OF THE UNIVERSITY OF Editorial Board

Rex W Adams Carroll Brentano Ray Cohig Steven Finacom J.R.K. Kantor Germaine LaBerge Ann Lage Kaarin Michaelsen Roberta J. Park William Roberts Janet Ruyle

Volume 1 • Number 2 • Fall 1998 ^hfuj:

The Chronicle of the is published semiannually with the goal of present ing work on the history of the University to a scholarly and interested public. While the Chronicle welcomes unsolicited submissions, their acceptance is at the discretion of the editorial board. For further information or a copy of the Chronicle’s style sheet, please address: Chronicle c/o Carroll Brentano Center for Studies in Higher Education University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720-4650 E-mail [email protected]

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The Chronicle of the University of California is published with the generous support of the Doreen B. Townsend Center for the Humanities, the Center for Studies in Higher Education, the Gradu ate Assembly, and The , University of California, Berkeley, California.

Copyright Chronicle of the University of California. ISSN 1097-6604

Graphic Design by Catherine Dinnean.

Original cover design by Maria Wolf. Senior Women’s Pilgrimage on Campus, May 1925. University Archives. CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA cHn

^ iL Fall 1998

LADIES BLUE AND GOLD

Edited by Janet Ruyle

CORA, JANE, & PHOEBE: FIN-DE-SIECLE PHILANTHROPY 1 J.R.K. Kantor

HEARSTHALL...... ;...... 9 From the 1904 Blue and Gold

“THE WANT MOST KEENLY FELT”: UNIVERSITY YWCA, THE EARLY YEARS...... 11 Dorothy Thelen Clemens

A GYM OF THEIR OWN: WOMEN, SPORTS, AND PHYSICAL CULTURE AT THE BERKELEY CAMPUS, 1876-1976...... 21 Roberta J. Park

THE EARLY PRYTANEANS...... 49 Janet Ruyle

GIRTON HALL: THE GIFT OF JULIA MORGAN...... 57 Margaretta J. Damall

DEAN LUCY SPRAGUE, THE PARTHENEIA, AND THE ARTS...... 65 Janet Ruyle

MAY CHENEYS CONTRIBUTION TO THE MODERN UNIVERSITY...... 75 Anne J. MacLachlan

“NO MAN AND NO THING CAN STOP ME”: FANNIE McLEAN, WOMAN SUFFRAGE, AND THE UNIVERSITY...... 83 Geraldine Jongich Clifford

IDA LOUISE JACKSON, CLASS OF ’22 95 Roberta J. Park OTHER VOICES: GLIMPSES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN, CHINESE AMERICAN, AND JAPANESE AMERICAN AT BERKELEY, FROM THE 1920S TO THE MID-1950S...... 99

FEW CONCERNS, FEWER WOMEN...... 107 Ray Colvig

JOSEPHINE MILES...... 121 Robert Brentano

AGGIE WOMEN: THE UNIVERSITY AT DAVIS...... 123 Beginnings at Berkeley “Women at the University Farm” Ann Foley Scheuring Between the Wars: The Coed Farmerettes A Davis : Katherine Esau, “The Grande Dame of American ”

YOU’VE COME A LONG WAY, BAMBINA! ...... 127 Rose D. Scherini

FACULTY WIVES: THE HISTORY OF THE UNIVERSITY SECTION CLUB...... 133 Mary Lee Noonan

PORTRAIT OF HELEN WILLS...... 140

THE COLLEGE GIRLS’ RECORD...... 141

NORTH GABLES: A BOARDINGHOUSE WITH A HEART...... 145 Elizabeth Fine Ginsburg and Harriet Shapiro Rochlin

1942: LIGHTS AND DARKS...... 151 Margaret Darling Evans Scholer

CAL WOMEN IN MUSIC...... 155 The Marching Band “We Don’t Have Any Women in This Band” Barbara Leonard Robben “Men, Women, and Song' Arville Knoche Finacom THE ORAL HISTORIES OF WOMEN OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA...... 163 Ann Lage

PUBLICATIONS NEW AND NOTEWORTHY...... 166 William Roberts

REVIEWS ......

“Equally in View”: The University of California, Its Women, and the Schools by Geraldine Jongich Clifford

Law at Berkeley: The History of Boalt Hall by Sandra Epstein Gender and Higher Education in the Progressive Era by Lynn D. Gordon

The 4-Year Stretch by Florence Jury and Jacomena Maybeck Gender and the Academic Experience: Berkeley Women Sociologists Edited by Kathryn P. Meadow Orlans and Ruth A.Wallace

920 O’Earrell Street: A Jewish Girlhood in Old San Erancisco by Harriet Lane Levy

THE QIRL3

1904 Blue and Gold. CONTRIBUTORS

REX W. ADAMS is currently pursuing a Ph.D. in history at UC Berkeley. His academic focus is on the comparative history of higher education in Great Britain and the .

CARROLL BRENTANO has a in architectural history from UC Berkeley, and has been coordinator of the University History Project in the Center for Studies in Higher Education for the past nine years.

ROBERT BRENTANO is a professor of medieval history at UC Berkeley and currently chair of the Academic Senate. He has been teaching on this campus since 1952; he gave a Faculty Research Lecture in 1988.

DOROTHY THELEN CLEMENS, a native of Berkeley, is a 1955 graduate of UC Berkeley and has been active in the YWCA since her days. She and her professor-husband live in Berkeley where she teaches English as a second language.

GERALDINE JONCICH CLIFFORD is a professor of the history of education with an interest in women’s social history and taught at UC Berkeley’s School of Education from 1962 to 1994. Since retirement she has been working on a book about women teachers in Ameri can history.

RAY COLVIG, a Berkeley graduate, was public information officer for the campus from 1964 to 1991. He has coauthored two books with the late Glenn T. Seaborg and has written articles about the university during the 1960s.

MARGARETTA J. DARNALL writes on architecture and landscape design. A Berkeley graduate in architecture, she completed graduate degrees in architectural history at Cornell University.

ARVILLE KNOCHE FINACOM, formerly a teacher and journalist, now does public relations work for nonprofit groups and is a docent at a San Mateo museum and at the California Academy of Sciences in . She graduated from Berkeley, later earning teaching and administration credentials from the university.

ELIZABETH FINE GINSBURG'worked for a New York publisher after graduating from. Berkeley and earned a master’s from' in history and social science. She is a retired high schooF teacher and former trainer of teachers for California State University, Northridge.

J. R. K. KANTOR served as University Archivist from 1964 to 1983. Since retirement he has been a curator of the Hall of Fame at Memorial Stadium, a museum of Cal’s athletic history.

GERMAINE La BERGE is an editor and interviewer at the Regional Oral History . She has an A.B. in history, an M.A. in education, and is a member (inactive) of the State Bar of California. ANN LAGE is principal editor for the Regional Oral History Office of The Bancroft Library where she conducts oral history interviews to document the history of the University. She has an A.B. and an M.A. in history from UC Berkeley.

ANNE J. MacLACHLAN is a researcher at the Center for Studies in'Higher Education with interest in graduate education and placement, women and minorities in the academy, and faculty career and development issues. She has a Ph.D. in economic history.

KAARIN MICHAELSEN is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History, UC Berkeley. Her research interests include the history of science and medicine in modern Britain.

MARY LEE NOONAN attended Wellesley as an undergraduate, earned her master’s degree from Radcliffe, and has been a Berkeley faculty wife since 1967. She served as president of the University Section Club during the academic year 1992-93.

ROBERTA J. PARK is a Professor of the Graduate School, Department of Integrative Biology, UC Berkeley, and former chair (1982-92) of the Department of Human Biodynamics. Her A.B. and Ph.D. degrees are from Berkeley.

BARBARA LEONARD ROBBEN graduated from Cal in 1960. She still lives in Berkeley and continues to be interested in music and “running around the hills.”

WILLIAM ROBERTS is University Archivist since 1984; he has been on the Berkeley campus as student and employee since 1961.

HARRIET SHAPIRO ROCHLIN, a native of Los Angeles who graduated from Berkeley in Hispanic studies, has been a full-time writer since 1967. Her books in print include two novels and a social history of pioneer Jews.

JANET RUYLE, a Berkeley graduate, joined the research staff at the Center for Studies in Higher Education in 1960, working on a variety of projects. She was Assistant Director of the Center from 1976 to 1993.

ROSE D. SCHERINI has a doctorate in educational anthropology from UC Berkeley. She has served in campus staff positions at the Counseling Center and the Office of Student Research. Her current interests include historical research and writing about Italian Americans.

MARGARET DARLING EVANS SCHOLER is a Berkeley graduate in decorative arts who worked at the Lawrence Radiation Laboratory during World War 11. After having three children and a career as an interior decorator, she turned to teaching adults about American antiques at a community college and elsewhere and continues to do so. i, , f t- t UNIVERSITY GliRQMlCliB

4N 0PFIGIA,L ^J^ECQRD

Ma 4 E / i •t'

*4riit(fttnGemeitt "

Tfte Jfuei Idea of a University •f JOSBPrf jpIpOKfei, A ., •Jhe University Sobrante > ‘w/fe ]C»Afrs ''

*A Year’s, Review Ma ETIN KELIXIGd

Mmund Burke as a Statesman Bheedon. G.'I^rllogg

-Buildings and Equipment; The Phebe,Hearst Architectural Plan; Official ^-Action; The Library; Scientific Societies; Oniversity Extension,in ’ Agriculture ; Climatic Conditions of Berkeley; Mrs. Ann Jane Stiids; The Students’ Aid Society; Current Nqtes.

FfBRUABY. 1898

University Archives. IN 1898 BERNARD MOSES, the university’s first profe-^sor of history, estab lished the University Chronicle, later known as the University of California Chronicle. He saw that “there were and would be public addresses at the Uni versity and documents relating to the affairs of the institution that ought to be preserved and made readily available,” as he wrote in his unpublished autobi ography That Chronicle, appearing quarterly between 1898 and 1933, provided its readers with intelligent and entertaining accounts of contemporary events in the university’s social, academic, and administrative life. Moreover, the Chronicle no doubt assisted in creating and fostering an identity, crucial not only for the campus community but also in mediating the university’s dealings with the public. Today, our institutional identity might appear to be firmly established, but institutional memory is ebbing. Every year thousands of new students (along with faculty members and administrators) enter the university’s campuses with little knowledge of the institution beyond its admissions requirements and perhaps its reputation for radicalism in the 1960s. And every year almost as many students leave knowing little more about their alma mater than when they entered. While institutional identity will and must evolve, it should main tain a self-consciousness of its direction by acknowledging its past. Without memory there is no identity; without identity the university is left as a mere collection of disparate buildings and people. It is with this in niind that we, the Editorial Board, have revived the Uni versity of California Chronicle, in spirit if not in content. The new Chronicle, in contrast to the earlier publication has an historical perspective. We are able to consider the current events of our predecessors in the context of ongoing changes within the university. Embracing this opportunity, the new Chronicle, at least initially, is organized around single themes that present an inherently longitudinal view of the university’s development. The first issue considered institutional responses to natural disasters and calamities. Future issues will focus on the university and the environment, a look at how the university has changed on the eve of the 21st century from its 19th century roots, and the university's relationship to institutions around the world. In this same vein we now, with great pleasure, offer to our readers this current issue: Ladies Blue and Gold.

The Editorial Board

LADIES BLUE AND GOLD

twOMEN FIRST ENTERED the University of California in its second year of classes, 1870. liight women joined eighty-two men in the former College of California buildings on Twelfth ritreet in downtown Oakland, crossing muddy streets, dodging wagons and carriages in %ieir long dresses, hats, and, no doubt, gloves. In the Announcement of Courses for that year I were “Latin, Greek, Modern Language, Elocution and English Composition, History, Alge- ^ bra, and Drawing (optional).” ^ When the move to the Berkeley site was completed in September 1873, there were I Iwenty-two ladies, one of whom, Rosa L. Scrivner 74, was the first woman graduate with a I Ph.B., a bachelor’s degree common for both men and women at that time. For their study- I iiig and socializing the ladies repaired to one small room in North Hall; not until Stiles Hall ^ opened in 1893 did they enjoy expanded quarters, as Dorothy Thelen Clemens tells in her I history of the University YWCA. That building, which stood on the present site of the f newly expanded Harmon Gymnasiutn/, was itself the gift of a Berkeley lady, f Mrs. Ann Stiles. It was the first of several structures given to the campus by women of f California—Phoebe Apperson Hearst, Elizabeth Josselyn Boalt, Jane Krom Sather, May Treat I Morrison ’78—as well as by the women students who raised funds for the construction of I their clubhouse, Girton Hall (designed by alumna Julia Morgan ’94), as described by i Margaretta J. Darnall. Roberta J. Park reviews the need for and the development of women l and sports at Berkeley from 1876 to 1976. Ladies Blue and Gold received their diplomas and went forth into the world; Fannie i McLean ’85, a leading suffragette, taught generations of high school students; May Shepard I; Cheney ’83 spent her life placing university graduates as school teachers, first as an inde pendent businesswoman, then as the university’s first appointment secretary. A newcomer bo California after , Ida Louise Jackson ’22, became the first black teacher in the Oakland public schools, and, decades later, a major donor to the university. A young girl named Helen Wills learned her game on the Berkeley courts and became an outstand ing woman tennis player of the century; she recently left a bequest for the construction of a neurosciences insititute on campus. And perhaps the most telling view of Cal in the early 1950s has been from Joan Didion, as quoted by Ray Colvig in his discussion of women I: faculty. Also in the issue are a few personal vignettes of student life from women of several different decades and a view of women at the Davis campus. All were men until 1904, whenjessica Peixotto ’94, who received her Ph.D. from the university, was appointed a lecturer in sociology. She joined Lucy Sprague, who had arrived the year before and later became the first dean of women in 1906. Miss Sprague urged the women students to create an outdoor pageant, the Partheneia, which became an i annual spectacle for nearly twenty years; photographs from a few of these productions are i-shown in this issue. As the university was readying for its diamond jubilee, Josephine Miles, who had earned her Ph.D. at Berkeley in 1938, was appointed the first woman pro- Jfessor in the Department of English; and before her death in 1985 she had become the first woman University Professor in the statewide University of California. Scattered throughout this issue are brief biographies that originally appeared as part of the material created for a conference on women at Berkeley, April 28-29, 1995, and included in Honoring Women at Cal and a Doe Library exhibition, Women Who Built Berke ley. Permission for use of the material has been granted by Maresi Nerad, Graduate Divi sion, and Lucy Sells, Center for Studies in Higher Education, with additional credit for the exhibition to Diane Harley and Deana Heath, Center for Studies in Higher Education, and William Roberts, University Archives, who furnished the illustrations. Although our palette has been necessarily limited, we hope our readers may take away from these accounts some sense of the challenges which faced university women for almost a full century, and their achievements, as well as the support and honors our Ladies Blue and Gold have brought to this university. The Editorial Board CORA, JANE, & PHOEBE: EIN-DE-SIECLE PHILANTHROPY

J. R. K. Kantor

Cora Jane Flood ONE HUNDRED YEARS AGO, on September 13,1898, Miss Cora Jane Flood addressed the Regents of the University of California; Gentlemen: I hereby tender you the following property; the Flood residence and tract of about five hundred and forty acres near Menlo Park, California; one-half interest in about twenty-four hundred acres of marsh land adjacent to the resident tract, and four-fifths of the capital stock of the Bear Creek Water Company, which supplies water to Menlo Park and vicinity. The only conditions I desire to accompany this gift are that the resi dence and reasonable area about it, including the present ornamental grounds, shall be kept in good order for the period of fifty years and the net income from the property and its proceeds shall be devoted to some branch of com mercial education. ^

In the fall of 1898 the university’s campus at Berkeley enrolled 1,717 students, while the combined total for the campuses in San Francisco—that is, medical, dental, pharmacy, and the Mark Hopkins Institute of Art on Nob Hill—was 581 students. The regents were also responsible for near San Jose, a gift received in 1888. Miss Flood’s beneficence surely added to the university’s real estate holdings and to its en dowment. Acting with speed, the regents—although ad dressed as “Gentlemen,” including twenty-two men, among them Mayor James D. Phelan of San Francisco, Isaias W. Heilman of the Bank, Andrew W. Hallidie, inventor of the cable car, Adolph B. Spreckels, president of the State Agricultural Society, and one woman, Phoebe Apperson Hearst— voted to establish at Berkeley a College of Commerce, which has now grown into the , the second oldest such school in the country. Cora Jane Flood, ca. 1900. One might speculate about Miss Flood’s motives in mak University Archives. ing this gift to the young University of California. She was the only daughter of the millionaire, , whose Nob Hill townhouse, “a New York brownstone,” is now the Pacific-Union Club. Even though the min eral wealth which had poured into San Francisco created instant millionaires, the million aires were not created equal—money that accumulated during the initial Gold Rush was “old money” when compared to the riches of the Comstock Lode. Thus, in 1879, when retired U.S. President U. S. Grant and his family were touring California and a dinner was to be held in their honor at Belmont, the peninsula home of Senator William Sharon, the Floods were not on the guest list. In turn, the Floods invited the Grants to luncheon at Linden Towers,

1 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998 their Menlo Park estate, on the very same day as the dinner at Belmont; the well-nourished Grants were unable to do justice to the banquet that evening. Too, Menlo Park was adjacent to Palo Alto, where another millionaire of the 1860s, , had created in 1891 a university in memory of his only son. One might say that the rivalry between Cal and Stanford operated on several levels. Linden Towers was a gigantic white wedding cake of a wooden house, with outbuild ings and gatehouses to match. The regents discussed what to do with the property; unable to rent it locally, they decided to advertise it nationally, and in March, 1899, they asked the San Francisco photographer, O. V. Lange, who a few years earlier had photographed the Berkeley campus, to take pictures of the interior rooms as well as the exterior, the resulting photographs to be circulated to agents in the . No bids were received for the property, and the problem was solved only by Miss Flood herself who, in 1903, bought back the residence for $150,000. The house continued to be occupied by the Flood family until the building was razed during the 1940s. The 2,400 acres of marsh land at Menlo Park remained in the hands of the regents, or to use a more precise image, on their books. At the beginning of this century, the Berkeley campus was becoming crowded with buildings—there were more than eleven!—and the College of Agriculture needed additional facilities and space to deal with large animals. In October 1902, President suggested that “The Flood Estate be devoted to the use of the school of dairying as the accomodations at Berkeley are inadequate.This recommendation was adopted by the regents who took no immediate action. Why? Because in 1901 a gentleman named Peter J. Shields had drafted a bill in the state legislature to cre ate a state-supported farm school. Although the bill had not passed, the regents were well aware of the support which Shields had won for his idea. In 1903 he sponsored a second

2 J.R.K.Kantor • CORA, JANE, & PHOEBE: FIN-DE-SIECLE PHILANTHROPY bill, and although this one passed, Governor George Pardee, an alumnus of 1879, vetoed it. Creamery and livestock interests in the state rallied, and when Shields introduced yet an other bill in 1905, he was supported by Professor E. W. Major at Berkeley, and the bill was passed into law. Davis was selected as the site for the University Farm, and the Menlo Park property was held by the regents for another twenty-five years, the last parcel being sold off in the 1920s. In 1924 Miss Flood also gave the regents her San Francisco residence on Broadway whose estimated value was “$250,000, more or less. The Regents have the privilege of sell ing this property, the proceeds of income to be used for the benefit of the College of Com merce of the University.” ^

