Werner Gatty, Gerhard Schmid, Maria Steiner, Doris Wiesinger, eds.. Die Ö?ra Kreisky: Ö?sterreich im Wandel 1970 bis 1983. Innsbruck and : Studien Verlag, 1997. 184 pp. DM 40,80, cloth, ISBN 978-3-7065-1195-7.

Reviewed by Wolfgang P. Hirczy de Mino

Published on HABSBURG (October, 1997)

Bruno Kreisky, leader of one of the most suc‐ does not purport to be the defnitive study either cessful postwar socialist parties in Western Eu‐ of the period of modern Austrian history shaped rope, headed the Austrian Republic as federal by a series of one-party SPOe governments, or of chancellor from 1970 to 1983. He pursued full em‐ the Phaenomen Kreisky more specifcally. The ployment at the expense of defcit spending, ex‐ fruit of a seminar under the motto "50 Years Sec‐ panded and solidifed the , worked ond Republic: The Kreisky Era, 1970-1983," this toward the democratization of the nation's social collection is best characterized as a political retro‐ and economic life beyond the political realm, spective. The gathering that produced it was orga‐ presided over a number of signifcant reforms on nized by the Paedagogische Institute des Bundes social issues, and in his time also attracted consid‐ in Vienna as a continuing education event for vo‐ erable world-wide attention for his initiatives in cational education teachers in May 1995. It international politics, a number of them quite brought together a diverse group of presenters in controversial. Kreisky's former residence, which now houses the What is the lasting legacy of the reign of Bruno Kreisky Forum for International Dialogue. Kaiser Bruno, as he was dubbed by the press, and Spanning fourteen short chapters, the book of his embrace of the state as an engine for recounts the key events, political issues, conficts, change toward social democratic values and and accomplishments of Kreisky's political career; goals? This is an important question that has yet it ofers reminiscences, assessments, and tributes to be answered, particularly in light of the subse‐ by sixteen contemporaries of Kreisky, all of whom quent decline of the Socialist Party and its ideo‐ apparently knew him personally and worked or logical appeal, and the corresponding resurgence dealt with him in one capacity or another. Many of neo-conservative politics and policies. of them are fellow party members of the SPOe or Notwithstanding its rather ambitious title, otherwise sympathetic toward Kreisky and the The Kreisky Era is a modest collaborative work. It political ideas he embodied. Even OeVP member H-Net Reviews

