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The Kreisky Years Werner Gatty, Gerhard Schmid, Maria Steiner, Doris Wiesinger, eds.. Die Ö?ra Kreisky: Ö?sterreich im Wandel 1970 bis 1983. Innsbruck and Vienna: Studien Verlag, 1997. 184 pp. DM 40,80, cloth, ISBN 978-3-7065-1195-7. Reviewed by Wolfgang P. Hirczy de Mino Published on HABSBURG (October, 1997) Bruno Kreisky, leader of one of the most suc‐ does not purport to be the definitive study either cessful postwar socialist parties in Western Eu‐ of the period of modern Austrian history shaped rope, headed the Austrian Republic as federal by a series of one-party SPOe governments, or of chancellor from 1970 to 1983. He pursued full em‐ the Phaenomen Kreisky more specifically. The ployment at the expense of deficit spending, ex‐ fruit of a seminar under the motto "50 Years Sec‐ panded and solidified the welfare state, worked ond Republic: The Kreisky Era, 1970-1983," this toward the democratization of the nation's social collection is best characterized as a political retro‐ and economic life beyond the political realm, spective. The gathering that produced it was orga‐ presided over a number of significant reforms on nized by the Paedagogische Institute des Bundes social issues, and in his time also attracted consid‐ in Vienna as a continuing education event for vo‐ erable world-wide attention for his initiatives in cational education teachers in May 1995. It international politics, a number of them quite brought together a diverse group of presenters in controversial. Kreisky's former residence, which now houses the What is the lasting legacy of the reign of Bruno Kreisky Forum for International Dialogue. Kaiser Bruno, as he was dubbed by the press, and Spanning fourteen short chapters, the book of his embrace of the state as an engine for recounts the key events, political issues, conflicts, change toward social democratic values and and accomplishments of Kreisky's political career; goals? This is an important question that has yet it offers reminiscences, assessments, and tributes to be answered, particularly in light of the subse‐ by sixteen contemporaries of Kreisky, all of whom quent decline of the Socialist Party and its ideo‐ apparently knew him personally and worked or logical appeal, and the corresponding resurgence dealt with him in one capacity or another. Many of neo-conservative politics and policies. of them are fellow party members of the SPOe or Notwithstanding its rather ambitious title, otherwise sympathetic toward Kreisky and the The Kreisky Era is a modest collaborative work. It political ideas he embodied. Even OeVP member H-Net Reviews Kurt Vorhofer of Die Kleine Zeitung, a conserva‐ Swedish Model" into Austria wholesale. But tive Catholic paper, makes a point of identifying Kreisky certainly agreed with Olof Palme and his himself as being on the left wing of his political Swedish socialists in their pragmatism: A revolu‐ group (p. 150). Not surprisingly, the contributors tion was not needed to transform society because find little to disagree on in their overall apprecia‐ the goal of structural reform could be achieved tion of Kreisky as an individual, as a politician, democratically. The diffusion of ideas across coun‐ and a statesman. For critical perspectives on tries and the collaboration on matters of joint in‐ Kreisky's performance as a political leader, and terest through the Socialist International as well on the legislative record of the SPOe under his as through Kreisky's close personal relationship leadership, one will have to look elsewhere. with other leading Social Democrats in Europe (in In the frst of two biographical chapters, Wer‐ particular Willy Brandt and Olof Palme) are re‐ ner Gatty takes the reader through the major for‐ curring themes in other chapters as well. mative experiences in Kreisky's youth: from his In the second biographical chapter, Gerhard bourgeois family background, early involvement Schmid sketches Kreisky's ascent to the leadership in the socialist movement, and political experi‐ position within the Socialist Party (SPOe) after his ences during the First Republic to his conviction return from Sweden, and on to the pinnacle of for treason and imprisonment by the authoritari‐ power in Austrian politics. There he remained for an regime, his arrest and "protective detention" more than a decade, serving frst as Chancellor in (Schutzhaft) by the Gestapo in the wake of the An‐ an SPOe minority government tacitly supported schluss, to his subsequent exile in Sweden. Gatty by the FPOe, and then--following the attainment provides an overview of Kreisky's activities there, by the SPOe of an absolute majority in 1971--the specifically of his efforts on behalf of fellow Aus‐ first of three terms as head of Socialist single-par‐ trians (including emigres and deserters from the ty governments. Wehrmacht), whom he organized and loyally At the beginning of his post-war career his re‐ served as a leader notwithstanding his marriage sponsibilities in public office involved Kreisky in to a Swede and his increasing integration