Jane Krom Sather Soon after he arrived at Berkeley from Cornell University in late 1899, Benjamin Ide Wheeler, eighth president of the University of California, was asked to call upon Mrs. Jane Krom Sather at her Oakland home on Twelfth Street. The widow of Peder Sather, a found ing tmstee of the College of California in 1855 (which later gave its Oakland lands and build ings as well as its undeveloped Berkeley property to the newly-chartered University of Cali fornia), Jane Sather sought a dependable trustee for her considerable fortune, and luck ily for the university she found such a person in the new chief executive at Berkeley. In his 1900 Report, Wheeler noted her gift: Mrs. Jane Krom Sather of Oak land, $75,000 in cash, stocks and real property for the endowment of the Jane K. Sather Chair in some depart ment of classical literature; real prop erty of the proceeds of the sale of which the first $10,000 is to be set aside as the Jane K. Sather Law and Library Fund. . . . Mrs. Sather has ex ecuted a deed conveying tp President Wheeler in trust valuable property in Oakland, which upon her death is to be sold and the proceeds applied ac cording to instructions contained in a sealed letter deposited in escrow in an Oakland bank.^

Although the two endowed professor ships, one in history and one in classical litera ture, were not activated until after Mrs. Sather’s Jane Krom Sather, ca. 1905. University Archives death in 1911, during her lifetime she made a lasting architectural contribution to the campus in the shape of the , marking the southern entrance to the university.^ Construction was begun in 1909, under a design by , and the gate was completed in the following year. On each of the four granite pillars were to be placed marble panels, one facing south and one facing north, each to represent the arts and the sciences. On each panel were sculpted nude figures, four CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998 female and four male. Once these panels were in place, unknown persons decided to have some fun and adorned the figures with oak leaves—fig leaves being unavailable. Word of such desecration reached Mrs. Sather. Out came her pen and off went a stern letter to Sec- I retary of the Regents Victor Henderson. The marble panels were duly removed, and for seventy years the gate stood without them, until they were restored. But, since it has been thought that it was prudery on the part of Mrs. Sather that demanded this removal, it is : important to refer to the letter which she wrote on February 1, 1910; There is a difference in nude and naked. The latter, I should say, has not even the fig leaf and is rather trying to uncultivated people. The University j Students are and will always be largely of this class. Now 1 ask, is it wise to force culture and thus subject the beautiful though it may be to danger of j defacement and probably mutilation?. . . The whole matter has passed out of my hands and it is now up to the University. If they cannot protect it it is a great pity to have built it. The next manifestation of disapproval may be a coat of green paint. Nothing will surprise me, though I did not expect the attack to come so soon.®

Sather Gate in 1910, looking south toward Telegraph Avenue. University Archives.

The Jane K. Sather History Chair was established in 1912, and its first incumbent was 4 the popular historian Henry Morse Stephens, who had followed his friend and colleague j Wheeler from Cornell in 1900. A like chair in classics would be held on a yearly basis by a J distinguished visiting professor who would give a series of public lectures; since 1921 these lectures have been published by the University of California Press, and the Sather Classical ■ Chair is considered one of the world’s preeminent in its field. J. R. K. Kantor • CORA, JANE, & PHOEBE: FIN-DE-SIECLE PHILANTHROPY

In a letter of December 13, 1910 to Secretary of the Regents Henderson, Mrs. Sather wrote: I am planning to build “The Sather Campanile and Chimes” at Berkeley. Many years ago while still a resident of New York and indeed before it be came “The Greater New York” I used to stand on Broadway at the head of Wall Street and listen to the Chimes of Old Trinity as tunes were rung out of them. It was very fascinating. Think of the melody and music of the bells as it floats through the vales and arches of Berkeley. I am sure they will give pleasure to greater numbers and in greater degree than the Gate, tho, both are to be beautiful. The Campanile as planned will be expensive, but then the best is always expensive.^

Construction began in 1913, the tower was completed the following year, the bells were delivered from England in 1917. We accept the Campanile now as a matter of course, but just think what it must have been in 1913, on the still-sylvan campus, to see rising there, just in front of the old Bacon Art and Library Building, this steel and granite bell tower, giving to Berkeley its best-known landmark.

Phoebe Apperson Hearst 1891 was an annus mirabilis for higher education in the , for not only had Stanford been opened but Phoebe Apperson Hearst, re cently widowed by the death of Senator George Hearst, made a proposal to the re gents. On September 28 she wrote; It is my intention to contribute an nually to the funds of the Univer sity of California the sum of fifteen hundred ($1,500) dollars, to be used for five $300 scholarships for worthy young women. ... I bind myself to pay this sum during my lifetime, and I have provided for a perpetual fund after my death.... ®

And throughout the next twenty- eight years, underlying the enormous gen erosity which literally created the Hearst International Architectural Competition for the development of the Berkeley cam pus and established both the Museum and Phoebe Apperson Hearst, ca. 1905. Department of Anthropology, underlying Archives. this generosity was always the interest in students, and especially the women students. In 1891 the student body included some 164 women who had few facilities of their own aside from a cramped room in North Hall. Soon after she was appointed the first woman regent of the university in 1.897, Mrs. Hearst provided funds for the furnishing of a women’s lounge in the newly-completed classroom building. East Hall. Here the young ladies could

5 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

Students seated at tea table in women’s lounge, East Hall, ca. 1900; cabinet of crockery in background. University Archives. meet with friends, prepare lessons, and were served tea each afternoon, again at Mrs. Hearst’s expense. She also formed the Hearst Domestic Industries, whereby instruction in every form of needlework was given, and women students who needed outside work to help pay their i college expenses could learn and at the same time receive compensation for the hours in which they were gaining instruction. Encouragement and funds were provided for the es- j tablishment of two residence buildings near the campus—the Enewah and Pie del Monte ; lodges—in which women might experience the economies as well as the comforts of commu- ' nal living; this actually marked the beginning of the women’s club movement at Berkeley. \ Early in 1900, Regent Elearst moved from her Pleasanton home, the Hacienda del Pozo * de Verona (where throughout the years she entertained the Senior Class), into a large rented , home on the southwest corner of Piedmont Avenue and Channing Way, next to which she had erected a large redwood entertainment pavilion. Designed by , Hearst j Hall was outwardly and inwardly an architectural joy, and soon became the center for stu- j dent social activities—Saturday afternoon receptions, musicals on Sundays, “At Home” Wednesdays, dinners three evenings a week. Realizing that the women’s physical education ' program was almost non-existent since the facilities of Harmon Gymnasium were available to them only during those few hours a week when the men were engaged in drill on the west j field, Mrs. Hearst decided to have Hearst Hall moved closer to the campus. The site, pro- ^ vided by her expenditure, was on College Avenue (now occupied by the south wing of Wurster Hall), and Hearst Hall served as the women’s gymnasium until it was destroyed by - fire in 1922. (See Chronicle, Spring 1998, 125.) Before this time, however, the building was ; almost doubled in size, outdoor athletic courts were created, and a swimming pool was built. ’

6 J. R. K. Kantor • CORA, JANE, & PHOEBE: FIN-DE-SIECLE PHILANTHROPY

The transformation of the Berkeley campus from its dusty, farm-like appearance into a university park was one of Regent Hearst’s major achievements. In February 1896 she contributed more than $2,700 for the lighting of Bacon Library and Art Building and the cam pus walks, and eight months later she proposed to finance, along with her son , a competition to produce a plan for future university buildings. The In ternational Architectural Competition was announced, and entries were received by the judges, who met in Antwerp on October 4, 1898 to select the prize-winning plan, that of the Frenchman Emile Benard. When it was realized that the cost of implementing Benard’s grandiose scheme would come to some $50,000,000, John Galen Howard was chosen to “modify” the plan. The first structure to be built was the President’s House, now University House, and soon afterwards Mrs. Hearst directed that construction begin on Hearst Memo rial Mining Building, which, with its equipment, was to cost $700,000. At its completion in 1907 it was the world’s largest building devoted to mining education. In 1899, two years after Governor Budd had appointed her a regent, Mrs. Hearst con ceived the idea of building a University Museum, serving not only the academic commu nity but the people of California as well. She provided for expeditions to Peru, Egypt, and Italy to collect antiquities and artifacts of classic and aboriginal cultures. By 1901 a mass of objects had arrived at Berkeley; the university found itself with the substance of a museum but without a building in which to house the collections. On September 10 of that year Mrs. Hearst offered to create a Department of Anthropology free of all expense to the university that would oversee the collections and would offer courses of instruction and researches in the university. To house the collections she ordered constructed on campus (on a site now occupied by Hertz Hall) the Anthropology Building. As this soon became overcrowded, the collections, with the exception of the Greek casts, were removed to an unused building at the Medical Center in San Francisco. This museum was opened to the public, which came to gaze at the Indian artifacts (and later at Ishi), the Tebtunis Papyri, the Attic vases, the French and English miniatures. Space did not allow for the display of the laces, silks, jew elry, or manuscripts. By 1914 Mrs. Hearst’s gifts to the university were so numerous that Victor Henderson, Secretary of the Regents and Land Agent, wrote in the University of California Chronicle: .Including what Mrs. Hearst has given for building and for the mu seum, this one good citizen has from her private purse expended more than the vast, populous, and wealthy state of California has given to the Univer sity for buildings, permanent or temporary, in the fifty years since California chartered its State University.^

Three ladies—each Blue and Gold.

7 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

ENDNOTES

1 Annual Report of the Secretary to the Board of Regents of the University of California for the Year ending June 30, 1899 (Sacramento, 1899), 71.

2 Daily Californian, October 13, 1902, 1.

3 Annual Report of the President of the University 1923/24 (Berkeley, 1924), 265.

4 Biennial Report of the President of the University on Behalf of the Regents to his Excellency the Governor of the State 1898-1900 (Berkeley, 1900), 104.

5 “$10,000 for the erection of the Sather Memorial Gateway and Bridge at the Telegraph-avenue entrance to the campus.” Biennial Report of the President of the University on behalf of the Regents to his Excellency the Governor of the State 1900-1902 (Berkeley, 1902), 137.

6 Jane K. Sather to Victor Henderson, February 1, 1910, Regents’ records, CU-1, 53:18. University Archives, University of California, Berkeley.

7 Jane K. Sather to Victor Henderson, December 13, 1910, ibid. 8 Annual Report of the Secretary to the Board of Regents of the University of California for the Year ending June 30, 1892 (Sacramento, 1892), 32.

9 University of California Chronicle, 16 Quly 1914), 314.

May Treat Morrison (1858-1939) A graduate of the class of 1878, May Treat Morrison was commencement speaker at her graduation ceremonies and one of Berkeley’s first alumnae. She main tained a lifelong interest in her alma mater and was active in many women’s orga nizations, such as the American Association of University Women, which she pre sided over from 1911 to 1914. After her husband’s death in 1921 she gave his per sonal library of 15,000 volumes to the university, along with elegant furnishings, to create the Alexander E Morrison Reading Room in Doe Library. Through her will, Morrison established professorships in history and municipal law at Berkeley as a memorial to her husband, and provided funds that were later used to construct the Morrison Memorial Music Building, which was dedicated in her honor in 1958. 173] and 19 0,4 ■M—Blue— Ill...... Gold ^

Hearst Hall first saw the light of day in the autumn of 1900, when Mrs. Hearst came to spend the winter in Berkeley that she might be in touch with the great institution she has so generously befriended. No home proved adequate for her hospitality and the immediate erection of the spacious reception hall as an addition to her residence was the result. When completed the building, with its quaint Spanish aixhitecture, its generous proportions, and rare tapestries, was witness to a stated round of entertainments—recep tions, conceits and dinners, at which, with her rare charm, Mrs. Hearst welcomed her student guests. When her Berkeley stay for that season was over, Mrs. Hearst gave the building she had erected for her hall of reception, to the women stu dents of the University of California, bearing herself all the expenses of its removal to the Hillegas Tract, the slight alterations necessitated by its new site, and the entire refurnishing for its new purposes. Her generosity did not cease here. The upper floor was equipped as a Women’s Gymnasium making it the handsomest of its kind in the United States. To the left was added a large wing containing nearly 300 baths, and to the right a splendid basket-ball court. Here the home team practice, and matches with visit ing cohorts are held. In one corner of the lower floor of Hearst Hall a little study room has CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

Blue and Gold 19 04 [i74

been equipped with writing paper and tables, and here the girls write letters, wise or otherwise. It is supposedly a realm of silence—vain supposition where co-eds assemble! The silence is made still more audible by the thud of thundering rubber-soled feet above, and the unending tales the girls tell a phone in the corner. By eleven o’clock, each morning, the big kitchen in the rear begins to fill with noise and co-eds. The clatter of spoons and tongues announces the prep aration of the Tribes’ lunches. Here Greekess meets Greekess over the saucepan and the virtues and vices of opposing candidates are “ fricasseed ” amid the interruptions of a “ panoche ” recipe on the part of some hair brained Freshie who, as yet, is more interested in candy than in handsome class presidents. In a corner of the large living room, a flower decked table announces a luncheon in honor of the birthday of some popular co-ed, or favored visitor to the Hall. Many are the pretexts for spreads, and if the pretext fails to materialize the spread does not. Upstairs the spacious Gym has been witness to many a noted lecturer or musician, and welcomed many a Freshman Class. The history of its dances alone would prove voluminous. First and unchronicled are the pro grammeless, manless dances, two or three numbered, which occasionally fill in the few minutes between dish washing and a one o’clock recitation. Then there are the “ Dove Dances ” where co-eds are Eds and experience the joy of choosing partners and the later woes of searching for the same and steer ing them when found through the circling flock of Doves. It is a far cry from the stately minuet to the rollicking two-step of a class dance, but Hearst Hall has witnessed all of these, and has also filled the hiatus. It was here that President Wheeler entertained our Legislative Solons after he and the rooters had taught them things “ P'or the Sake of California.” Thus Hearst Hall has been the setting for everything from the pulling of candy to the pulling of political wires. The chords of its great heart have vibrated to every sound fi’om an ” oski wow ” to the softest strains of Henry Holmes’ violin—its floors responded to rubber sole and satin slipper. How infinite have been its uses none but the women students can know. ITearst Hall stands for so much in the life of the College girls of today that it is hard to imagine the tealess, hammockless life of our predecessors in bleak old North Hall. No lonely girl can long be homesick under the bright, cheery influence of its warm-hearted little guardian, Mrs. White, who pre sides over the life of the girls in this College home. One cannot leave Hearst Hall, nay, one cannot enter, without leaving on its threshold upon departure a Tagrant bouquet of grateful memories for its generous donor, our fairy godmother, Mrs. Hearst. “THE WANT MOST KEENLY FELT” UNIVERSITY YWCA, THE EARLY YEARS

Dorothy Thelen Clemens

IT WAS IN THE EARLY WEEKS of 1889 that a number of undergraduate women met in Pro fessor Howison’s North Hall office. There they talked of university life, and lacks, for them^ selves and the other women students—forty-three in total—on Berkeley’s still-raw campus. It was a desire for “helpful spiritual and social relations” that had drawn these seventeen women together. They decided that Bible study was “the line of work which will satisfy the want most keenly felt.”^ From this need and their organizational skills the University YWCA was born on March 10, 1889. Following its founding, the fledgling YWCA used the “Ladies Room” of North Hall as headquarters. Remembered as a room where one could take refuge to study or eat, there were “couches where you could lie down if you wanted...comfortable chairs...lockers for rent for a small fee..., quite a gathering place for the co-eds and very much used.”^ For nearly forty years Bible study and missionary concerns remained the focus of pro gramming in the YWCA; together with the student YMCA, elaborate schedules of these courses were organized. Leaders came from faculty and Berkeley churches, as well as stu dents well-trained for that role. Social times together were very much a part of YW life as

University of California women enjoying the seascape at the 1907 YWCA student conference, Capitola, California. Courtesy of University YWCA Archives. 11 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

well, as the student body swelled to 805 undergraduates in 1895, of whom 250 were women. A/r A ^ date, the “Ladies Room” was memory. In January 1893, Stiles Hall, a gift from Mrs. Ann Stiles, was dedicated to “the religious and social uses of the university without dBtmction of creed. The YM and YW were central occupants, along with a number of other student groups, of the new building at Allston Way and Dana Street; the upstairs auditorium was even used as a university lecture hall for a good many years. There was a “cozy comer”- a home for the young ladies over which they had exclusive control. Extending the warmth and richness of their YW experience to new students was the next step. Within months of the March 1889 founding the young ladies joined their YM classmates to give a reception to new students. This joint reception immediately took its place as part of the university’s August calendar, along with separate welcoming events given by each association. For, although the YW members felt quite secure, they also wanted to make It clear that the “Young Women’s Christian Association is independent of the Young Men’s in all matters of administration.”'^ ^ A variety of student services was initiated by the Christian associations. For years YW women met trains arriving in Berkeley, escorting new students to Stiles Hall, where baggage could be left while the search for housing began. Even more significant was the list of “Pri vate Board and Lodgings for Ladies or Gentlemen” maintained at Stiles Hall in those pre- Housing Bureau days. Similarly, the faculty-initiated “Student Aid Society,” established to help students find part-time jobs, came to Stiles in 1898. Assistance both with housing and emptoyment became a significant part of Edith Brownsill’s responsibilities when she became the YWs general secretary in 1899. Just as the Christian associations worked to ease student life on campus, they also began to look for an opportunity to take their enthusiasm for service into the wider community. During the 1894-95 year a boys’ club was organized in West Berkeley; the next year girls’ clubs were added. By 1898-99 the YW had “for its immediate object the establishment of a college Settlement in West Berkeley. It rejite a house on Fifth and University Avenue, sup- ported by private subscription and maintains three clubs of girls. Through personal friend- ^ womanhood and a deeper spiritual hie. We have a firm footing and our chief needs are funds and workers.’’^ By August 1897 a remarkable gathering of energetic, talented, willing, and faithful women had coalesced at Stiles Hall. These undergraduate women added organizational so phistication to their predecessors’ energy and “Christian Purpose.” Moreover, a “critical mass ot women now claimed the university as their own. In 1895-96,39 percent of under- graduates were women; in 1900-01 that number had soared to 951 women, 46 percent. Although this percentage remained the highpoint until the days of World War I, absolute numbers of women continued to increase.® Over the next few years, a student cabinet would e added to officers and committees; the advisory board was established in 1902. In 1909 under leadership of Dr. Edi^h Brownsill, (M.D. ’04), the alumnae were formally organized’ The undergraduate women hM employed Mary Bendy as their first full-time general secre tary in 1902. The students continued full financial responsibility for both this position and t e program, aided, it is true, by loyal alumnae until 1909, when the advisory board assumed the major fund-raising job; student fund drives continued to occupy many weeks on stu dents’ calendars into the early 1960s. It may not have been called “leadership training” or “mentoring” in those early days ut eve opment of leadership and organizational skills have always been central to YWCA philosophy In the earliest years of the Berkeley YWCA, inspiration came from traveling YWCA college secretaries and by undergraduate attendance at regional YWCA conferences. From a slender beginning at and Inverness, the YW Pacific Coast Conferences 12 F