Kurt Vorhofer of Die Kleine Zeitung, a conserva‐ Swedish Model" into wholesale. But tive Catholic paper, makes a point of identifying Kreisky certainly agreed with and his himself as being on the left wing of his political Swedish socialists in their pragmatism: A revolu‐ group (p. 150). Not surprisingly, the contributors tion was not needed to transform society because fnd little to disagree on in their overall apprecia‐ the goal of structural reform could be achieved tion of Kreisky as an individual, as a politician, democratically. The difusion of ideas across coun‐ and a statesman. For critical perspectives on tries and the collaboration on matters of joint in‐ Kreisky's performance as a political leader, and terest through the as well on the legislative record of the SPOe under his as through Kreisky's close personal relationship leadership, one will have to look elsewhere. with other leading Social Democrats in Europe (in In the frst of two biographical chapters, Wer‐ particular and Olof Palme) are re‐ ner Gatty takes the reader through the major for‐ curring themes in other chapters as well. mative experiences in Kreisky's youth: from his In the second biographical chapter, Gerhard bourgeois family background, early involvement Schmid sketches Kreisky's ascent to the leadership in the socialist movement, and political experi‐ position within the Socialist Party (SPOe) after his ences during the First Republic to his conviction return from , and on to the pinnacle of for treason and imprisonment by the authoritari‐ power in Austrian politics. There he remained for an regime, his arrest and "protective detention" more than a decade, serving frst as Chancellor in (Schutzhaft) by the Gestapo in the wake of the An‐ an SPOe minority government tacitly supported schluss, to his subsequent exile in Sweden. Gatty by the FPOe, and then--following the attainment provides an overview of Kreisky's activities there, by the SPOe of an absolute majority in 1971--the specifcally of his eforts on behalf of fellow Aus‐ frst of three terms as head of Socialist single-par‐ trians (including emigres and deserters from the ty governments. Wehrmacht), whom he organized and loyally At the beginning of his post-war career his re‐ served as a leader notwithstanding his marriage sponsibilities in public ofce involved Kreisky in to a Swede and his increasing integration into the the negotiations and politicking surrounding Aus‐ society of the host country. After the end of the tria's future geopolitical status, the issue of neu‐ war Kreisky became Austria's representative in trality, and the conclusion of the State Treaty, re‐ Sweden and was charged with preparing the es‐ sulting in the withdrawal of the occupation forces tablishment of an embassy there. He returned to in 1955. In his review of the future chancellor's Vienna in 1951, began to work for the foreign of‐ role in these important events, Schmid presents fce, and later became foreign . Kreisky as a founding father of sorts of the Second Gatty suggests that Kreisky's experiences in Republic as a sovereign state. (One may recall that Sweden and contacts with the political elite there Austria's national day, 26 October, commemorates informed some of his later initiatives as a political the completion of the withdrawal of foreign leader and policy maker in his homeland (e.g. troops, most importantly the Red Army.) He also Keynesian economic policy, the social partnership stresses Kreisky's neutralist and anti-Communist concept in the area of industrial relations, and the line as state secretary and as foreign minister, introduction of an ombudsman, which was estab‐ along with his role as a mediator between the lished in Sweden as early as 1809). Kreisky's own governments of the US and the USSR and his ef‐ writings and speeches are cited amply by Gatty to forts to develop amicable relations with the lead‐ support his points. This also includes Kreisky's re‐ ers of the East European satellites. jection of the charge that he sought to import "the

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In 1971 Kreisky became the frst Social Demo‐ When his party lost its majority in the 1983 elec‐ crat to lead a government in Austria. The SPOe tions, he stepped down. presented an ambitious legislative program to Even a mere summary of the legislative demonstrate its commitment to change. The mi‐ record of the Austrian Socialist Party under nority government achieved a moderate reform Kreisky's leadership should put to rest the propo‐ of the penal code, elimination of discrimination sition entertained by some political scientists that against illegitimate children and a (self-serving) the partisan (and thus ideological) complexion of revision of the electoral system. A year later the government has little, if any, efect on the sub‐ SPOe won an absolute majority for the frst time stance of public policy. in history and embarked on even more ambitious In the foreign realm, Kreisky was involved in reforms. Among the most important ones were: the CSCE process and pursued humanitarian introduction of marriage grants (Heiratsbeihilfe), goals. He earned acclaim as well as notoriety free school books, mother-child pass (a pre-natal/ through his initiatives in the Middle East confict: post-natal care and infant health program), intro‐ he extended a welcoming hand and diplomatic in‐ duction of VAT, forty-hour work week legislation, vitation to Yassir Arafat, and maintained contacts a major reform of the penal code, sex equality leg‐ with international outcasts such as the leader of islation, and measures to restructure state indus‐ Libya. Kreisky was also an advocate for the Third tries. Kreisky also sought accommodation with World and promoter of the North-South dialogue. the . Nevertheless his government As "elder statesman" he continued to devote him‐ legalized abortion during the frst three months of self to many of his favorite causes, including the pregnancy (Fristenloesung), a major point of con‐ fght against unemployment (through the "Kreisky fict with the church, and also decriminalized Commission"). He died, at age 79, in 1990. By then adultery after one year of separation. the period of socialist predominance in Austrian In the area of economic policy the Kreisky politics was long over. It had been succeeded by government employed defcit spending in pursuit new era, marked by a series of of the Socialist government's, and Kreisky's, high‐ governments led by a another popular SPOe er-order goal: full employment. Kreisky continued politician: (since replaced, after a his reform course during his third term, which decade in ofce, by ). saw enactment of four-week minimum annual va‐ The biographical overview of Kreisky's life cation, establishment of the ofce of ombudsman, and career by Gatty and Schmid is followed by ap‐ reordering of the law of parentage, consumer pro‐ praisals of Kreisky's personality. tection legislation, social security coverage of the self-employed, and other measures. Kreisky suf‐ Though one might have expected more per‐ fered a major set-back in 1978, when he called a sonal refections on Bruno Kreisky as "Man, Fa‐ national referendum--a frst in Austria--on the ther, and Politician" (title) from his son, Peter peaceful use of nuclear energy and a majority vot‐ Kreisky expounds mostly on the political disagree‐ ed against it. Nevertheless, the Socialists under his ments with his father (and his party)--many of leadership performed even better in the parlia‐ which were quite public--during the time the ju‐ mentary elections of 1979. Kreisky increasingly nior Kreisky was a frebrand radical in Socialist devoted himself to foreign afairs while domesti‐ youth and student organizations while his father cally the economic situation deteriorated, state- was at the helm. In their relentless criticism of the owned industries were piling up losses, and major status quo, doctrinaire stances and zeal for politi‐ corruption scandals rocked the political stage. cal protest, the young Socialists were quite an irri‐ tant to the SPOe. According to Peter, the elder