into the the negotiations and politicking surrounding Aus‐ society of the host country. After the end of the tria's future geopolitical status, the issue of neu‐ war Kreisky became Austria's representative in trality, and the conclusion of the State Treaty, re‐ Sweden and was charged with preparing the es‐ sulting in the withdrawal of the occupation forces tablishment of an embassy there. He returned to in 1955. In his review of the future chancellor's Vienna in 1951, began to work for the foreign of‐ role in these important events, Schmid presents fice, and later became foreign minister. Kreisky as a founding father of sorts of the Second Gatty suggests that Kreisky's experiences in Republic as a sovereign state. (One may recall that Sweden and contacts with the political elite there Austria's national day, 26 October, commemorates informed some of his later initiatives as a political the completion of the withdrawal of foreign leader and policy maker in his homeland (e.g. troops, most importantly the Red Army.) He also Keynesian economic policy, the social partnership stresses Kreisky's neutralist and anti-Communist concept in the area of industrial relations, and the line as state secretary and as foreign minister, introduction of an ombudsman, which was estab‐ along with his role as a mediator between the lished in Sweden as early as 1809). Kreisky's own governments of the US and the USSR and his ef‐ writings and speeches are cited amply by Gatty to forts to develop amicable relations with the lead‐ support his points. This also includes Kreisky's re‐ ers of the East European satellites. jection of the charge that he sought to import "the 2 H-Net Reviews In 1971 Kreisky became the frst Social Demo‐ When his party lost its majority in the 1983 elec‐ crat to lead a government in Austria. The SPOe tions, he stepped down. presented an ambitious legislative program to Even a mere summary of the legislative demonstrate its commitment to change. The mi‐ record of the Austrian Socialist Party under nority government achieved a moderate reform Kreisky's leadership should put to rest the propo‐ of the penal code, elimination of discrimination sition entertained by some political scientists that against illegitimate children and a (self-serving) the partisan (and thus ideological) complexion of revision of the electoral system. A year later the government has little, if any, effect on the sub‐ SPOe won an absolute majority for the frst time stance of public policy. in history and embarked on even more ambitious In the foreign realm, Kreisky was involved in reforms. Among the most important ones were: the CSCE process and pursued humanitarian introduction of marriage grants (Heiratsbeihilfe), goals. He earned acclaim as well as notoriety free school books, mother-child pass (a pre-natal/ through his initiatives in the Middle East conflict: post-natal care and infant health program), intro‐ he extended a welcoming hand and diplomatic in‐ duction of VAT, forty-hour work week legislation, vitation to Yassir Arafat, and maintained contacts a major reform of the penal code, sex equality leg‐ with international outcasts such as the leader of islation, and measures to restructure state indus‐ Libya. Kreisky was also an advocate for the Third tries. Kreisky also sought accommodation with World and promoter of the North-South dialogue. the Catholic Church. Nevertheless his government As "elder statesman" he continued to devote him‐ legalized abortion during the frst three months of self to many of his favorite causes, including the pregnancy (Fristenloesung), a major point of con‐ fight against unemployment (through the "Kreisky flict with the church, and also decriminalized Commission"). He died, at age 79, in 1990. By then adultery after one year of separation. the period of socialist predominance in Austrian In the area of economic policy the Kreisky politics was long over. It had been succeeded by government employed deficit spending in pursuit new era, marked by a series of grand coalition of the Socialist government's, and Kreisky's, high‐ governments led by a another popular SPOe er-order goal: full employment. Kreisky continued politician: Franz Vranitzky (since replaced, after a his reform course during his third term, which decade in office, by Viktor Klima). saw enactment of four-week minimum annual va‐ The biographical overview of Kreisky's life cation, establishment of the office of ombudsman, and career by Gatty and Schmid is followed by ap‐ reordering of the law of parentage, consumer pro‐ praisals of Kreisky's personality. tection legislation, social security coverage of the self-employed, and other measures. Kreisky suf‐ Though one might have expected more per‐ fered a major set-back in 1978, when he called a sonal reflections on Bruno Kreisky as "Man, Fa‐ national referendum--a frst in Austria--on the ther, and Politician" (title) from his son, Peter peaceful use of nuclear energy and a majority vot‐ Kreisky expounds mostly on the political disagree‐ ed against it.
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