Dorothy Thelen Clemens • “THE WANT MOST KEENLY FELT” at Capitola, initially organized to a large extent by University of California women and warmly supported financially by Mrs. , had grown to 400 attendees by 1911. The Capitola Hotel was wonderful, but had limitations of space and scheduling. In 1912, Mrs. Hearst invited the entire conference to meet at her Pleasanton home, “Hacienda,” sup plying everything from tents to rubber boots. Meanwhile, several national YW secretaries were exploring the Monterey peninsula with representatives of the Pacific Improvement Company. In 1913, the company deeded thirty acres to the YWCA. Again, Mrs. Hearst’s gen erosity helped make things happen by providing backing for the YWCA^ construction needs at Asilomar. For more than forty years, Asilomar would be a beloved experience and place for generations of YWCA members and many other youth groups as well. In 1956 Asilomar was sold to the state of California. Today’s visitor to these sandy shores will remember the YWCA through the very name “Asilomar,” coined by a Stanford YW student, as well as through the much admired buildings designed by Julia Morgan, architect for numerous YWCAs throughout the West. For the Berkeley YWCA, post- Asilomar days of 1913 ushered in a decades- long, creative period as Miss Lillie Margaret Sherman ’09, climbed those Stiles Hall stairs as general secretary. She brought “her won derful, friendly spirit, her contagious sense of humor, her sympathetic understanding and selfless devotion to the YWCA.”^ The YW began that university year with a bang: a two-day open house for freshman women, 1500 program brochures sent out, a day long rally, lots of committee work. Classes were offered in Bible study, mission study, so cial service work. Undergirding all were the personal relationships with Lillie Margaret, along with the inspiration she drew from her Christian core and transmitted to all. The freshman breakfast was an intro duction to a new form of programming; first freshman groups and soon an entire class commission system developed as one of the principal program streams. The girls elected their own officers and assisted in Executive secretary Lillie Margaret Sherman on the front porch of the YWCA Cottage, early 1930s. planning their meetings. Each commis University YWCA Archives. sion was, in effect, a well-organized YWCA mini-group. Meanwhile, as World War I came closer to engulfing America, emphases within the YWCA changed. Quite purposefully, in 1915, the associations had brought together the Council of Churches and Christian Associations for the University of California,” and with that the impressive schedule of religious education classes passed into the work of local churches. Lillie Margaret continued with a few Bible classes, one of which laid out the wel come mat especially for Asian girls. Missionary classes evolved into area studies and language tables. Student vice-president Ella Barrows began a small foreign student group. In 1919 Henrietta Thompson was called to the new position of secretary of the YWs “Foreign Foyer ” In those pre-International House days the Foyer provided a center of social and organiza-

13 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998 tional life for both students new to this country and for second- and third- generation mi- nority students as well. When America entered World War 1, the campus went on full wartime alert. The uni- ' versity administration planned numerous rallies, and offered campus facilities to the War Department. The girls knit; they knit in class, in meetings, and knitting even became a class for YW freshman women. Results of the knitting may have been somewhat dubious, but the regents’ offer of space sent the YWCA for the first time off-campus, to a tiny “shack” a block away. The YW returned to Stiles briefly, but by then the women were watching construction of their new home at the corner of Allston Way and Union Street. Designed by Julia Morgan and partially financed by the National YWCA, the Cottage was inspired by the “hostess houses” built by the National YWCA for families of the military. Berkeley’s building was simple and hospitable and met the dreams of those peripatetic YW women for “fireplaces ; and wicker furniture—a fire, chatty groups of girls, chintz, Japanese lanterns, greens and flowers.”® People, program, place—a set of constructs with which to follow the YWCA through the next decades. We will trace briefly the social history that unfolds, as reflected in YW pro grams; programs which also included those wants “most keenly felt”: friendship, leadership development, inspiration, and group life. The National YWCA supported the Foreign Foyer secretary until 1924. Then, after some discussion as to how best to continue this fine program, the advisory board and cabi net “voted to include the work of other countries as a part of our own YWCA and from this time on to try to think of ourselves in a new way—not as an American YWCA and a foreign students Foyer as separate organizations but as a thoroughgoing international Student As sociation.”^ “Foreign student” now became “international student.” The wonderfully fes tive International Banquet continued well into the sixties; international-related programs remain a strong component of YW program. At the same time that YWCA vision was ex panding internationally, it also focused closer to home with recognition that soine form of group life should be offered to the Negro women who were beginning to enroll at the uni- | versity. The YW’s cafeteria “The Golden Lantern” offered a friendly spot for coffee and do- I nuts and a place to chat, remembered Ida Jackson ’22. The Foreign Foyer had invited both black and Asian-born American women to join that group. By the mid-twenties staff and students were thinking of more creative ways to include Negro women in YW activities. Following the group-based YW philosophy, the students themselves were asked; they dis cussed and decided that what was needed were interracial groups that would take their place within the regular organization of YWCA student life; these groups would also come to provide a pathway into other YWCA program areas. During the 1920s the Girl Reserves, the National YWCA program for teen-age girls, grew in Berkeley from a few college women volunteering to lead a few Berkeley High School groups, to a separate department within the YW, with staff members employed to work with both junior and senior higlTschool girls and their college leaders. Interestingly, just as the Foreign Foyer program had led die way for the University YW out of Stiles into the Cottage, so would the Girl Reserve program become the nucleus of the Berkeley Community YWCA when it grew out of the Cottage in 1940. Community Service Department work continued, as it had since the days of the West Berkeley Settlement project, always attracting a corps of loyal students. As is reflected in some oral histories of the Prytanean Society (a women students’ association), preoccupation of the twenties was with child welfare and community organizations, and YW women spent both term-time and summers as volunteers at settlement houses and day nurseries.

14 Dorothy Thelen Clemens • “THE WANT MOST KEENLY EELT”

Lillie Margaret summed up the twenties: “We have been breaking down barriers be tween race and race and nation and nation...We have answered the call of community centers...the life in this building has seen the birth and growth of a live Girl Reserve Department...We have become a part of the Community Chest of Berkeley...We are a com munity agency as well as a University one.”

YWCA advisory board member Mrs. Peddar serves tea and cookies to students at the “Nosebag Club,” part of the YWCA’s offerings during the depression years of the 1930s. University YWCA Archives.

The thirties brought, first of all, the Depression; economic stresses hit students as well as workers. The “Clothes Closet” was inaugurated by the international student group; profits went into the international students’ loan fund. A delightful development of those harried years was the “Nosebag Club.” Board members and an intrepid group of friends provided tea, cookies, and warmth of spirit to coeds who brought their lunches from home and found a cheerful spot in which to eat and visit. By the mid-1930s an awareness of the blunt housing discrimination facing some stu dents in the campus area became a very great concern of the YW and YM. In 1937 the YW circulated a petition against racial discrimination in campus boarding houses, asking stu dents to pledge themselves not to seek housing accommodations at places where students of all races were not accepted. In 1938 a joint YM-YW “Race Relations” group was formed, staffed by YM General Secretary Harry Kingman. The YM-YW “Race Relations” group con tinued its learning, discussion, and action well into the fifties. By then the university hous ing office had been established; the Associated Students and Ys worked together on the Fair Bear Housing campaign. Beginning in 1931 student radical groups were active in the campus area. Their po litical and ideological protests against American society were vocal and stirred up reaction (particularly from the broader community), and interest (primarily from the students). Out of campus efforts to deal with the situation came Rule 17 which limited the use of univer

15 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998 sity facilities for political expression; out of the YW’s concern for freedom of assembly came a rethinking of rental policies and procedures. Thus the Ys became centers of hospitality to off-campus groups and their ideas. Providing this open platform, always within guidelines of the rental policy, at times brought pressures and upsets with community officials and fund ing agencies as well as with campus administration. It was touchy, well into the sixties, to provide leftist groups and campus “radicals” with a platform. In 1946, for example, both Lillie Margaret Sherman of the YW and Harry Kingman of the YM were called to testify before the “Tenney Committee. In March 1939 there were many gala gatherings in the welcoming rooms of the Cot tage as the YWCA celebrated its golden jubilee. Within broad continuities of program and ways of work, change was also present. That was apparent when, in 1941, Lillie Margaret resigned the general secretary position to be succeeded by her friend and YWCA Associate Secretary Leila Anderson, who had staffed the International Department since 1936. Lillie Margaret became staff for the Community Service Department. Declaration of war in De cember 1941 expanded not only YW offerings such as Red Cross classes and a community defense group but also emphases; students volunteering in community groups received special training in work with children in times of stress. Executive Order 9066 struck deeply into the YW; there were Japanese women in pro grams and on the advisory board. YW students found an active role at the Berkeley First Congregational Church’s “registration and assembly point” when Berkeley’s Japanese Ameri can residents were interned in October and November 1942. First Congregational Church’s Sunday school and the YW combined to organize child care as parents went through ago nizing paperwork and long periods of waiting for whatever came next.

In 1947 YWCA women celebrated Christmas at the “Twice Ten-Penny” supper in the YWCA auditorium. University YWCA Archives.

16

m Dorothy Thelen Clemens • “THE WANT MOST KEENLY FELT’

Women students of the 1940s display the Community Chest red feather flag on the steps of the YWCA Cottage. The Julia Morgan-designed Cottage at the corner of Allston Way and Union Street was home to the student YWCA from 1920 to 1958. University YWCA Archives.

The campus went onto a year-round class schedule, with the confusing result that there could be two YW “annual dinners” within only a few months of each other. Service men arrived, and the Saturday night “Cal Canteens” were opened. Scarcity of farm laborers cre ated an emergency and Harvest Work camps were born. Asilomar was leased to the federal government, so “Asilomar” was held elsewhere for the duration. Wartime found a campus of women; from 11,180 men in pre-war days there were only 4,274 in 1944-45. This was not the way they would have chosen, but it was a time of opportunities for women. “Almost all activities of student life were sustained in one form or another. When male leadership was unavailable, women students bravely took over...To their surprise and disappointment, men returning to the campus found things operating very well, thank you, and coeds have not at any time since relinquished their right to hold any job for which they are qualified. Postwar days found program offerings continuing strong. Groups concerned with economics, public affairs and political issues met regularly. These years also saw a notice able increase in men around the Cottage, as married couples ate together in the Golden Lantern or enjoyed “Nosebag” teas. Packing parties began, mailing clothing to . Housing was found and made ready for returning Japanese. Student displaced persons were aided. In 1947 Leila Anderson was called to become the National YWCAs student secre tary. Lillie Margaret Sherman resumed her former position on an interim basis. In 1949 Anne Kern became executive director, a position she had also held at the UCLA YWCA. Anne, with her welcoming smile and encouraging support remained at the YW until 1972, and guided

17 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998 program and people not only into expanded areas of work but also, in 1959, into a new home. One of the many strengths Anne Kern brought to the Cottage was an established and warm working relationship with the staff at Stiles Hall, gained from meetings of regional YM-YW staff. Policies and ways of work did differ between the two Ys, and constant coordination on staff and student levels was required. However, the women agreed, their objectives were more similar than different and some programs were infinitely stronger for being planned and presented jointly. The Model Senate and “You and the Twentieth Century,” and espe cially Cal lA, nurtured leadership and cooperation between the two associations. Cal lA began modestly, with a post-football game supper program at the Cottage, as the two associations reincarnated their joint freshman orientation program of old Stiles Hall days. By 1952 this new orientation program was firmly established and had grown to a three- day conference at Camp Tolowa in the Santa Cruz mountains. New and transfer students joined Y and faculty leaders for volleyball, songs, talks, and small discussion groups. Cal lA went full steam through autumn 1960. With the inception of the university’s dorm-based orientation program came many searching discussions before the associations concluded that organization of large-scale freshman orientation had best join the list of Y programs that over the decades have been “walked across the street” into the hands of university administra tion. Part of the campus legacy of World War II returned with the . As in the ’40s it was not unusual in the ’50s to have YW members marry mid-term as their servicemen fiances received overseas orders. Additionally, on campus a significant number of men and women were balancing studies, , and money. In 1949 a group called “Planning for Marriage” had started. In 1950 the program expanded to include the subject of women in professions, and in 1953 “The Role of Women” was added to the schedule. Constantly present and yet always responding to new situations was the Community Service Department which still continues semester in, semester out, to attract volunteers. Students of the fifties were much interested in community welfare activities; some students had a profession in mind but students also held a strong conviction that such interest and participation were part of responsible community membership. The department offered many training and skills classes to the students, and also played a valuable role in interpreting student volunteer strengths and scheduling difficulties to local agencies. In the early part of this decade the university loyalty oath controversy affected the stu dent cabinet deeply. After much discussion a series of letters was sent to the regents, cam pus administrators and California government officials. It is easy to forget, four decades later, that such an action by students was considered by many tantamount to supporting commu nism. The Social Concerns committee continued to work on housing discrimination issues. Quiet in comparison to student generations yet to come these women of the fifties may have been, but they were determined to know what was happening, to get facts and understand ing, as they planned for the time when they would walk through Julia Morgan’s glass doors into life beyond classes. In the background of studeht programming, the advisory board was preparing and raising funds for the inevitable move and new building mandated by the university’s expan sion needs. The move, first to temporary quarters in a huge old building east of the YWs new lot at the corner of Bancroft Way and Bowditch, took place in May 1958. But first came the groundbreaking. There was a phalanx of spades and spaders, including Mrs. J. T. Richards who, in 1889, was one of the seventeen women who had brought the University YWCA into being. The new YWCA building, designed by Joseph Esherick, was dedicated on March 22, 1959. Program and wicker furniture moved from Cottage to “Barn” and finally into the new

18 : Dorothy Thelen Clemens • “THE WANT MOST KEENLY FELT” p' r building, with continuity from the past and excitement and challenge looking into the fu- f ture. Little could the women imagine, as students, staff, board, and friends joined in sing- ‘ ing the university hymn that March day, what the coming decades would hold. Looking back Horty years later, predictive value can be wrung from one board member’s comment about ^the “great and resounding” noise of the auditorium. For that first year in the new building r would usher in the “sound and fury” of the sixties—and campus life would never be the same ' again.

ENDNOTES The material in this article is drawn from the centennial history of the Lfniversity YWCA, Standing Ground and Starting Point, by Dorothy Thelen Clemens, published by the University YWCA in 1990. The abbreviation “YWA” refers to materials in the YWCA archives, 2600 Bancroft Way, Berkeley.

‘ 1 1889 Blue and Gold, 15 (1888). 2 Mary McLean Olney, “Oakland, Berkeley and the University of California: 1880-1895,” Regional Oral History Office, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, 1962, 126.

f; 3 William Carey Jones, Illustrated History of the University of California (San Francisco: Frank H. Dukesmith, 1895), 306.

1895-1896 Student Handbook, 7. YWA.

5 1898-1899 Student Handbook. YWA. 6 Verne A. Stadtman, ed. The Centennial Record of the University of California (Berkeley: University of California Printing Department, 1967), 212-225. I 7 Mrs. Frank Scott, “Farewell to the Cottage,” April 25,1958. Typescript does not carry Mrs. Scott’s name; attribution is based on thanks expressed to Mrs. Scott in YWCA student . newspaper. The Clarion, for doing the farewell history. YWA. 8 YWCA Association Record, November 25, 1918. YWA.

9 YWCA Annual Report 1923-1924. YWA. The Twenties: Remembrances of A Decade. Prytanean Oral History, Vol. 2, 1921-30 (Berkeley: Prytanean Alumnae, Inc., 1977).

11 Lillie Margaret Sherman, “Fifteen years in a student association,” General Secretary’s report for 1928. YWA. iU Lillie Margaret Sherman quoted in the Berkeley Daily Gazette, September 25, 1946. Formal name for the “Tenney Committee” was the California Legislative Investigating Committee on Un-American Activities.

fl3 Verne A. Stadtman, The University of California 1868-1968 (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1970), 315.

19 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

Anna Head (1857-1932) A graduate of the class of 1879, Anna Head was one of twenty-three women graduates in a class of 177 and spoke at commencement ceremonies in Harmon Gymnasium. After graduation, she studied and traveled abroad, spending much of her time in Greece, where her love of classics was solidified. In fall 1887 she opened a school for girls in Berkeley, on the corner of Channing Way and Dana Street. She much admired the English and German educational systems, adapting them to the needs of her students. Source knowledge of the classics, languages, and the scien tific method became the crux of her curriculum. Her expertise ranged from English, Latin, Greek, and the history of art to and zoology. In 1894 the school moved to a new facility at Channing Way and Bowditch Street, now occupied by the Survey Research Center.

Milicent Washburn Shinn (1858-1940) A graduate. Phi Beta Kappa, of the class of 1880, Milicent Shinn was the first woman to be awarded the Ph.D. at Berkeley (in 1898), in the new field of child study. Her thesis was expanded into Notes on the Development of the Child, one of the first publications of the University of California Press. She served as editor of the Over land Monthly during the years 1883-1894. She wrote an article for The Century, in 1895, “The Marriage Rate of College Women,” analyzing national data on the high rate of spinsterhood among early women college and university graduates, and commented on the probable reasons, which she knew firsthand as she never mar ried. She was a school teacher, writer, and editor, and lived her last forty years quietly on the family ranch at Niles, California.

Lillian Moller Gilbreth (1878-1972) A graduate of the class of 1900, Lillian Moller Gilbreth was an , house hold efficiency expert, industrial , and pioneer consult ant. Head of Gilbreth Laboratories following her husband’s death in 1924, Gilbreth held a professorship of management at from 1935 to 1948. She received numerous awards, including the National Institute of Social Sciences Gold Medal for “distinguished-service to humanity,” and the Award for out standing contributions to engineering and . When Berkeley honored her as its Alumna of the Year in 1954, chairman of the selection commit tee George Tenney stated that, “Dr. Gilbreth is undoubtedly the world’s greatest woman engineer. In a field normally considered for ‘men only,’ she has made con tributions that will continue to be a permanent part of our lives in the office, in the home, and in industry...it is difficult to conceive that there could be another Lillian. Gilbreth in a thousand years.”