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Kreisky did not want a party within the party and A set of chapters specifcally addresses do‐ was enraged that his son was fueling the rift (p. mestic and foreign policy dimensions of Kreisky's 48). The latter, in turn, accused his father of being record in government: On the domestic side there a Leninist. "So what" (Meinetwegen), Bruno are separate discussions of economic policy (Aus‐ Kreisky supposedly quipped. Still, the older tro-Keynesianism), of the reforms in the educa‐ Kreisky undoubtedly left an indelible mark on his tional system and those in the area of social policy son. As Peter sums up his predicament: "For me as (including labor law)--by Herbert Ostleitner, Her‐ a young left-wing social democrat it wasn't easy to mann Schnell, and Josef Cerny, respectively. There deal with the sometimes overwhelming political are some nuggets of insight here for scholars in‐ and human example set by my father." (p. 60). Pe‐ terested in public policy and the politics of policy ter Kreisky's exposition of the various strands of reform, provided by commentators who were thought and action within the left and the people themselves also participants or otherwise close involved in them are interesting from a political enough to the action to share the perspective (and science viewpoint. They serve as testimony of the access to information) of the insiders. Kreisky's enduring importance of the socialist youth and ventures in the international realm are covered student organizations as channels for political re‐ by , a former foreign minister, and cruitment and as training grounds for future Karl E. Birnbaum, a historian and political scien‐ SPOe politicians. tist. Lanc gives Kreisky credit for trying to make In a brief tribute to "Bruno Kreisky--A Man Austria's policy of neutrality respectable at a time with Qualities," Margit Schmidt sketches a portrait when it was not even known by this name and of Kreisky's character and persona based on her praises his eforts to reach out toward the east recollections of many years of working for him. (Nachbarschaftspolitik) during the Cold War, al‐ (The title is an allusion to Robert Musil's Der though that proved particularly difcult with Mann ohne Eigenschaften). She stresses her for‐ what was then Czechoslovakia. Covering much of mer boss's approachability (even his phone num‐ the same ground, Birnbaum elaborates on the ber was listed) and ease of dealing with ordinary good-neighbor policy, and focuses on Kreisky's people despite his erudition (a "terrible simplifca‐ contribution to detente by serving as a discussion teur," but also a man who had already read im‐ partner for leaders in East and West, and as an in‐ portant books before they were even translated termediary and clearinghouse ("Kreisky als into German). While acknowledging that his staf Entspannungspolitiker"). Well-known Austrian ac‐ frequently felt aggravated, Schmidt lauds Kreisky tor Fritz Muliar, fnally, remarks on Kreisky's rela‐ for his humor, spontaneity, creativity, intellect, his tionship with the arts and with the artistic com‐ humanitarianism, and his commitment to help munity. the underdog. Schmidt is now the director of the Only a few of these contributions aspire to Bruno Kreisky Forum for International Dialogue scholarly signifcance. Most noteworthy is Oliver and helped organize the conference. The Forum Rathkolb's survey of the Kreisky years as a re‐ continues to be active on themes and topics that search topic in the feld of contemporary history, were important to Kreisky and are still current: although the chronology of key historical phases Europe after 1989, the peace process in the Mid‐ and events is somewhat duplicative of the materi‐ dle East, and the North-South dialogue, develop‐ al in the biographical chapters. Rathkolb also ment, respect for human rights, and the fght points to the gaps in this literature and the con‐ against unemployment. straint posed by the inaccessibility of ofcial archival source material. Hopefully the recently founded Bruno Kreisky Archive, which also pro‐

