected] Abstract The wider genealogical affiliations of the Timor-Alor-Pantar languages have been the subject of much speculation. These languages are surrounded by unrelated Austronesian languages, and attempts to locate related languages have focused on Papuan languages 800 km or more distant. In this paper we examine three hypotheses for genealogical relatedness, drawing on both pronominal and especially lexical evidence. We rely in particular on recent reconstructions of proto-Alor-Pantar vocabulary. Of the hypotheses evaluated here, we find the most striking similarities between TAP and the West Bomberai family.
    [Show full text]
  • Special Issue 2012 Part I ISSN: 0023-1959
    Language & Linguistics in Melanesia Special Issue 2012 Part I ISSN: 0023-1959 Journal of the Linguistic Society of Papua New Guinea ISSN: 0023-1959 Special Issue 2012 Harald Hammarström & Wilco van den Heuvel (eds.) History, contact and classification of Papuan languages Part One Language & Linguistics in Melanesia Special Issue 2012 Part I ISSN: 0023-1959 VERBS WITH PRONOMINAL OBJECT PREFIXES IN FINISTERRE-HUON LANGUAGES Edgar Suter University of Cologne [email protected] ABSTRACT The Finisterre-Huon stock was established by Kenneth McElhanon (1975). His evidence for a genealogical relationship among these 60 plus languages is reviewed and found to be compelling. In this article I take up one of his pieces of evidence, verbs with pronominal object prefixes, and elaborate on it. The Finisterre-Huon languages have a small closed class of transitive verbs taking pronominal object prefixes. A few of these verbs are cognate across both putative first-order subgroups, the Huon Peninsula family and the Finisterre-Saruwaged family, and can be reconstructed for proto Finisterre-Huon. Most of the pronominal object prefixes can also be reconstructed and are found to be identical to the free pronouns proposed for proto Trans New Guinea by Stephen Wurm (1975) and Malcolm Ross (2005), to which I suggest adding *ya 'they'. Three of the prefixed verbs reconstructed for proto Finisterre-Huon have cognates in other Trans New Guinea subfamilies giving rise to higher level reconstructions. KEYWORDS: Finisterre-Huon, Trans New Guinea, reconstruction, verb morphology, personal pronouns, object verbs INTRODUCTION The Finisterre-Huon languages are spoken in the northern half of Morobe Province and the adjacent part of Madang Province in Papua New Guinea.1 They cover the whole Huon Peninsula, except for the coastal fringes where Oceanic languages are spoken, run along the Saruwaged mountains and end in the Finisterre Range, which straddles the border between 1 The research for this paper was commissioned by the Department of Linguistics of the University of Cologne, Germany.
    [Show full text]