20 A GYM OF THEIR OWN WOMEN, SPORTS, AND PHYSICAL CULTURE' AT THE BERKELEY CAMPUS, 1876-1976

Roberta J. Park

THE FIRST ISSUE of the Blue and Gold was published in 1874, when the University of Cali fornia completed its first year in the “tiny and distant settlement” of Berkeley/ By 1876, three hundred and five students were enrolled, forty-five of whom were “ladies.” ^ That fall the Besom, a student newspaper intended to alternate with the weekly Berkeleyan, included in its September 22 edition the following notation: “We are glad to hear that members of the Y.L.C. [Young Ladies Club] are going to obtain a foot-ball and engage in that healthful and invigorating sport.Two months later, amongst repeated pleas for a gymnasium,’ the Besom made another of its very few comments about women: Is there not some spare room in either South or North Hall, where the young ladies could be permitted, after the daily recitations, to pursue a course of Calisthenic or Gymnastic exercises?...They would then have as much ap petite for their dinners as their brothers, and their brains would be conse quently invigorated for their wearisome evening studies. ^

Thanks to the generosity of Mr. A. K. P. Harmon, a “neat and substantial structure” became available early in 1879. According to the 1880 Blue and Gold, young women were using the new gymnasium on Wednesday and Friday afternoons.^

1899 Basketball team. University Archives. CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

“Young Ladies,” Sports, and Physical Culture, 1876-1914 If the Young Ladies Club actually did obtain a “foot-ball” it is unlikely that they engaged in any spirited contest. For one thing, the rather nondescript soccer-like game of the 1870s called for teams of twenty® Far more inhibiting would have been prevailing beliefs which held that athletic sports were far too physically and emotionally demanding for the delicate female con stitution.^ Different attitudes were emerging regarding physical education. In 1866, Vassar Col lege announced the opening of a Calisthenium “placed under the direction of an experienced and successful lady instructor.”^® When Wellesley College opened in 1874, calisthenics and genteel sports like tennis and boating were required. The purpose of these programs, and those that followed, was health and personal development not competition—and certainly not public display. In the 1870s intercollegiate athletics had not yet attained a wide following. Although the University of California male students held their first Field Day on May 3,1879, during the 1880s “interclass” not intercollegiate contests in baseball and other sports were the norm, with occa sional games against local clubs, small colleges, and high schools.^^ Following the lead of east ern institutions like Harvard, Yale, and Princeton, by the 1890s elaborate and well-publicized contests for men in rowing, track, baseball, and especially football were fast becoming an inte gral part of the American college scene.’^ The December 17, 1892 Califomia-Stanford Univer sity football game (played according to the evolving eleven-man rules) initiated a new era for Berkeley’s male students.Female collegians, at Berkeley and elsewhere, would have to wait another eight decades for comparable opportunities. This does not mean that “the fair sex” was wholly without opportunities for games-play- ing and other physical activities. When Vassar held its first Field Day on November 9,1895 (track and basketball were featured) the New York World gave this novel event considerable coverage. For the most part, however, women’s sports received scant attention. An article in Cosmopolitan in 1901 reflected prevailing sentiments. Although “the triumph of their class colors” might be “just as dear to them,” young women were expected to exhibit decorum in their games. None theless, within their secluded precincts they often were extremely enthusiastic.^^

WAA Crew, Lake Merritt, 1923-1924. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections. University of California. Roberta]. Park • A GYM OF THEIR OWN

WAA Riflery Team, probably 1926-1927. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections.

The Blue and Gold reports that a Young Ladies’ Tennis Club was organized in October 1891.'^They soon also had a boating and an archery club. It would be “basket-ball,” the game invented in 1891 by James Naismith for young men at the Springfield, YMCA Training School, that became the most popular sport among college women. The game was introduced to students at nearby in 1892 by their young physical education instructor Senda Berenson, who modified the rules to make it less strenuous. Snatching the ball was prohibited; the court was divided into three equal parts; three players from each team were assigned (and confined) to each portion. These arrangements, Berenson main tained, eliminated undue physical exertion, encouraged team work, and did “away almost entirely with ‘star’ playing.That same year Walter Magee, instructor of physical culture at Berkeley, introduced basketball to University of California coeds, who met Miss Head’s School in a contest on November 18.^*^ The first women’s intercollegiate basketball game on the West Coast took place on April 4, 1896 when Cal met Stanford at San Francisco’s Page Street Armory. The devoted several columns to the contest, which was won by Stanford by a score of 2-1 and witnessed by 500 women. No male spectators were allowed! To prepare for the game, Berkeley had played against Miss Lake’s School and Miss West’s School. (During these early years the team was coached by Walter Magee and by Mrs. Genevra Magee.) In 1898, Berke ley defeated Mills College 13-2. When Stanford objected to playing indoors that contest was cancelled and a match with the University of Nevada was substituted.^® Cal played both Mills and Nevada in 1899.^' According to the 1901 Woman’s Occident, players were anticipating a game with Stockton High School and another with the University of Nevada. (The latter was cancelled when President Wheeler objected to the overnight trip to Reno.) Sports- minded young women also looked forward to the new tennis court that Mrs. Hearst had promised.^^ Among members of the 1906 tennis team was Hazel Hotchkiss ’09, who would capture the 1910 California State Tournament.^^ Paired with Helen Wills ’27, Hazel Hotchkiss Wightman won the gold medal in women’s doubles at the 1924 Olympics

23 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

Hearst Hall, 1904. University Archives.

The 1901 Woman’s Occident, dedicated to Phoebe Apperson Hearst “in heartfelt love and gratitude,” noted with approval changes that had occurred since 1873. Whereas formerly the campus had been “a spot where women had to contest for standing room” they now engaged in their own debating, journalism, and musical organizations, and had their own “rooters club.” Additionally, the Associated Women Students (AWS) had created Sports and Pastimes, an association intended to foster social interaction as well as athletic opportuni ties. Thanks to the beneficence of Mrs. Hearst they also finally had their own gymnasium— “a source of real pleasure. At the turn of the century medical societies as well as educational organizations were urging colleges to make physical culture part of the curriculum.^® President William T. Reid reflected prevailing sentiments when he stated in his 1882-84 Biennial Report: “that physi cal education is of grave importance is becoming recognized by some of the best colleges in the country...the gymnasium is rapidly assuming an importance almost, if not quite, coor dinate with many other branches of education.” The purpose of such a department, according to Reid and his contemporaries, was “not to make athletes, but to accompany the well bal anced mental training...with an equally well balanced physical training.” Consequently, the director should have “a thorough medical education.In 1888 the board of regents ap propriated $3,000 for the establishment of a Department of Physical Culture. Dr. Frank H. Payne,who was named director, gave advice on health and hygiene, examined each male student, and prescribed the “form and quality of exercise” he should take. Typically this was based upon one or more of the calisthenic and gymnastic systems then popular. The most highly regarded were: the Swedish (deemed the most scientifically informed and the best all-round exercise); the German (which included exercises on equipment such as the par allel bars); and the system devised by Dudley A. Sargent, M.D., Director of the Gymnasium at .Walter Magee was appointed to instruct the required daily men’s exercise classes. As early as 1889, a voluntary class for “young ladies wishing to share th« same ben efits” was offered by Mr. Magee on Wednesday and Friday afternoons.^® Mrs. Genevra Magee, who would be named Associate in Physical Culture in 1896, participated and served as

24 Roberta]. Park • A GYM OF THEIR OWN chaperone. Not satisfied with their limited access to Harmon Gymnasium, 248 current and former students petitioned the board of regents in 1891: A large number of young women in this University wish to take the course in physical culture, but are debarred by the want of a woman exam iner [i.e. physician]. They thus suffer injustice, as members of the Univer sity, in being debarred from equal enjoyment of its advantage.^’

The local chapter of the Association of Collegiate Alumnae gave the request its emphatic endorsement, setting forth reasons why such training was even more important for young women than it was for young men and urging the regents to appoint a woman physician in the same capacity as that of Dr. Payne. The Alumnae effort was headed by Milicent W. Shinn ’80, Ph.D. ’98, Emma Sutro Merritt, M.D. ’81 and A.M. Vassar, and May L. Cheney ’83.^^ As with so many things that accrued to the benefit of women students, Mrs. Hearst rose to the occasion. Thanks to her financial support, in 1891 Dr. Mary Bennett Ritter (who al ready was serving on a voluntary basis) was appointed as medical examiner. In her autobi ography Ritter noted that she also kept regular hours in the gymnasium “where girls could consult me about their ills of body or ‘hearts.’” The young women thereupon petitioned for additional access to Harmon Gymnasium. In 1893 ten hours a week were set aside for their exclusive use. Three years later Dr. Ritter was giving them lectures on hygiene, functions of the body, healthful activity, prevention of disease, and how to care for the injured Of the many contributions that Phoebe Apperson Hearst made to women of the Uni versity of California, none has been more extensive and enduring than those that have oc curred in, and as a consequence of, Hearst Hall (which burned in 1922) and the Hearst Gymnasium for Women (a gift of her son William Randolph Hearst), which held its first classes in 1927. Together these have enriched the lives of tens of thousands of female stu dents. In 1900 announced that workmen were preparing Hearst Hall (which had been designed by Bernard Maybeck) for removal from its location adjacent to Mrs. Hearst’s home on Channing Way to a site west of College Avenue that she had purchased. There it would be “remodelled to suit the purposes of a gymnasium” and fitted with the most

Class in Hearst Hall, ca. 1916. University Archives.

25 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

up-to-date apparatus. A condition of the gift was that two years of physical education would be re quired of all first and second year women.^'^ When Hearst Hall was formally dedicated on February 9, 1901, President Benjamin Ide Wheeler commented on its filling “the great need of a strictly women’s building” and unveiled a plate inscribed; “Dedicated to the Women Stu dents of the University by Ph[o]ebe Apperson Hearst.” From the late 1800s through the 1950s, a women’s gymnasium was more than a place for regular and prescribed exercise. It was an impor tant social center where a variety of sports, dance, and club organizations offered opportunities for young women to work together and develop lead ership skills. At coeducational institutions, where men entered only on carefully defined occa sions,^® the gymnasium also was a quiet retreat. Hearst Hall contained lounges where students might have lunch or make a cup of tea and rooms where the AWS and other groups could hold Tennis at Hearst Courts, 1920s. meetings. A week after the dedication ceremony Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections. the AWS held a Cushion Tea (decorated cushions were sold) to raise funds for their Sports and Pastimes Association. Bows and arrows for the Archery Club were purchased from the pro ceeds. Efforts also were made to raise funds for a boat house at Lake Merritt for the Girls’ Boat Club.^^ An outdoor basketball court (another of Mrs. Hearst’s gifts) adjacent to Hearst Hall was soon added. Surrounded by a high fence “to prevent anyone from witnessing the game from the outside,” this was surfaced with the same type of crushed rock that had been used for the “girls’” tennis court in “Co-ed Canyon.” By early 1902 the freshmen and the sophomores had formed basketball teams; and it was expected that a combined junior-se nior team would be forthcoming.^® The initiation of a “requirement” and growing enrollments made it necessary to increase the teaching staff. In 1902 Della Place (who had completed the two-year Teacher’s Course in Physical Culture in 1899) was added to the department. A few years later she would be joined by Mary Shafter, and folk dancing joined gymnastics in the required curriculum. In addition to various ‘interclass” matches, the Women’s Basketball Club continued to arrange two or three “intercollegiate” games each season against local high schools. Mills College, and/or Stanford. In 1910 California defeated Stanford hy a score of 13-9 at Hearst Court in a game that the Daily Californidh described as notable for “brilliant individual play” but marred by repeated fouls by Berkeley players.®® When the California women met Stanford for a series of fencing bouts on April 17,1914 male students for the “first time in the local history of the sport” witnessed such competi- tions."^® TJie basketball team now traveled to Reno, where it defeated the University of Ne vada, then won its game with Mills College by a score of 29-9.^^ In late fall 1914, the Daily Californian reported; “Women’s Athletics to Have New Start.” Each of the interclass crews was to be increased to fourteen members when larger boats arrived from the Yerba Buena training station. Interclass basketball practice would begin in early spring; swimming would 26 F

Roberta;. Park • A GYM OF THEIR OWN

commence in the new pool; track would be featured at the women’s Second Annual Field Day; and field hockey was to be added to the 1915 offerings.^^ This “new start” and the addition of field hockey, a game that was popular in eastern women’s colleges, was almost certainly a consequence of the restructuring of the Department of Physical Culture. When school opened in fall 1914, the single unit that had existed since 1889 had been replaced by separate departments for men and for women.'^^ Maude Cleve land ’09 was named Director of the Gymnasium and Assistant Professor in the newly cre ated Department of Physical Education for Women. (Frank Kleeberger ’08, M.A. ’15, was named Director of the Department of Physical Education for Men.)'^'^ While a student, Cleve land had been a member of Kappa Alpha Theta, Mask and Dagger, the English Club, Prytanean Society, the Blue and Gold staff, the intercollegiate basketball team (three years), president of AWS, and general chairman of the Senior Ball. Upon graduation she served briefly as assistant to the dean of women before going on to study at Wellesley College (at the time the premier training school for female physical educators)and to receive the M.A. from .'^®

Field Hockey Teams, ca. 1926-27. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections.

Joining Cleveland in the newly created women’s department were Ruth Elliott (A.B. Smith College), Mabel Ingraham Otis, and Marjorie John Armour.Each entering student was given a medical examination by infirmary staff and a physical examination by staff of the Department of Physical Education for Women. The purpose of these examinations was to obtain health information, record height, weight, lung capacity, etc., ascertain any pos tural deformities (e.g., scoliosis, pronated ankles), and, if appropriate, assign the individual to a special “corrective” class. Over the years the women’s department and physicians from the infirmary (later Student Health Services, Cowell Hospital) cooperated closely in mat ters relating to the health of young women. By 1939-40, 2,413 entering students were ex amined; in 1945-46, the number was 2,707.“^^ Vinnie Robinson ’15 had informed fellow students at the fall 1914 meeting of the Associated Women Students that nine tennis courts and four outdoor basketball courts were nearing completion. To help raise money for equipment. Sports and Pastimes held a “Pen cil Sale.” The addition of an uncovered swimming pool surrounded by an eight foot fence (a gift of Mrs. Hearst and former Regent E W. Dohrmann) made possible the further expan sion of offerings.'^^ All students who were not excused for medical reasons were required to demonstrate the ability to swim fifty yards. Additionally, greater numbers of upper

27 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

; - . ;• classwomen were electing physical education. By 1915-16, the addition of three other women brought the number of faculty to seven. The depart ment now assisted with, the annual Partheneia^® pageant and taught folk and aesthetic dance to various other student organizations.^^

1915—1960: The State Needs Teachers and A “Revision” of Women’s Sports Cleveland and her colleagues lost no time 4 " articulating their goals. Because health and “edu- cational value” were the “necessary justification” for college sports these were to be aligned more * 1 closely with the department as well as the univer- " sity infirmary Although the day-to-day manage- , .. f. ^ -r W f ' ■ ment of extracurricular sports would remain with the students, the department would furnish the “coaches” thereby ensuring that such quali ties as honesty, loyalty, and cooperation—not “turning out winning teams”—would prevail. The block “C” was to be awarded for observation of rules of health,^^ “sportsman-like attitudes, participation in at least two sports, and suc cess in making an interclass team.” Contests with local colleges henceforth would empha size class—not intercollegiate—competition.^^ Such arrangements, with moderate liberal ization, would remain abiding values at Berkeley and at most institutions of higher learn ing until social changes of the 1960s produced Title IX of the 1972 Education Amendments Act, which dramatically altered women’s college sports. The new Department of Physical Education for Women also attended to other tasks. As colleges and public schools increasingly included physical education in the curriculum, the unrelenting demand for properly trained teachers increased. As early as 1890, Dr. Payne had informed President of a growing need for competent teachers of physical education and the importance of the state university in their preparation.^'^ In 1897, the Aca demic Council approved the establishment of a two-year “Teacher’s Course in Physical Cul ture” open to students of both sexes.The need for qualified professionals increased as cities across the United States (Berkeley, Oakland, and San Francisco were among the first) be gan to establish municipal playgrounds. As part of its 1910 summer offerings Ferkeley’s De partment of Education included courses in playground work.^^ Maude Cleveland noted in her 1915-16 report to the president that because students were requesting training in this specialty, as well as in the teaching of physical education and corrective work, appropriate courses were being added to the'^eurriculum. By the 1920s, the men’s and women’s depart ments provided extensive summer session offerings that attracted public school teachers as well as undergraduate students. They also conducted a summer Demonstration School of Physical Education (later Children’s Recreation Service ) that enrolled local children.^^ A group major in “Physical Education and Hygiene” was initiated in 1914.^® Although practical work (e.g., classes in gymnastics, dancing, pedagogy) remained segregated, upper division courses in subjects like physiology of exercise (taught by the Department of Physi cal Education for Men) and theory and practice of physical therapy (taught by the Depart ment of Physical Education for Women) were open to qualified students of either sex. Honor

28 Roberta J. Park • A GYM OF THEIR OWN

students might apply to do research in such allied units as psychology or zoology and/or specialize in “corrective gymnastics” at the Medical School’s orthopedic clinic.^^ During the 1928-1930 biennium, seventy-one women completed the A.B. major and/or the Certificate of Completion for the State Teacher’s Credential in Physical Education. In 1930, the master I of arts degree in physical education was approved by the Graduate Council.^® I Among those faculty who had taken leaves of absence when the United States entered I World War I was Maude Cleveland, who served with the Red Cross in France. As injured i and maimed servicemen returned from the front, the need grew for “reconstruction aides” I (a precursor to the physical therapist) who could be quickly trained in rehabilitative exer- ? cise. The Reconstruction Department of the United States Army urged physical educators, ; who were well-versed in Swedish gymnastics and “corrective” exercise, to help train women ' to meet the demand. By 1918, the Department of Physical Education for Women was par ticipating in a university summer session program for training reconstruction aides. Cleveland did not return to the university following the armistice. As the campus grew, the program that had been initiated during her tenure was extended under the directorship of Ruth Elliott. In the early morning hours of June 20,1922, a fire of undetermined origins burned Hearst Hall to the ground. All records and equipment were lost as were costumes and scenery used in the annual Partheneia.®^ Dean of Women Lucy Ward Stebbins imme diately contacted Ruth Elliott expressing her desire to ensure that the women students who had been displaced would be cared for both temporarily and in the future.® Upon learning of the loss, William Randolph Hearst telegraphed President David P. Barrows indicating his intention to build a fireproof structure to replace the gymnasium “given by my mother for the benefit of the girl undergraduates.” Dean Stebbins sent the president a list of suggestions that she and Elliott had prepared in which she stipulated: “No service is suggested in the new Hearst Hall which has not been developed in the old building, although...we hope to have a better provision for these services.”® Bernard Maybeck, the architect Mr. Hearst had selected, was interested in designing a monumental and aesthetically pleasing building, not a utilitarian gymnasium. Both Barrows and his successor William W. Campbell, who had assumed the presidency in July 1923, ex pressed objections to the sketches Maybeck submitted. Campbell’s particular displeasure was clear when he informed Maybeck: I have examined the blue prints very carefully, I have shown them to the representatives of the women connected with the University and to the Grounds and Buildings and the Finance Committees of the Board of Re gents. All of these persons have commented unfavorably as to their meeting the requirements of the situation.®^

President Campbell asked Regent Mortimer Fleishhacker to intercede to help ensure that adequate provision would be made for the 4,000 or 5,000 young women who needed a building dedicated to their “athletic and social” needs. He also wrote to Hearst expressing his distress with Maybeck’s sketches, stating: “I feel confident that your mother’s ambition for Hearst Hall was to make it of utmost possible usefulness to the University women.”® The depth of Campbell’s displeasure is evident in a “memorandum” he drafted following a No vember 16,1923 conference with Hearst in New York. The two had concluded that Julia Mor gan ’94 (and Ecole des Beaux-Arts) should be engaged “as the architect for the interior plans.” If these arrangements should prove unworkable, Campbell continued, “it would be our duty to relieve Mr. Maybeck in favor of another architect.” Following the meeting Campbell in formed Dean Walter M. Hart that Mr. Hearst had pledged $350,000, and hoped to pay $500,000, for a building that would meet the women’s requirements.® 29 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