4 H-Net Reviews vided support for the seminar, will mitigate this the foreword touts the efort to keep the fair of problem somewhat until Austrian government the spoken word in the redacted versions of the records are opened to scholarly inquiry after the individual conference contributions. Some may turn of the century. even come across as chatty. Bruno Kreisky, known The contribution by Charlotte Teuber-Weck‐ and liked for his unassuming prose and down-to- ersdorf, a U.S.-trained political scientist, purports earth manner, no doubt would have been to present a political science analysis of the pleased: both with the brevity of the contributions Kreisky era, but for the most part exhausts itself and with the diligent avoidance of jargon. in the author's narration of anecdotes. Still, she This volume can hardly be considered even a uses them to good efect to buttress her assess‐ parsimonious assessment of the Kreisky reign and ment of some of the key character traits of its accomplishments in all of its dimensions and Kreisky: his astuteness as a politician, his pragma‐ all its complexity, much less a critical appraisal. tism in political action notwithstanding his com‐ Still, it is informative and enjoyable, mainly due mitment to principles, and his intense personal to the diversity of perspectives brought together loyalty, as seen in his perseverance in backing his by the contributors and the wide range of circum‐ scandal-plagued fnance minister and protege stances from which they knew and experienced . In regard to Kreisky's Middle Kreisky and "went with him part of the way," to Eastern policies and initiatives and his cantanker‐ use a Kreisky metaphor. Their generous use of ous dispute with Nazi-hunter stories and reconstructions of dialogues with back at home, Teuber-Weckersdorf opines that Kreisky vividly brings back to life the memory of Kreisky was "the living example that Anti- a great Austrian politician, and of a great commu‐ and Anti-Semitism are not the same thing" (p. nicator--the greatest Austria has yet produced, if 117). Teuber-Weckersdorf is to be believed (p. 123). As The penultimate chapter difers from the the frst volume in a new series titled "Bruno singly authored contributions. It reprints remarks Kreisky International Studies," Die Aera Kreisky is by a number of foreign correspondents and by a a good start, and one likely toenjoy broad appeal. prominent Austrian newspaperman at a round ta‐ One hopes that more thematically focused and ble examining Kreisky as a newsmaker. It pro‐ more rigorously scholarly volumes will soon fol‐ vides some interesting insights into the way the low. "media chancellor" (p. 12), who himself had Copyright (c) 1997 by H-Net, all rights re‐ worked as a reporter in Sweden, handled the served. This work may be copied for non-proft press--and individual journalists. What makes educational use if proper credit is given to the re‐ Kurt Vorhofer's contribution particularly enjoy‐ viewer and to HABSBURG. For other permission, able is his discussion of how Kreisky's phrases please contact and and fgures of speech came to infuence the way . Austrians talk ("In Zeiten wie diesen," "Schauen Sie ...," "Ich bin der Meinung ...," etc.). With the possible exceptions of Peter Kreisky's discussion of ideological squabbles with‐ in the Left and his critique of neo-conservative tendencies, and Ostleitner's interpretation of Aus‐ tro-Keynesianism and defense of Kreisky's eco‐ nomic policies, the book is an easy read. Indeed

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Citation: Wolfgang P. Hirczy de Mino. Review of Gatty, Werner; Schmid, Gerhard; Steiner, Maria; Wiesinger, Doris, eds. Die Ö?ra Kreisky: Ö?sterreich im Wandel 1970 bis 1983. HABSBURG, H-Net Reviews. October, 1997.

URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=1371

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