During the 1921-22 academic year, the Department of Physical Education for Women had taught 8,120 students (4,216 in “required” courses; 3,904 in “elective” courses). Fol lowing the destruction of Hearst Hall, the faculty adjusted the 1922-23 curriculum to em phasize outdoor activities that could be carried on at the pool, tennis courts, and playing fields. A fenced outdoor dancing platform was built as were some hastily constructed wooden “shacks” that served as and dressing rooms. With dogged determination in spite of these hardships, the faculty also continued an extensive extracurricular program. When con struction of the new gymnasium came to an impasse Campbell wired Hearst expressing con cern that twenty months had elapsed since Hearst Hall had burned.®^ It was with consider able relief that Dean Hart wrote to Julia Morgan in March 1924 expressing his “great per sonal satisfaction that you are to collaborate in the planning of this important University building.”®^ Morgan, thereupon, lost no time contacting Miss Elliott and Dean Stebbins.™ By spring 1925, Hearst expressed his pleasure that the building was finally under con struction.^^ Faculty from engineering and other departments lent their expertise; the women students raised $600; and the regents appropriated more than $15,000 for the purchase of up-to-date gymnasium equipment. In late 1926 the department moved into its new facility, appropriately described as the finest such structure in the United States. In addition to spa cious rooms for dance, indoor basketball, gymnastic exercises, and other physical activities, Phoebe A. Hearst Gymnasium for Women (the name that was ultimately chosen) included a thirty-three yard outdoor Italian marble pool where a variety of aquatics classes and ac tivities could be held. On the day preceding the April 8, 1927 dedication, Partheneia gave its annual perfor mance, “Wings of Ranana”; the freshman men’s baseball team held the first of its three-game series against Stanford; and the opening performance of “The Trojan Women” was held at the Greek Theatre. The dedication ceremony the next evening began with music by the Cali fornia Glee Club. Following a brief address by President Campbell and remarks by Mr. Hearst, ASUC Vice-President Miriam Collins accepted “in behalf of the women students of the present and future generations.” Violet Marshall (who had become director when Ruth Elliott

30 Roberta J. Park • A GYM OF THEIR OWN

left to pursue doctoral studies at Columbia University) commented upon the work the Department of Physical Education for Women now would commence.^^ Students were enthralled with their new build ing; and doubtless many were ecstatic that the heavy black gymna sium bloomer suit that had been obligatory attire was to be replaced with a light beige blouse of cotton broadcloth and a “knicker” of brown fabric.^^ In 1926 Sports and Pastimes had become the Women’s Athletic Association (WAA) of the Associated Students of the University of California. That same year Triangle Sports Day (a semiannual gath ering involving Berkeley, Stanford, and Mills College) was initiated on an “interclass-intercollegiate” basis. With no gymnasium, the WAA featured activities such as field hockey swimming, life saving, tennis, basketball. Crop & Saddle (riding), canoeing, and rifle practice.^"^ One of the famous “Hearst With the exception of riflery (coached by Lt. Manning) all the Ums” during construction. “coaches” were members of the women’s department.^^ University Archives. As soon as the new building was finished, fencing was resumed and golf, badminton, various types of dance (e.g., folk, modem, clog), exercise (both individual and general), tumbling, water safety instructor training, and much more were included in the required class curriculum. Every effort was made to ensure the experience was pleasurable, but never at the expense of “regular and sequenced instmction.” As it was deemed important to instill “habits of exercise” and teach women a range of skills they could use in their free time, most of the classes were at the beginning and intermediate levels. (If an individual already possessed skills better than the level of the class she sought to enter she was directed to a more advanced class or to the WAA “interclass” program.) In addition to their aca demic courses, physical education majors who intended to pursue teaching as a career were expected to be (or become) proficient in aquatics, team sports, individual sports, dance, and gymnastics, and to demonstrate ad vanced skills in at least one area.^^ Upon completing the A.B. degree, such individuals typically applied to the School of Education’s fifth year program leading to the teaching credential. The 1925-26 WAA Handbook had promised “greater opportunities to the women of California than has any previous year”; Miss Marshall had declared that her fac ulty was “eager to help make college mean as much as possible to every woman”; Miss Stebbins had lent her support, observing that participation in the activities of the WAA was a way a college woman could develop “skill, grace and physical courage to supplement her mental awareness.” These were the sentiments that defined the WAA program for more than three ensuing decades. By 1942, with the addition of such sports as sailing, table ten Violet Marshall, Director of the nis, and volleyball, students could choose from sixteen Department of Physical Education “interclass” and eight “intramural” offerings.^^ They also for Women and honorary member might participate with the Outing Club or in the Sink or of Women’s “C” Society. Hearst Swim Club’s annual water pageant. The latter offered op- Gymnasium Historical Collections. 31 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

portunities for costume design and program management as well as the development of syn chronized swimming skills under the guidance of the club’s adviser. The term “adviser” (which had replaced “coach”) was probably more accurate in that faculty were expected to help young women become well-rounded individuals, not athletic champions. Subject to the adviser’s approval, each sport’s president (later designated as manager), elected by her peers, did the organizational work. All managers met regularly as members of the Interclass (later Sports Club) Board or the Intramural Board. The WAA Council, headed by an elected president (who also was represented on the ASUC Executive Board), set general policies and guidelines. By the 1930s, the biennial Field Day had been extended to a Field Week at which final games in all the semester’s sports were contested. Winners were announced at a luncheon in the fall and a formal dinner’’® (later a dessert) in the spring. At these, the pennant “C” (based entirely upon partici pation) and the block “C” (which required service and “good posture and personal appearance” as well as athletic skill) were presented. Perpetual tro phies inscribed with the names of the winning class (“interclass” program) or the winning living or so cial group (“intramural” program) also were awarded. The WAA held rallies to welcome new students, served as a co-sponsor of the ASUC Tea, held its own teas for transfer students, and orga nized hiking trips to Mt. Tamalpais and other local sites. The Women’s “C” Society established a loan fund that was available to any graduate woman student interested in studying physical education. As a service to local high schools the WAA Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections. and the Women’s “C” Society began to invite stu dents and their instructors to campus for a day of sports and social activities. Nine schools attended in 1924, thirty in 1928.’'® By the 1960s, students from more than seventy schools were attending the annual High School Sports Day.®° The university students gave exhibitions in modern dance and sports like field hockey and fencing (rarely encountered in the high school curriculum). The visi tors then engaged in “master lessons” of their choosing under the direction-of members of the WAA and Orchesis. During lunch (which the Women’s “C” Society had prepared in the early morning) there was folk dancing and other social events. The day closed with recre ational swimming, volleyball, and tours of the campus. The April 1927 Newsletter of the Athletic Conference of American College Women®^ re ported on the High School Sports-Day concept and a new form of competition that had been inaugurated at the 1926 Triangle Sports Day: “The characteristic feature of the day was that Mills, Stanford and California girls were divided up to make teams for the morning.”®^ These arrangements were so markedly different from modern conceptions and practices that a few comments about how they came into being are in order. In 1924, student representatives from fifty-three of the member institutions had assembled at Berkeley for the third national meeting of the Athletic Conference of American College Women. Opening speaker Dr. Aurelia Reinhardt ’98, president of Mills College, cautioned the young delegates against imi tating those universities that stressed “high pitched excitement” and sought to “‘buy’ ath 32

■ Roberta J. Park • A GYM OF THEIR OWN letes.” Noting that women’s programs now offered almost as many sports as did men’s, she urged her audience to stress health, recreation, and originality. Berkeley’s WAA president made the following observation: “ [The ACACW] has taken a stand against all intercollegiate competition and therefore we will gladly give up our interclass-intercollegiate meets. For the more athletically inclined college woman this was not welcome news. Those who wished high level competition would have to seek it elsewhere! Several factors contributed to this decision. A power struggle was raging between the Amateur Athletic Union and the National Collegiate Athletic Association over the control of amateur athletics. College authorities—and now the Carnegie Foundation^'^—once again were expressing concerns about “excesses” (e.g, recruiting violations, commercialism) in men’s intercollegiate athletics. Efforts to include women’s track in Olympic competition engendered particular agitation.^^ A National Amateur Athletic Federation, whose purposes were to foster the highest ideals in amateur sport, improve the preparation of American athletes for the Olympic games, and promote physical education, had been formed in 1922. A Women’s Division of the NAAF, chaired by Mrs. , was created the follow ing April.®® The Women’s Division quickly formulated a platform that opposed elite com petition. This was articulated in the slogan: “Every Girl in a Sport.” Although not all insti tutions subscribed to these values, most leading colleges and universities did. Broad-based programs for the many, not “varsity” sport for the few—and “play days,” not sports days— now were to be the norm. According to the “play day” format, teams were created from individuals of each of the participating schools on the day of the event—a practice hardly conducive to teamwork or any real competition! As students began to object, “interclass” then “interclass-intercolle giate” competition was increasingly returned to Triangle Sports Day. In 1952, as other local institutions (e.g., Sanjose State College, San Francisco State College, and Holy Names Col-

Crop and Saddle, late 1930s. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections.

33 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

lege) were included, this semiannual event became Bay Area Sports Day. The fall 1953 pro gram, held at Stanford, featured field hockey, tennis, badminton, swimming, volleyball, fenc ing, riflery riding, and modern dance. That same year the WAA revised its earlier decision prohibiting participation “in the same season in the same sport in WAA and on an outside team.”®^ Modern dance, which also had been added to the curriculum of the women’s depart ment shortly before World War 1, grew in popularity during the 1920s. On April 20, 1928, eighty-seven students from the various composition classes presented an extensive evening program. The following spring, Margaret H’Doubler (who created the first college dance major at the University of ) spent two weeks at Berkeley giving lectures to stu dents and a two-week extension class which more than eighty local teachers attended.®® Hav ing graduated in biology from Wisconsin, H’Doubler enrolled at Teacher’s College, Colum bia University. In New York she became acquainted with “natural dance” and the work of individuals like Bird Larson and Alys Bentley. Finding various contemporary “systems” too confining, she set about developing an approach that would bring together creative expres sion and an understanding of the biological nature of movement. Wisconsin majors stud ied science, literature, history, philosophy, art, dramatics, and music. Asked to demonstrate their new form of dance at other institutions, H’Doubler and her students created an extra curricular group and chose as its name “Orchesis.”®® I

Orchesis, Greek Theatre, 1930s. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections.

Stimulated by Miss H’Doubler’s visit, Berkeley students created their own Orchesis and soon were giving productions to which the entire university community was invited. As was the case with sports, advisers endeavored to ensure that broad participation was not over shadowed by “star performance.” Orchesis performed at the High School Sports Day, the ASUC Tea, and other events. It cooperated with Mills, Stanford, College of the Pacific, San Jose State College, and other local schools to develop an annual Dance Symposium. Dance (both modern and folk) often was held in conjunction with Bay Area Sports Day. Among the artists whom Orchesis entertained were Mary Wigman, Harold Kreutzberg, and Martha Gra ham. Although not a separate major, students studying physical education at the University of California could emphasize dance. A few became professional dancers; most were sought 34 Roberta]. Park • A GYM OF THEIR OWN

Elementary Modern Dance Class, Hearst Gymnasium in the 1940s. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections. as teachers of dance by high schools and colleges. The major in physical education contin ued to attract considerable numbers of students. By nineteen sixty-five, 1,608 bachelor’s de grees had been awarded. For the majority of women graduates the degree led to success ful and satisfying careers in teaching or to positions such as Assistant State Superintendent of Physical Education. A few pursued the major solely because it offered opportunities to study psychology and social sciences as well as the biological sciences. Some went on for further study in physical therapy or related fields. By the 1950s, a considerable number had earned the master’s degree. Berkeley undergraduates who went elsewhere for advanced study found that they were very well prepared. Pauline Hodgson ’20 (A.B. in physical education) received the M.S. de gree in physiological chemistry from the before returning to the Uni versity of California to earn the Ph.D. in physiology. She subsequently became a professor in the Department of Physical Education, and was named Associate Director of Physical Edu cation for Women after the amalgamation of the two departments following the death of Frank Kleeberger in 1942. Anna Espenschade, who received the M.S. degree in hygiene and physical education from Wellesley College and the Ph.D. in psychology from Berkeley, served as vice chairman of the Department of Physical Education (in charge of the division for women) from 1959 to 1968. An authority in child growth and developnient, and an officer in numerous professional organizations, she was the first woman to be named to the edito rial board of Medicine and Science in Sports, the journal of the American College of Sports Medicine.^^ By the 1960s, several of the department’s faculty, and a rapidly growing num ber of graduate students, were engaged in basic as well as applied research in the physiologi cal, psychological, and developmental dimensions of exercise and sports.

1960-1976: Women’s Sports Seek Equity: Graduate Physical Education Programs Grow During the first six decades of the twentieth century small numbers of American women had attained outstanding achievements in sports. With few exceptions, they had developed

35 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

WAA Fencers, 1950s. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections. their athletic skills outside the college setting. Helen Wills ’27, twelve-time Wimbledon cham pion and winner of gold medals in women’s singles and doubles at the 1924 Paris Olympics, had learned tennis at private clubs in northern California. Swimmer Ann Curtis (Cuneo) ’48, gold medalist in the 400-meter freestyle at the Olympic Games in 1948 and the first woman to win the Sullivan Award, had done likewise. The entry of the USSR into Olym pic competition at Helsinki in 1952 set the stage for profound changes. As international sport became more politicized following the launch of Sputnik it was recognized that Soviet women contributed significantly to their country’s athletic prowess. To improve the “depth of ex perience and expand opportunities”—and to increase the pool of athletes for international sport—the Women’s Board of the U.S. Olympic Development Committee along with the Division for Girls and Women in Sports of the American Association for Health, Physical Education and Recreation held the first of several national institutes in 1963.^^ ’s four gold medals at Rome in 1960, continuing victories by America’s swimmers, and other outstanding performances by female athletes were witnessed by millions of tele vision viewers. These offered graphic proof of what could be attained. Especially significant in bringing about changes were the “women’s movement” of the 1960s and the 1964 Civil Rights Act. In 1971, became the first female athlete to earn over $100,000 in a single year.^"^ Responding to “the rapid changes taking place today in society and in campus life and institutions,” the Division for Women, Department of Physical Education initiated efforts to articulate new policies for extracurricular sports for women at Berkeley. With the con currence of Dr. Margaret Zeff (Student Health Services, Cowell Hospital), Dean of Women Katherine Towle, and other campus officials a formal statement was approved in October

36 Roberta]. Park • A GYM OF THEIR OWN

1958. Although the new policies did extend opportunities (to an exceedingly modest degree by 1990s standards) for the more highly skilled student, they re tained a fundamental—and pri mary—commitment to “the ma jority of students.” At its Decem ber 12, 1961 meeting, the WAA Council voted to add a third branch to its “club” and intramu ral offerings—an “extramural pro gram” for those who desired a more highly skilled form of com petition. The department there upon invited faculty representa tives from seven local colleges to a meeting at Berkeley; and it was decided to experiment with “ex tramural” tennis matches during spring 1962.®^ By 1967-68 the WAA extramural program offered competitions in several sports. In an effort to provide guid ance to intercollegiate programs across the United States, a Com mission on Intercollegiate Athlet ics for Women had been estab Diving Class, Hearst Pool, 1940s. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections. lished in 1966. The ClAW (re placed by the Association of Intercollegiate Athletics for Women in 1971-72) labored to ex pand opportunities for the athletically talented woman yet avoid excesses that, critics con tinued to maintain, had damaged men’s intercollegiates.^® In 1967, the CIWA announced the establishment of “national championships” for college women. Over the next decade an unequal struggle for control of competitive opportunities—and financial resources—was waged between the powerful National Collegiate Athletic Association (founded in 1906) and the fledgling AIAW What had been an “evolution” quickly became “a revolution in women’s sports”following the 1972 Education Amendments Act, whose Title IX specified: No person in the United States shall on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimi nation under any education program or activity receiving federal assistance.

Although there was considerable uncertainty regarding how best to implement Title IX, colleges and universities immediately began seeking ways to bring parity to programs that had differed in form and purpose for over three-quarters of a century. At Berkeley an Acting Coordinator of Women’s Intercollegiate Sports (WIS) was appointed in late 1973 and a Chancellor’s Advisory Committee on Intercollegiate Athletics for Women was formed. As one of many ASUC groups, the WAA rarely had received as much as $5,000 per annum (usu ally $2,500-3,000).®® The WAA began the 1973-74 academic year with a budget of $42,500. Although this was an increase of more than a hundred percent, it was quite small in com-

37 ' CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

parison to the $2,119,230 enjoyed by the Department of Intercollegiate Athletics for Men. (Of this, $468,830 was from registration fees; the remainder from football gate receipts, “booster” do nations, and other outside sources.) For the first time, female coaches received a small stipend for their ser- vices.^^ When on February 27, 1974 the Daily Californian announced “women’s tennis at Cal has never been better” it was reflecting the new Women’s Field Hockey Team, 1967. Hearst Gymnasium Historical trends. A women’s track team Collections. (which included economics major Marilyn Neufville, co-title holder of the world’s 400-meter run) was one of several new sports that were organized. Later that year, several hundred spectators at Harmon Gymna sium watched the women’s varsity play a touring national women’s basketball delegation from the Republic of China. Across the United States, the growing controversy over women and athletics intensi fied. Conferences and reports proliferated. Commentators ranged from those whose primary interest was extending to women the same (or at least similar) opportunities to those that males enjoyed to those who knew little (or perhaps even cared) about athletics, but saw the female athlete as an icon for a host of political and gender issues.

Women’s Intercollegiate Basketball Team, 1974. Hearst Gymnasium Histori cal Collections.

38

i Roberta]. Park • A GYM OF THEIR OWN

Political and cultural ferments that were convulsing the larger society were hotly debated on the Berkeley campus, and the university was confronted by a number of academic challenges. During the spring of 1974 a few individuals questioned the entire future of intercollegiate sports.^“ Given the historical salience of athletics in American college life, abolition of all varsity athletics (which some individuals advocated) was not a likely event; but it was clear that monies would need to be deflected from the men’s program to the growing women’s program. It would take a while to resolve just how—and under what auspices—the latter would grow. Barbara Hoepner, who had been named as Acting Coordinator of WIS, was in a somewhat anomalous situation in that the WAA retained control over various aspects of the program as did the Department of Physical Education, whose members still served as coaches (“adviser” was now passe). As the hours of practice and the number of competitive contests increased it became apparent that it would be impossible for a faculty member to continue to provide service to the athletic program and also carry out her commitments to the department, which now was firmly committed to graduate education, academic leadership at the national level, and research. A Chancellor’s Advisory Committee, which submitted its report on April 29,1974, recom mended that the Acting Coordinator of WIS be continued for a year while various issues were addressed at the national level.Although there were several concerns, two received the great est—and often most acrimonious—nationwide debate. Because NCAA teams were open to stu dents of either sex, some individuals argued that there was no need for separate teams. Others insisted that females would be at a distinct disadvantage in several sports (e.g., basketball) and that in the absence of separate teams their numbers would decline. The second argument held that unless women had opportunities to enhance their coaching and administrative skills these positions quickly would be filled by men.^®'^ There also was a modest, if forlorn, hope that a more educationally oriented alternative intercollegiate model for all students might come into being. In June 1974, the Office of Civil Rights of the Department of Health, Education, and Wel fare published enforcement regulations which suggested that noncompliance with Title IX could jeopardize all federal funding.^”^ Faced with the potential loss of millions of dollars, adminis trators moved quickly. Whereas most institutions merged their athletic programs (females be came, at best. Associate Directors), Berkeley took a bold approach and created a separate unit. On March 1, 1976, all official con nection with the De partment of Physical Education was severed and an autonomous Department of Inter collegiate Athletics for Women with its own director, Luella Lilly (who reported directly to the Vice Chancellor, Administration), was created. A new era for the female athlete at Women’s JV Basketball Team 1974. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Berkeley had begun! Collections.

39 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

ENDNOTES

1 By the early 1900s, “physical education” had become the preferred designation at the majority of American colleges and universities.

2 William Carey Jones, Illustrated History of the University of California (San Francisco; Frank H. Dukesmith, 1895), 82.

3 Register of the University of California, 1876-77, 24-25.

4 Besom, September 22, 1876, 2.

5 “A plea for a gymnasium,” Berkeleyan, March 1874, 10. See also: “Young Plato and Tom Brown,” Besom, November 22, 1876, 1; “Muscle,” Berfeeleyan, January 30, 1877, 2; “Gymnastic exercises and our gymnasium,” Berkeleyan, August 18, 1877, 8-9.

6 “Dear Besom,” Besom, November 22, 1876, 2.

7 Register of the University of California, 1879-80, 25; 1880 Blue and Gold, 6 (1879), 106-107. The issue carried a less than flattering drawing of a young woman swinging on the rings (drawings of exercising males were equally unflattering) and a quiz asking the reader to identify various young women and men according to their exercise proclivities.

8 John A. Lucas and Ronald A. Smith, Saga of American Sport (Philadelphia: Lea and Febiger, 1978), 229-249.

9 See: Patricia Vertinsky, The Eternally Wounded Woman: Women, Doctors, and Exercise in the Late Nineteenth Century (Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 1990).

10 The 1867-68 Annual Catalogue of the Officers and Students ofVassar College stated: “...the health of the student is to be made the first object of attention.... those whom it educates shall become physically well-developed, vigorous, and graceful women....Calisthenics are thoroughly taught in the most approved forms....play-grounds are ample and pleasant,” 26-27.

11 1880 Blue and Gold, 6 (1879), 26, 77-91.

12 The Yale-Princeton Game, held in , attracted over 30,000 spectators in the early 1890s. See; Michael Oriard, Reading Football: How the Popular Press Created an American Spectacle (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1993), 91.

13 “Rah! Sturdy players are pitted,” Oakland Tribune, December 17, 1892, 1; “Today will ever be memorable in the scholastic annals of the State....”; “Neither side won,” San Francisco Examiner, December 18, 1892, 10-11. The March 21, 1892 game had aroused considerably less public interest.

14 “Vassar girls in games,” New York World, November 10, 1895, 5.

15 Lavinia Hart, “A girl’s college life,” Cosmopolitan, 31 Oune 1901), 188-195.

16 1894 Blue and Gold, 20 (1893), 115.

17 Senda Berenson, “The significaJic^ of basket-ball for women,” Basket Ball for Women, Spalding’s Athletic Library (New York: American Sports Publishing Co., 1901), 20-27.

18 “Used baskets as goals,” San Francisco Examiner, November 19, 1892, 3.

19 “On the eve of battle,” San Francisco Examiner, April 4, 1896, 16; “Waterloo for Berkley girls,” San Francisco Examiner, April 5, 1896, 11; “Basket-ball,” Berkeleyan, April 6, 1896, 1; May Dornin, “Basketball at the University of California from its Beginning in 1892 Until its Acceptance as a Major Sport in 1916,” 308if.ba.D72, University Archives, University of California, Berkeley; Walter Magee Scrapbooks, CU-285, vol. 2. University Archives.

40 Roberta J. Park A GYM OF THEIR OWN

20 “California girls victorious,” Daily Californian, February 21, 1898, 1; “University girls win at basketball,” Berkeley Gazette, February 24, 1898, 1; “Nevada easily defeated,” Daily Californian, April 11, 1898, 1.

21 Walter Magee Scrapbooks, CU-285, vol. 2. University Archives.

22 Occident (Woman’s Edition), February 22, 1901, 106; “Basket-ball team wins,” Daily Californian, March 11, 1901, 1.

23 “State tennis tourney draws large gallery,” Daily Californian, August 29, 1910, 1. 24 Eighteen-year old Helen Wills also won the women’s singles at the 1924 Games and quickly replaced Suzanne Lenglen as the world’s premiere female tennis star. During the 1920s and 1930s, Wills (Moody Roark) repeatedly won the U.S. women’s and British women’s singles titles as well as championships in France and Holland. See: Larry Engelmann, The Goddess and the American Girl: The Story of Suzanne Lenglen and Helen Wills (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988).

25 “We’re one spoke in the athletic wheel,” Occident (Woman’s Edition), February 22, 1901, 99.

26 For example, Z.B. Adams, E.H. Bradford and C.E Withington, “Report on physical culture in schools,” Medical and Surgical Journal, August 23, 1888, 179-182; “Boston conference on physical culture,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, December 5, 1889, 566-567; A.H.P. Leuf, “Physical education in children,” Journal of the American Medical Association, April 5, 1890, 495-496.

27 Biennial Report of the President of the University of California on Behalf of the Board of Regents, 1882-84, 34-35.

28 Short biography in Alameda County Illustrated: The Eden of the Pacific (Oakland: The Oakland Tribune, 1898), 78.

29 Initially Berkeley used the United States Army’s seventeen setting-up exercises. These were replaced as exercises and equipment designed by Dudley Allen Sargent were incorporated into the men’s offerings.

30 Report of the President of the University of California on Behalf of the Board of Regents, 1888, 6; Register of the University of California, 1890-91, 65. CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

31 “Communication: To the Honorable Board of Regents of the University of California,” Regents’ records, CU-1, 25:9. University Archives.

32 “Petition of College Alumnae in the Appointment of a Woman Physician,” ibid.

33 Mary Bennett Ritter, More Than Gold in California, 1849-1933 (Berkeley, 1933), 202-204; Register of the University of California, 1891-92, 71. Dr. Ritter’s services were terminated in 1904. It appears that funds were exhausted in augmenting the salaries of Mr. Magee and Dr. George Reinhardt, who had replaced Dr. Payne, and hiring Miss Place. Concerned that the young women would no longer receive the proper attention. Dr. Ritter wrote to Mrs. Hearst indicating that she would “work for the rest of the year without pay if [President Wheeler] would provide for the [female physician’s] position the future.” She also expressed concern that plans were afoot to have the women examined by a man—an arrangement that surely offended early twentieth century sensibilities—and recommended as her successor Dr. Edith Brownsill, a Berkeley graduate and former member of the women’s basketball team. Mary Bennett Ritter to Mrs. Hearst, Phoebe Apperson Hearst Papers, 72/204c. The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.

34 “Gym to be made compulsory for women students,” Daily Californian, August 27, 1900, 1. “Modified” classes were instituted for students whose condition dictated a limited form of physical activity. Those with extraordinary restrictions were assigned to “rest” in a special room in the gymnasium. The requirement (for both sexes) was rescinded in 1933 although it had the support of several physicians from the medical school and a number of faculty on the Berkeley campus. Depression worries over financial resources were a significant factor in the decision. After a brief initial decline enrollments grew and soon exceeded resources. By the early 1960s, over 4,500 students were enrolling each semester in the elective physical education program; another 1,000 signed “waiting lists” in the hope of gaining admission.

35 “Hearst Hall dedicated,” Daily Californian, February 11, 1901, 6.

36 The Cushion Tea was one such instance as were events like the military ball held in Hearst Hall on April 9, 1901. The committee in charge was the Prytanean Society. Mrs. Wheeler headed the

Archery Class, West Field, 1940s. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections.

42 Roberta]. Park • A GYM OF THEIR OWN

group that received before the dancing began. “Military ball,” Daily Californian, April 10, 1901, 2. For many years after its completion the Hearst Gymnasium for Women was the locale of the President’s Reception. 37 “Women students will receive,” Daily Californian, February 15, 1901, 1; “Associated women students meet,” Daily Californian, March 26, 1901, 1; “Girls’ boat house to be built,” Daily Californian'November 13, 1901, 1. 38 “Girls’ court almost completed,” Daily Californian, November 13, 1901, 3.

39 “California women win on basketball court,” Daily Californian, March 14, 1910, 1.

40 “Fair fencers compete; Annual tourney is on,” Oakland Tribune, April 18, 1914, 9.

41 1915 Blue and Gold, 41 (1914), 195-197. 42 “Women’s athletics to have new start,” Daily Californian, December 8, 1914, 1-2; 1918 Blue and Gold, 44 (1917), 196-203. 43 The suggestion that “physical education” should replace “physical culture” had been raised by the dean. Minutes of the Committee on Courses of Instruction, April 29, 1914, CU-9, vol. 71, 50. University Archives. 44 Mrs. Magee left university service and Mr. Magee would soon go on an extended leave of absence.

45 The Boston Normal School of Gymnastics, founded in 1889, called upon faculty from Harvard University and M.I.T. to instruct such courses as physiology and psychology. Its graduates were eagerly sought to help fill the incessant demand for college te.achers. In 1909, the BNSG became the Department of Hygiene and Physical Education of Wellesley College and carried on its tradition of leadership into the 1930s when graduate work was offered by an increasing number of state and private universities. See: Betty Spears, Leading the Way: Amy Morris Homans and the Beginnings of Professional Education for Women (New York: Greenwood Press, 1986).

46 At a time when faculty in many departments still held only the baccalaureate degree Cleveland’s credentials were rather impressive. 47 1910 Blue and Gold, 35 (1909), 78; “Three professors added to faculty,” Berkeley Daily Gazette, April 7, 1914, 1-2; “U of C makes many additions to its faculty,” San Francisco Examiner, April 17, 1914, 7. 48 Annual Report of the President of the University of California, 1917-18, 78-79; “Report of the Interview of New Students, Department of Physical Education—Division for Women, Spring, 1946.” (Tabular data appended). Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections, Hearst Gymnasium. University of California. 49 “AWS mass meeting packs Hearst Hall,” Daily Californian, August 26, 1914, 1; “Women’s plunge to be world’s largest,” Daily Californian, August 21, 1914, 1. A booklet entitled Swimming for Women was printed by the University of California Press for the 1916 Summer Session.

50 A women’s open air masque that had been initiated in 1911 by Dean of Women Lucy Sprague. The first pageant was held in April 1912; the last in 1931.

51 Annual Report of the President of the University of California, 1915-16, 62-63.

52 “Training Rules Adopted by the Sports and Pastimes Association of the University of California” specified: “Be in bed at or before 10:00 p.m...get at least eight hours sleep....Eat nothing between meals except fresh fruit....Refrain absolutely from eating candy, pastries and hot bread, and drinking coffee and tea. Avoid fried foods.” It was expected that “all squads will consider that the honor system applies to the keeping of training rules as it does to other aspects of student government.” Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections.

53 Annual Report of the President of the University of California, 1915-16, 62-63.

43 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

54 Biennial Report of the President of the University of California, 1890, 99-101; Frank H. Payne, “Physical culture at the University of California,” Pacific Medical Journal, 33 (December 1890), 705-710.

55 “Teachers’ Course in Physical Culture,” Regents’ records, CU-1, 25:8. University Archives. The 1897-98 Register of the University of California indicated: “Special Teachers Recommendations in Physical Culture will be granted to graduates of any of the Colleges at Berkeley who complete, in addition to the regular four years’ course, 16 units in the Theory of Physical Culture and 4 units of Anatomy.”

56 The rapid interest in, and growth of, such work was reflected in a feature headed “At play in Oakland’s playgrounds, where thousands of children find health,” Oakland Tribune, April 19 1914,3.

57 Register of the University of California, 1928-29, 133-142; Register of the University of California, 1932-33, 98-105.

58 Biennial Report of the President of the University of California, 1910-12, 51-52; Annual Report of the President of the University of California, 1915-16, 63. The passage of California Senate Bill 559 in 1917, which made physical education compulsory in all high schools, further increased the need.

59 Annual Report of the President of the University of California, 1917-18, 78-79.

60 Biennial Report of the President of the University of California, 1928-1930, 89-90.

61 University of California Register: Summer Session 1918, 225; Mary McMillan, Massage and Therapeutic Exercise (Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders Co., 1931), 10. The first overseas unit of Reconstruction Aides was ordered to France in 1918.

62 “Hearst Hall burns; Loss over $150,000,” Daily Californian, June 22, 1922, 1, 10.

63 Lucy Ward Stebbins to Ruth Elliott, June 22, 1922. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections.

64 William Randolph Hearst to David P. Barrows, June 21, 1922. President’s records, CU-5, 1922, 1281. University Archives; Lucy Ward Stebbins to David P. Barrows, November 29, 1922, ibid.; David P. Barrows to William Randolph Hearst, June 23, 1922, ibid.; “WR. Hearst to Rebuild Women’s Gymnasium Given By His Mother,” Summer Session Californian, June 24, 1922, 6.

65 W. W. Campbell to Mr. Maybeck, October 27, 1923. President’s records, CU-5, 1923, 259. University Archives.

66 W.W. Campbell to Mr. Hearst, October 2, 1923. President’s records, CU-5, 1923, 259. University Archives.

67 “Memorandum on Conference Between Mr. William Randolph Hearst and President Campbell this Afternoon,” November 16, 1923. Bernard Maybeck Papers (1951-1), Documents Collection, College of Environmental Design, University of California; W.W. Campbell to Dean Hart, November 18, 1923 [telegram]. President’s records, CU-5, 1923, 259. University Archives.

68 Ruth Elliott, “Suggestions for the New Hearst Hall: Department of Physical Education for Women,” n.d. Bernard Maybeck Papers (1956-1); Documents Collection, College of Environmen tal Design; W.W. Campbell to William R. Hearst, February 2, 1924, President’s records, CU-5, 1924, 319. University Archives.

69 Walter M. Hart to Julia Morgan, March 13, 1924. President’s records, CU-5, 1924, 319. University Archives.

70 Julia Morgan to Walter Morris Hart, March 15, 1924, ibid.

71 William R. Hearst to W. W. Campbell, March 24, 1925. President’s records, CU-5, 1925, 189. University Archives.

44 Roberta]. Park • A GYM OF THEIR OWN

72 W. W. Campbell to Mr. Hearst, March 29, 1927, President’s records, CU-5, 1927: 189. University Archives; “Annual University day celebration to include many colorful events,” Daily Californian, April 8, 1927, 1; “Greek Theatre Silver Jubilee [and] Hearst Memorial Gymnasium, ibid.. Special Supplement, 1H-6H.

73 Biennial Report of the President of the University, 1928-1930, 89. 74 The purposes of physical education that Miss Marshall set forth in her 1928-30 report to the President were those of her colleagues across the United States: organic, neuromuscular, intellectual, and social development. 75 As late as the 1960s and 1970s, nonresearch faculty were assigned twenty-four hours of instruc tional work. Additionally, they served as an “advisor” to one of the branches of WAA, Orchesis, and/or the Physical Education Majors Club and its honor society, Nu Sigma Psi. They also had responsibilities for the maintenance of the foils, bows, and other equipment used in both the curricular and extracurricular programs. Many were officers in various of their profession’s organizations. 76 “Activity Course Requirements for the Teaching Major.” Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections. 77 1925-26 WAA Handbook, 4-6, in WAA Scrapbooks, Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections; WAA Field Week, April 14-21, 1942 (Program), in WAA Scrapbooks, ibid. Miss Stebbins spoke on many occasions such as the Ninth National Conference of the Athletic Federation of College Women, which was held on the Berkeley campus in spring 1939. Over the years, the department maintained cordial relations with the Office of the Dean of Women.

78 This was held at the Women’s Clubrooms in Stephens Union, the International House, or other campus locations. Often the main portion of the meal was prepared by faculty and brought to campus while the students prepared other portions in the kitchen that was located on the second story of Hearst Gymnasium. Around 6:00 p.m. each group would retire to its separate dressing rooms in Hearst Gymnasium and return resplendent in long gowns for the feast and ceremonies.

79 “WAA plans high school sports day,” Daily Californian, November 6, 1924, 3.

80 Report of the General Chairman of High School Sports Day, March 23, 1963; WAA Council Adviser’s Report, June 1965. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections.

81 The ACACW had been founded at the University of Wisconsin in 1917 to bring together officers from WAAs across the nation. By 1927, one hundred and forty-one colleges and universities were members. 82 Lucille Di Vecchio, “Projects sponsored by the ACACW as worked out by the University of California,” Newsletter of the Athletic Conference of American College Women, April 9, 1927, 7. “California, Stanford, Mills hold annual sports day,” ibid., 16; “High school sports day held annually at U.C.,” ibid., 26. 83 “Co-eds given warning by Mills head,” Oakland Tribune, April 10, 1924, 7; “Women’s athletic conference holds opening session today,” Daily Californian, April 10, 1924, 1; “UC girls want men to see ‘em swim,” Oakland Tribune, April 12, 1924. The question of whether men should be permitted as spectators at women’s athletic events engendered lively debate. Noting that men could, if they wished, use binoculars to view swimming meets from the Campanile, Berkeley decided to admit them. Delegates finally decided to leave the matter to the discretion of each college. 84 Howard J. Savage, American College Athletics. Bulletin No. 23 (New York: The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, 1929). 85 Mary H. Leigh and Therese M. Bonin, “The pioneering work of Madame Alice Milliat and the FSFI in establishing international tra[ck] and field competition for women,” Journal of Sport History, 4 (Spring 1977), 72-83.

45 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

86 See: Ellen Gerber, “The controlled development of collegiate sports for women, 1923-1936,” Journal of Sport History, 2 (Spring 1975), 1-28; Alice A. Sefton, The Women’s Division National Amateur Athletic Federation: Sixteen Years of Progress in Athletics for Girls and Women, 1923-1939 (Stanford University, CA: Stanford University Press, 1941).

87 “The Olympic Year,” WAA Handbook, Spring 1952; Takako Shinoda, Recording Secretary, October 29, 1953, in “Interclass-Sport Club Minute Book for Spring 1949-Fall 1953.” Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections.

88 “A Program of the Dances Presented by Classes in Dance Composition,” April 20, 1928; Violet B. Marshall to Margaret M. H’Doubler, October 25, 1928; “Extension Course,” January 24, 1929; “Miss H’Doubler’s Extension Class—1929.” Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections.

89 Judith A. Gray and Dianne Howe, “Margaret H’Doubler; A profile of her formative years, 1898-1921,” Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport [Centennial Issue], 93-101. “Orchesis” was chosen as it was a classical term for dancing in a Greek chorus.

90 University of California Weekly Calendar, April 10, 1933; “Orchesis: Report of Dance Program,” Spring 1934; “Orchesis, Spring 1934”; “Dance Symposium,” University of California, Saturday, February 11, 1939 [Program]; “Orchesis: A Brief History.” Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections.

91 Verne A. Stadtman, ed. The Centennial Record of the University of California (Berkeley: University of California Printing Department, 1967), 97.

92 The American College of Sports Medicine was founded in 1954 by a small group of individuals from the fields of medicine, physiology, and physical education. By the 1990s, membership exceeded 15,000 and ACSM was recognized as the leading national organization of its kind in the world.

93 Proceedings of the First National Institute on Girls Sports held November 4-9, 1963 at the University of Oklahoma in Norman (Washington DC: American Association for Health, Physical Education, and Recreation, 1965).

94 See for example: Joan S. Hult and Roberta Park, “The role of women in sports,” in William J. Baker and John M. Carroll, eds. Sports in Modern America (St. Louis: River City Publishers Ltd., 1981),115-128; Susan K. Cahn, Coming On Strong: Gender and Sexuality in Twentieth-Century Women’s Sport (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994). 95 “Policies for Extracurricular Sports for Women Students at the University of California, Berkeley,” October 31, 1958; “Bay Area College and University Physical Education Staff Meeting on Extra mural Sports,” January 12, 1962; WAA Sports Club Board, Advisor’s Report for 1962. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections.

96 An inquiry undertaken in the early 1970s by the American Council on Education came to similar conclusions as those of the Carnegie Commission a half century earlier. See: George H. Hanford, “A Report to the American Council on Education on an Inquiry into the Need for and Feasibility of a National Study of Intercollegiate Athletics,” March 22, 1974. Unpublished. Photocopy of typescript in Hearst Gymnasiqm Historical Collections.

97 “Revolution in women’s sports,” WomenSports, 1 (September 1974). Special insert.

98 The Department of Physical Education had supplied much of the equipment, which was shared by the curricular and extracurricular programs. Funds from the ASUC were used for such things as printing semi-annual programs, inscribing perpetual trophies, purchasing inexpensive awards like “All-Cal” certificates, and renting from the University Garage the automobiles that transported players to local events.

99 Office of the President [of the University of California], “A Report to the Legislature on Women in Athletic Programs at the University of California,” April 1974, 3, 9, Table C.

46 Roberta]. Park • A GYM OF THEIR OWN

100 “Women’s tennis season opens,” Daily Californian, February 27, 1974, 5; “Women’s track organized,” Daily Californian, March 11, 1974, 5; “Cal’s woman track star,” Daily Californian, May 7, 1974, 11. 101 See for example: “Women and Sport: A National Research Conference,” Dorothy V. Harris (ed.). Proceedings from the National Research Conference, Women and Sport held at The Pennsylvania State University, August 13-18, 1972; Marie Hart et al, “Sex Discrimination in Physical Education and Athletics Programs in California Higher Education,” Interim Report Sponsored by the Institute for Change in Higher Education, March 1974. Additionally, the 691 pages of reports, articles, commentaries, extracts from legal proceedings, and''the like that were assembled as a report from a 1976 meeting at the University of Southern California as “Conference on Women, Sports and the Law,” Lionel S. Sobel (ed.) are indicative of the ferment.

102 For example: “Budget cuts—what can go,” Daily Californian, May 14, 1974, 9; “Future of intercollegiate sports in doubt,” Daily Californian, June 5, 1974, 7; “Women’s athletics a rising force at Cal,” Daily Californian, June 6, 1974, 9. 103 Roberta J. Park to Chancellor Albert H. Bowker, April 29, 1974; Final Report, Chancellor’s Advisory Committee on Intercollegiate Athletics for Women. Copy in Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections. 104 R. Vivian Acosta and Linda Jean Carpenter, “As the years go by—coaching opportunities in the 1990s,” fournal of Physical Education, Recreation and Dance, 63:3 (March 1992), 36-40 reported that whereas in 1972 “over 90 percent of the coaches for women’s collegiate teams were women, [i]n 1990 only 47.3 percent were women” (p. 36). 105 U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Office of the Secretary [45 CFR Part 86], Educational Programs and Activities Receiving or Benefiting from Federal Financial Assistance [June 1974]. 106 Albert H. Bowker, “To the Campus Community [Regarding Restructured Unit Intercollegiate Sports for Women],” March 1, 1976. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections. In 1978, WAA President Colleen Lim and Department of Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics Director Luella Lilly summarized the changes that had occurred in two years. The budget now was $450,000; compe titions in twelve sports were conducted; varsity awards (now of modest tangible value) had been implemented; and a “Mama and Papa Bears” Booster group had been organized. To honor outstanding women athletes, a “Hall of Fame for Cal Women Athletes” had been established. Its first two inductees were tennis greats Hazel Hotchkiss Wightman and Helen Wills Moody Roark. Reported in: “Women’s Athletic Association: Women’s Intercollegiate Athletics Handbook,” September 1978. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collections.

Anna Scholl Espenschade (1903-1998) A graduate of Goucher College, Espenschade received the M.S. degree from the Department of Hygiene and Physical Training, Wellesley College, and the Ph.D. in psychology from Berkeley in 1939. Her dissertation was done under the guidance of Professor Harold Jones. For several years Espenschade was involved in the Cali fornia Child Growth Study. An authority in the motor development of children, she contributed to a variety of scientific and professional journals. She was also the first woman to serve on the editorial board of Medicine and Science in Sport—the research Journal of the American College of Sports Medicine. At Berkeley from 1928 to 1968, and a professor of physical education, she taught and advised both undergraduate and graduate students. She was especially dedicated to the work of the Women’s Athletic Association and served as its faculty advisor for many years, as well as serv ing as an advisor to the Prytanean Society.

47 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

Lucy Ward Stebbins (1880-1955) In 1912 Lucy Ward Stebbins succeeded Lucy Sprague Mitchell as dean of women, a post she held for twenty-nine years. In addition to serving as dean of women, Stebbins was a professor in social economics, and president of the Women’s Faculty Club, of which she was a founder in 1919. She received two honorary de grees for her contributions to the university, the Litt.D. and LL.D., and the women’s cooperative Stebbins Hall was named by the women students in her honor. Upon her death in 1955, the California Monthly said of her that “We were always proud of our Dean of Women, proud of her dignity, proud of her gentle humor, proud of her intelligence, proud of her sympathetic understanding of young people.”

Mary Blossom Davidson (1883-1968) A graduate of the class of 1906, Mary Blossom Davidson devoted her career to serving the univer sity, and in particular its women students. In 1911 she became assistant to the dean of women, associ ate dean of women in 1931, and finally the university’s third dean of women from 1940 to 1951. In 1932 the alumni magazine California Monthly said of her that “Mrs. Davidson has watched the enroll ment of young women on the campus grow from scarcely two thousand to almost six thousand without losing interest in the problems and personality of the individual. She has played an important part in building up the reputation of the Dean’s office as a place where aid in difficulties may always be obtained.”

Barbara Nachtrieb Armstrong (1890-1976) A graduate of the class of 1912, Barbara Nachtrieb Armstrong had starred in many productions in the Greek Theatre, played the Spirit of Light in the 1912 Partheneia and the role of Derdra in the 1914 Partheneia production. She remained associated with Berkeley for the rest of her education and career that followed. She graduated from Boalt Hall in 1915 and earned a Ph.D. in economics in 1921. In 1919 she was appointed a lecturer in law and social economics, becoming the first woman in the nation appointed to the faculty of a major law school. In 1928 she became a full-time member of the law Faculty, was awarded tenure in 1929, and became a full professor in 1935. She was nained to the Alexander F and May T. Morrison Chair in Municipal Law in 1954 and retired in 1957. She specialized in social insurance, fam ily law, and labor law. Her first book. Insuring the Essentials, was published in 1932. She helped draft the Social Security Act and published an authoritative two-volume treatise on California family law. In June 1961, the university conferred an honorary Doctor of Laws degree upon Professor Armstrong. Her portrait hangs in the second floor lobby at Boalt Hall.

48 THE EARLY PRYTANEANS

Janet Ruyle

IN APRIL 1900 the was created as an ho^or society exclusively for senior men who would serve the univer- ^ ^ sity in various ways and would act as a conduit of information to the new president of the university, Benjamin Ide Wheelen Adele Lewis, a junior that fall, was the women’s editor on the Daily Californian, a position that assured some coverage of women’s cam pus activities and interests. In her oral history she recounts: the young men who were on the staff at the Daily Cal used to talk about Golden Bear quite a bit and how much they got out of it, so I thought, “Why couldn’t we do that for the women?” The women were so scattered; if the President wanted to get hold of the women, he couldn’t get all of them very well. We did have an Associated Women Students [organization], and Agnes Frisius was the president of that—she was the class of 1901. So after I got this idea, I went to talk to her about it and see what she thought. I felt that if we could take the women from the organizations they had, the different sororities and different groups of organized women—the Treble Clef and the other groups—and had one woman from each organization in this Prytancan, why then Dr. Wheeler, the Pie&ideni, would be Adele Gerard Lewis. able to work through this group to reach all of the women—or 1902 Blue and Gold. most of them.^

When she talked to President Wheeler about such an organization, he strongly sup ported the idea, as did her friend, Agnes Frisius. The two young women then went to con sult with Dr. Mary Bennett Ritter in her home. She was the women’s physician and teacher of hygiene at the university and wife of Professor William Emerson Ritter, who founded in 1902 the university’s marine station that became Scripps Institution of Oceanography by 1925 and grew into UC San Diego in 1959. At Berkeley Dr. Ritter was also the dean of women, in effect if not in fact. She relates: I approved enthusiastically, realizing the need and value of such an organization. We three worked out a scheme and a tentative constitution. It was decided to in vite all the heads of women’s societies to meet in my home and become charter members of an unnamed infant orga nization. The naming of the infant was so difficult that it became humorous, and I imagine was somewhat of a nui Agnes Frisius. 1901 sance to the Greek authorities who were consulted.^ Blue and Gold. Dr. Ritter recalls in 1913 the process of finding a name for the group (published in a

49 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998 slim booklet, apparently the first report produced by the Prytanean Society): Counsel was sought of the sages of our Alma Mater. Languages were culled over from ancient Chaldean to the present day dialects of the Indians of our own State. Not only was it desired to find a name with a satisfactory meaning, but it must be symbolic of the aims of the founders, it must be euphonic, not easily parodied, unlike anything else in college life, and one that would look well on pennant and pin. Finally after much discussion, trials of many suggested names, the word Prytanean, meaning “Council of the Chosen Ones” was unanimously decided upon.^

The students understood this to mean (as suggested to one of them by her Greek pro fessor) that the members would be representative of all women in the university. The pro posed thirty members were to be outstanding women students in good standing in the jun ior or senior classes, including the presidents of women’s organizations including the AWS, YWCA, Choral Society, Art Association, and the Philomathean Council (a university debating society), and at least one member from each of the six sororities and two house clubs that existed at the time, and the Hearst Domestic Industry Society. In addition, honorary mem bership could be extended to women officially connected with the university, prominent alumnae, and other women who “have shown deep interest” in the university.'^

1904 Blue and Gold.

In September 1900 those interested met at Dr. Ritter’s home to organize the new soci ety. Among the nineteen charter members, including Agnes and Adele (who was named temporary chairman and later elected president), were women from at least three sororities. By the second meeting in October the membership had increased to twenty-five. The group selected the name of Prytanean and adopted a constitution and by-laws for the new organi zation. The object of the society was to “unite representative women of the University of California, to advance the interest of the University and to quicken the best life among the women students.” ^ Monthly meetings followed thereafter in Dr. Ritter’s home until the group grew too large. Another five members were added in February 1901 and eight more in May, four-juniors and four sophomores. Among the honorary charter members, besides Dr. Ritter, were Mrs. Wheeler and Mrs. , wives of current and former presidents of the university; wives of several members of the faculty; Mrs. Clinton Day, wife of a campus architect; Mrs. Warren Cheney ’83 (see the article on Mrs. Cheney in this issue); Dr. Sarah Shuey ’76 and M.D. in 1878, as well as recent doctoral degree recipients Milicent Shinn ’80 (Ph.D. in 1898) and Jessica Peixotto ’94 (Ph.D. in 1900); and prominent women in the community.® In a conversation with President Wheeler, Adele Lewis had asked what “would be the best thing for us to take up in the beginning.” Wheeler had been convinced of the value of a student infirmary while at Cornell University, and he told her that he was having a diffi cult time persuading the regents to institute a student fee to pay for infirmary services. “If we could do something to show them there was a need,” he maintained, “it would not be so

50 Janet Ruyle • THE EARLY PRYTANEANS difficult for them to be convinced ..and we could have the infirmary.” ^ The die was cast. During the spring term of 1901, Prytaneans devoted their time to raising money to start the infirmary. Among the goals were to hire a nurse, or to endow one or more rooms for sick students, and have a visiting nurse to go to the homes and boarding houses where sick stu dents might need care. A committee was formed to work with a committee of the cadets for the purpose of giving a military ball. Half of the proceeds were to go to the hospital fund. A little over $20 was realized.® The next year was devoted to raising money for the hospital fund, with two major events: a fete in Coed Canyon (later Faculty Glade) that stimulated much interest in the need for an infirmary and netted about, $250 for the fund, and a the ater party in the spring that added another $200. Thus began the annual Prytanean tradi tion of holding an event to raise support for various good causes to aid the university. The oral histories of these early Prytaneans provide a vivid picture of their lives as students and the lives they led after they left the university. They provide a great resource for future his torians of the university, and are available in The Bancroft Library and the Prytanean Alumnae organization. Here are a few snippets before we return to the history of the Prytanean Society. Following graduation, Adele Lewis ’02 married in 1903. For ten years her energies were devoted to being a housewife. She then returned to the university to study botany, and became a research assistant to Professor Willis Linn Jepson. After several years in Berkeley she pursued graduate work at Washington University in St. Louis, receiving an M.A. in 1919, and a Ph.D. in 1923. She then taught at the college level for almost forty years: first, at Cornell, and then at a college in South Africa that allowed her to explore her particular interest in South African flora. Adele Lewis Grant also lectured in botany for twenty years at the University of South ern California. After retirement she taught part time for eight years at Pepperdine College. Her primary research was in systemic Romilda Paroni. 1903 botany, or taxonomy; she also did research on the economic value Blue and Gold. of birds. Another Prytanean, Romilda Paroni ’03, studied medicine after graduating from Cal. She earned her M.D. in 1907 and did postgraduate work at Harvard Medical School in 1908. She practiced medicine in Berkeley and in 1911 was appointed Medical Exam A iner for Women at the university. She later married. Romilda Paroni Meads vividly describes the second 1903 Blue and Gold. autumn fete of 1902: The memory of it is everlasting. Never can one forget the conversion of beautiful Co-ed Canyon into a veritable fairyland of lights and music— with gay Japanese booths scattered about under the oaks on the slope of the glade or near the creek where Mikado girls representing the various sorori ties, club houses, women’s organizations—dispensed candies, pop-corn, pea nuts, tamales, ice cream, coffee to generous patrons. Music, dancing, vaude- ■ ville stunts entertained the passing crowds from an improvised stage near the creek and a stone’s throw from the present Faculty Club House. It was a real students’ affair, this garden fete. Strokes of the students’ hammers re verberated through the canyon in the daytime; student electricians and en gineers wired the grounds and student power furnished the lights. All will say that the Prytanean garden fete was a never-to-be-forgotten event.^ 51 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

Early Prytanean member Martha Rice Furlong ’04 remembers going to President Wheeler with a committee to complain that there was no lunch room on campus, and the women had to eat their bag lunches in a corner of the restroom in old North Hall. “There was no riotous demonstration in those days,” she recalled. “We dressed in our best, made a special appointment to see the prexy and in a dignified manner presented our case. Result: petition granted.” Contemporary Louise Ehrmann Titus ’04 remembered the need for a restroom, a gathering place. This was supplied in Hearst Hall, which Mrs. Hearst had given to the university as a gymnasium, a place where women students could congregate and a place where they could gather for lunch. “It was a very great comfort to the women of the University in 1902” instead of the dark, dank basement of old North Hall. “The advance to cheerful, light restrooms and a reception room for women in Hearst Hall was a tremendous impetus to the activities of the women on the campus.” The generosity of Mrs. Hearst is mentioned by many of the early Prytaneans in their interviews for the oral history of the Prytanean Society. Katherine Layne Mitchell ’01, a charter member, reminisced about her work with the University YWCA in West Berkeley and the Hearst Domestic Industry Society that Mrs. Phoebe Apperson Hearst had founded to teach the children down there—but West Berkeley was almost a slum. And she founded this place to have the little children taught the household arts . . . sewing and cooking and sweeping and cleaning.... I know we had a dinner there one night, and Mrs. Hearst came to it. And 1 made a meat loaf and the dessert was tapioca pudding. And Mrs. Hearst was such a gracious, lovely lady. When she was eating hers she said, “Tapioca pudding is one of my favorite desserts, and it’s been so long since I’ve enjoyed it.”

Indeed, a gracious, lovely lady, and apparendy one who provided as many opportunities as possible to get to know the students, both men and women. But students, then as now, often are too busy with their own lives to take advantage of such opportunities. Katherine was not. She related another encounter with Mrs. Hearst: She had a tea and invited the senior class. And I was the only one out of it that went. ... I sat there all after noon. I kept offering to go and trying to go, and she kept telling me, “Stay, stay. I’m sure I’m finding out more than Katherine Layne. I probably would have been if the whole class had come.” 1901 Blue and Gold. About the students and the University. And then she handed me this [indicating the photo of the great hall of the Hearst house]. This picture is of the reception hall in this house that she built for entertaining the students. And I sat right beside that table and she sat on the other side. And we simply talked all afternoon long. And then when I finally did tear myself away, she Said, “I’d like you to have this picture where we’ve been talking,” and she handed it to me. And I thought so much of it.

Mrs. Hearst was an honorary member of Prytanean and occasionally would attend their meetings, but many of the early Prytaneans remember her for the many things she did for individuals, from little things like providing yellow chrysanthemums to wear to football games if women were not going to the game with a beau or giving advice on hairdos, to bigger things like sending some graduates off to study, several to Europe.

52 Janet Ruyle • THE EARLY PRYTANEANS

Reception hall of Mrs. Hearst’s home in 1901. A similar picture was given to Katherine Layne Mitchell personally in 1901. University Archives.

The Prytaneans remained a contributor to student health services through the estab lishment of the University Infirmary (1907), to Cowell Hospital, and to the indispensable Student Health Services of today. During its early years, the Prytanean Society had established itself as an organization of the leading women students of the univer sity, so it is not surprising that they initiated or helped to initiate in its first decade many projects on the campus. Besides their fetes

held each year to raise funds for their various tl;« yUa»ur« of totnj«t»E projects, they became involved in efforts to ol tljo ojwnmg of tljf provide adequate housing for students, espe lilniVjMrjstis cially women students. In 1908 the first con 2216 Sfollt^e ^uenue tribution was made to a dormitory fund, and pu •txUcttili, awb in 1909 to the clubhouse loan fund, the pur pose of which was to provide furnishings for the house clubs for students. These were projects that the Prytaneans continued for Invitation to opening of infirmary, April 16, many decades. A book exchange was created 1907. The Prytaneans, 1970. in 1909-1910. Prytaneans were also involved in the initiation and the continued production of Partheneia, an open-air pageant of origi nal writing, music and dance that celebrated young womanhood. Financially, during the first twelve years of its existence, Prytanean raised nearly $4,500 which they donated to various campus causes: primarily the infirmary (73 percent of the total). Senior Women’s Hall (11 percent), dormitory fund (7 percent), loan fund (6 percent), aid to a tubercular student (2 percent), and Partheneia fund (1 percent).

53 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

While several of the fund-raising events were very successful, some barely broke even, although the students usually found con siderable satisfaction working on the event. Dean of Students Katherine Towle ’20 and M.A. ’25, once a chairman of a fete, related an amusing anecdote at a Prytanean Breakfast talk in 1964 about the early days of Prytanean when they tried to raise money for a tennis court for women. She recounted a tongue-in-cheek item she had come across in an early Blue and Gold about a singularly un successful event that had a familiar ring to her: “The event was on the same afternoon as a football game. A select audience of 14 put in an appearance. The event was saved from being a purely artistic success when Mrs. Hearst sent a generous check. Occasionally the society has had an opportunity to aid in Three Prytaneans at 1914 fete. opening new fields of education to the women of the university. The Prytaneans, 1970. With modesty and justice the Prytaneans claim a role in fostering the development of the Department of Physical Education for Women, the Department of , and the Department of Decorative Art. More recently, the Prytanean Society has been active in helping to establish the Center for the Con tinuing Education of Women. Their concern for education has been active since their early days: at the end of the list of activities reported for 1912-1913, Katharine Carlton ’13 adds, “Last but not least is the furtherance of the Graduate School of Education. This is a thing we must all quietly work for, standing ready always to work whenever or wherever we are called upon.” The early Prytanean alumnae kept in touch with each other, served as honorary mem bers and some developed an informal group. In 1936 the Prytanean alumnae incorporated to form a formal alumnae organization, offering Prytanean graduates the opportunity to continue their service to the university. The impetus for creating the organization was in response to a request from the active Prytanean students to help them establish a' much- needed cooperative rooming house for women. At a meeting in October 1936 the alumnae organization voted to open a house, leasing it in January 1937. Mary Bennett Ritter Hall on Prospect Street was managed by the Alumnae of the Prytanean Society from 1937 to 1966, when it was sold, the proceeds being invested in a trust fund. Since 1967 the income from the trust has been allocated to many student and univer sity projects. The Prytanean Alumnae have continued their service to Prytanean and the uni versity by providing scholarships to undergraduate and graduate students, and since 1986 have provided an annual faculty award from the Prytanean Faculty Enrichment Fund. The award carries a $10,000 prize in recognition of a junior woman faculty member’s scholarly achievement, distinguished teaching, and success as a role model for students at the Uni versity of California. All of the past recipients have reported that the grant has been very use ful in their research, and each has eventually become a member of the tenured faculty. When Prytanean was established in 1900 it was the first organization of its kind for women in the United States. Early on, and since then, when approached to go national the members have maintained the original intent to remain a society only of the University of California. However, as new campuses of the university were established new chapters of Prytanean were created in 1926 at UCLA, in 1952 at UC Davis, in 1958 at UC Riverside, and in 1983 at UC San Diego. The members of Berkeley’s Prytanean Society continue to be strong to this day, helping the university formally and informally, and still reflect the best of Berkeley’s women. Thus over the past one hundred years have the Prytaneans, both old and new, continued to serve the University of California.

54 r

Janet Ruyle • THE EARLY PRYTANEANS

^ ENDNOTES

1 The Prytaneans: An Oral History of The Prytanean Society, Its Members and Their University, 1901-1920 (Berkeley: The Prytanean Alumnae Incorporated, 1970), 27; copies of The Prytaneans are rare, one copy is in the Regional Oral History Office, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. 2 Mary Bennett Ritter, More Than Gold in California 1849-1933 (Berkeley: The Professional Press, 1933), 215. 3 The Prytanean, A Record Published Now and Then by the Prytanean, Society of the University of California, 1912-13, 15, University Archives, University of California, Berkeley.

4 The Prytaneans, “First Constitution of the Prytaneans,” 5.

5 Ibid., 3. 6 The Prytaneans, 3, 8; and The Prytanean, 1912-13, 21-22.

7 The Prytaneans, 28. CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

Jessica Blanche Peixotto (1864-1941) Jessica Blanche Peixotto spent her entire professional career—a full half century—at Berkeley. A graduate of the class of 1894, she was awarded the Ph.D. in 1900, thereby becoming the second woman to earn that degree at Ber keley. Her original work was on social thought and socio economic theories of social reform. President Benjamin Ide Wheeler offered her a position as lecturer in sociology. During World War I, she organized California’s first train ing program for social work, providing special courses for Red Cross and home service workers. This soon developed into a professional graduate curriculum in the Department of Economics, where the first credential in social work was awarded in 1918. Subsequently, she made major contributions to the analysis of poverty, child welfare, and budgeting. Her gradu ate seminar on the history of economic thought was well known in the 1920s. Peixotto was promoted to the rank of professor of social economics in 1918, the first woman so promoted at the university, at a time when economics was still emerging as a discipline distinct from the other social sciences. Peixotto was actively engaged in community welfare throughout her life. As executive chair of the Child Welfare Section of the Women’s Committee of the Council of National Defense, she gath ered information on the health of preschool children and proposed new programs for those in need of care. A member of the state Board of Charities and Corrections, she helped develop legislation to license midwives and to establish a women’s re formatory. In all her work, she emphasized the need for detailed and accurate re search as a basis for legislation. She served ably as chairman of the Department of Economics in 1921-22 (again, the first woman to serve in this post). She was ap pointed chairman of the Heller Committee for Research on Social Economics in 1923 and directed the activities of this prolific research committee until her retirement from active service in 1935. She was a tireless advocate of social work education. The university awarded Peixotto the degree of Doctor of Laws (h.c.) upon her re tirement. She is characterized in the citation as “comrade among students, inspir ing teacher, true lover of humanity.”

56 GIRTON HALL: THE GIFT OF JULIA MORGAN

Margaretta J. Damall

JULIA MORGAN (B.S. ’94, LL.D. ’29) was described, in the citation for her , as a “Distinguished alumna of the University of California; artist and engineer; designer of simple dwellings and of stately homes, of great buildings nobly planned to further the cen tralized activities of her fellow citizens; architect in whose works harmony and admirable proportions bring pleasure to the eye and peace to the mind.” She is most frequently remem bered as the architect of William Randolph Hearst’s extravagant San Simeon castle on the central California coast. ’ Miss Morgan’s long association with the University of California began in 1890 when she enrolled as a freshman in civil engineering. After graduation, she became the first woman in architecture at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Paris. She shared the excitement of the 1899 Phoebe Apperson Hearst international competition for the architectural plan of the campus when her former teacher, Bernard Maybeck, his wife, and Mrs. Hearst were promoting the competition in Paris. Upon her return from Paris in 1902, she worked with the campus architect, John Galen Howard, on the Hearst Memorial Mining Building (1902-1903) and the Greek Theatre (1903). She designed two sorority houses (Kappa Alpha Theta in 1908 and Delta Zeta in 1923) and Girton Hall (Senior Women’s Hall) in 1911. She collabo rated with Bernard Maybeck on the Hearst Women’s Gym Julia Morgan, 1899. Courtesy of nasium in 1925-26, and they designed several other memo Special Collections, University Ar rials to Phoebe Apperson Hearst that were never built. ^ chives, California Polytechnic State Girton Hall, formerly Senior Women’s Hall, is the University, San Luis Obispo. smallest and least known of Morgan’s campus buildings, but it exemplifies those qualities of planning, harmony, and proportion which “bring pleasure to the eye and peace to the mind.” In 1910 the Associated Women Students asked Morgan to design a small building for their activities on a wooded knoll just north of Strawberry Creek, east of what was then College Avenue, and about 500 feet south of the Greek Theatre. In 1946, when College Avenue was closed, it was moved about 160 feet west, to make room for the Gayley Road extension of Piedmont Avenue, across the east side of the campus, and is now in the shadow of Haas Business School. Its name was changed to Girton Hall in 1969 when it was given over to child care. Two remarkable campus personalities are involved in the story of Girton Hall: Benjamin Ide Wheeler, president from 1899 to 1919, and Lucy Sprague, the first dean of women from 1906 to 1912. Wheeler presided over the development of the Phoebe Apperson Hearst cam pus plan, with John Galen Howard as architect, and over an unprecedented expansion of enrollment. He strongly believed in student government as a means of developing charac ter and good citizenship among the students.^ Leadership fell to the senior class. This was a pioneering idea in his time, but one he felt was particularly important in a public univer-

57 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

sity. Towards this goal, Wheeler established an honor society, the Order of the Golden Bear in 1900, open only to senior men. In due course, money was raised for a Senior Men’s Hall to accommodate their singing and other activities. Their rustic log cabin, near The Faculty Club, was completed in 1906. Howard, the campus architect, donated his services. The Associated Women Students (AWS) was organized in September 1894, the semester after Morgan’s graduation. At the time, when few activities and services were available for women, the AWS initiated debating, drama, music, and academic societies. Prytanean, the women’s honor society, was established in 1900. Phoebe Hearst generously entertained the women students throughout the 1890s and donated Hearst Hall for their gymnasium and other activities in 1901. Wheeler saw a need for an administrator to address the needs of the women students, and, in 1903, asked the twenty-five-year-old, high-spirited Lucy Sprague, then secretary to the dean of Radcliffe College, to serve as the first dean of women at the University of California.'^ At the time, her father was living in Pasadena; her sister Mary was married to Adolph Miller, professor of economics at the university. Lucy agreed to come to California and assist Wheeler in his mission to improve the lives and educations of women at the university but would not accept the position of dean until 1906, when she felt sufficiently acquainted with campus issues. She, too, was committed to student self-gov ernment and encouraged the women students’ organizations. The popular Dean Sprague was called the “fairy tale princess” because the students thought she made dreams come true.^ This image was enhanced by the weekly student teas she held at Story Book House, her Ridge Road home, another Howard design.^ President Wheeler had initiated the Senior Men’s Singings. Miss Sprague encouraged the Senior Women’s Singings, inaugurated by the Class of 1910. The Thursday evening women’s gatherings included singing college songs and discussing campus needs. Soon, they realized that Hearst Hall could not accommodate all the meetings and rehearsals of the

Fundraising underway for Senior Women’s Hall. Pelican Woman’s Number, February 1910.

58 Margaretta J. Darnall • GIRTON HALL; THE GIFT OF JULIA MORGAN

Front and rear elevations, Girton Hall (May 1911). College of Environmental Design Documents Collection. women’s musical and dramatic societies. During the spring term they began their for a Senior Women’s Hall with enthusiastic support from Miss Sprague.^ The campaign in cluded all four classes, as each would benefit once the building was completed. The young women staged programs and wrote letters to solicit funds. In the beginning, they referred to their project as Girton Hall, out of respect for the first women’s college at Cambridge Uni versity, but by the time it was completed, it was officially known as Senior Women’s Hall, a counterpart to the Senior Men’s Hall. The building committee, which included women from the classes of 1910, 1911, and 1912, selected a site overlooking Strawberry Creek, in an area already known as “Coed Canyon.”® They chose Julia Morgan to design their building. By 1910 Morgan was well known in the Berkeley community. In addition to her work with John Galen Howard on the Greek Theatre and the Hearst Memorial Mining Building, she had completed a house for her sorority. Kappa Alpha Theta, on Durant Avenue, two years earlier. She occasionally taught classes for Howard in the new architecture school when he was traveling during the school term. She had also designed numerous houses in the neighborhoods north and south of the university One member of the building coinmittee, Mabel Sadler, lived in her family’s shingled 1905 Julia Morgan house on Benvenue Avenue, south of the campus. Julia Morgan was a logical choice to design the women’s building, and the students were clearly pleased with their building. There is no evidence that Lucy Sprague and Julia Mor gan were close friends; however they had mutual friends and acquaintances in Berkeley. Mor gan had traveled to Europe with her classmate, Jessica Peixotto, in 1896. Peixotto was the only other woman on the faculty when Sprague arrived, and the two shared a house in the Berkeley hills until 1906. Morgan’s former employer, Howard, designed the Sprague house in 1906, the same year Morgan designed a house for Jessica Peixotto on College Avenue.

59 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

There were delays while the students raised money for Girton Hall, but in February j 1911 the regents’ Committee on Grounds and Buildings reviewed Julia Morgan’s preliminary i plans and recommended giving the Associated Women Students permission to build. The ; final revisions are dated May 1911. The regents authorized contracts in June, and agreed to advance up to $1,500 over and above the $3,300 raised by the students. It became clear that : an additional $ 1,000 would be required to complete and furnish the building. Miss Sprague i agreed to donate $500 if the students could raise the balance.^ She and the student build- | ing committee attended the regents’ meeting on August 8, 1911 when the contracts were j signed. Lucy Sprague guaranteed the repayment of the overdraft. Construction was com pleted in the fall of 1911, and the opening took place November 23. On March 12, 1912, the regents accepted the building from the Associated Women Students and carefully noted i that Miss Julia Morgan had contributed her services as architect for the building. The fac- I ulty wives donated a set of dishes, and the women of the class of 1913 gave the draperies. Senior Women’s Hall was, without question, a cooperative effort among the women of the university: students, staff, alumnae, and wives.

The engineer’s survey shows the site of the Senior Women’s Hall on a knoll about fif teen feet above Strawberry Creek with four existing oaks, spreading twenty-five to fifty feet, and a narrow footpath along the tbp of the creek bank. The site was approached by turning east from College Avenue, north of the Piedmont Avenue cul-de-sac, along the road to the dairy barn. When the road was realigned in 1922 to accommodate Memorial Stadium, the Hall was unaffected. The redwood siding perfectly complemented the wooded'setting, and a brick terrace overlooked the creek on the south. Julia Morgan’s composition reveals the highly disciplined planning techniques she had learned during her years at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Paris and, at the same time, fits the building into the rustic surroundings. The symmetrical, three-part building has a high cen tral room, flanked by two lower pavilions. The central, biaxial hall was approached from the

60 MargarettaJ. Damall • GIRTON HALL: THE GIFT OF JULIA MORGAN vestibule in the west pavilion. After entering and turning to the left, three steps led up to the main room. This long axis continued through the hall to a covered porch on the east, symmetrical with the entrance pavilion. The focal point of the hall was the massive brick fireplace and chimney on the north. A short axis extended from the fireplace across the room past a window seat, across the brick terrace, and extended further, into the landscape, by the view down to Strawberry Creek. Doors on either side of the window seat opened onto the terrace. A second long axis, along the terrace and parallel to the one from the entrance, connected the covered porch on the east with the kitcheji, behind the vestibule. The. central hall measured twenty-two by forty feet, andrhe lower side pavilions, both set back, measured fourteen by twenty-two feet. The north facadh, -with unadorned redwood clapboards and shingles above the eaves of the wings, is punctuated only by the entrance, a band of clerestory windows, and the brick chimney. The original roof was redwood shakes. The interior is-finished with redwood paneling, exposed framing, and two exposed six inch by six inch redwood trusses, forming a square in the center of the main room. The highest point is fifteen feet; the building contains approximately 1,740 square feet, slightly more than half the size of Senior Men’s Hall. The scale is domestic, yet the building accommodates large groups, spilling into the covered porch and onto the terrace. The only interior fitting known to be designed by Julia Morgan is the fire screen with the SWH monogram. This remains in use. Senior Women’s Hall combines the planning principles advocated by the Ecole des Beaux-Arts with the simple ideals of the emerging San Francisco Bay Area arts and crafts tradition. It is important to recognize that the Beaux-Arts training was a method of approach ing design, not a style. The teachings emphasized axial planning, symmetry, articulation of circulation, expression of structure, and the manifestation of the interior in the exterior form. The experience of space was always linked to the architectural promenade, the orderly movement through a carefully orchestrated series of spaces, large and small, bright and dark. Each transition, each doorway, each view inside and out, and each turn was considered. Amazingly, the little Senior Women’s Hall followed these prescriptions. Locally, a group of San Francisco Bay Area architects and designers were following the teachings of the English designer William Morris who had been advocating since the 1870s a return to the handicrafts of earlier times. The most fervent local advocates were the mem bers of Berkeley’s Hillside Club. In his 1904 tract. The Simple Home, the Hillside president,Charles Keeler, called for uncovered shingles, brick or plaster with open timber work and extremely simple finishes. Senior Women’s Hall followed these dicta as well. The 1913 Blue and Gold described the excitement of the opening festivities: It was a happy event, the opening of Senior Women’s Hall, and the women of 1912 feel themselves undeservedly fortunate ... On November 23rd, the new in Strawberry Canyon, just south of the Greek The atre, was formally opened. In the afternoon the Seniors were hostesses at a tea for graduates and faculty women, and in the evening, after the visitors had left, the girls gathered around the fire for a basket supper, which was followed by Senior singing and a very enjoyable musical program. The white dresses shone in the cheerful glow of the firelight and there was a buzz of happy voices. From the kitchen there came the rattle of cups and certain willing maidens carried in steaming coffee. Everybody was smiling. What friends they all were! The Women of 1912 have been the first to enjoy Senior Women’s Hall. If asked what had impressed them most they would probably answer, its possibilities. Each Senior Singing they have appreciated more and more what 61 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

opportunities it affords, this center of the California feminine—this second heart of the University.

Professor Henry Morse Stephens had called Senior Men’s Hall the “true heart of the Univer sity” in the same Blue and Gold. i:

I

Senior women singing in the new hall, November 1911. 1913 Blue and Gold.

The women were justifiably exuberant over their new building, so well planned and suited to their needs. In her July 1912 report to President Wheeler, Dean Sprague stated: Self-government among the women students grows steadily in scope and in value. . . . All such work which naturally falls to seniors, will be made more effective through the charming little “Senior Women’s Hall” which the women have built in Strawberry Canyon. Miss Julia Morgan, who planned the building and gave her services, has helped the women in a very genuine way.

This was precisely the sort of student undertaking that furthered Wheeler’s educational goals of self-esteem, responsibility, and future citizenship. Its success was applauded repeat edly in the Daily Californian over the years. Initially, its use was restricted to the senior women. Later, it was opened to all women’s societies, and it continued to be used by cam pus women’s clubs until 1969 when it became the site of a university childcare center. How ever, since Senior Women’s Hall was no longer an appropriate name, it was changed to Girton Hall, the students’ original choice. Within the scope of Julia Morgan’s work on the Berkeley campus and elsewhere, the Senior Women’s Hall is easily overlooked. The building was conventional and not a depar ture from the norms of the time. Her previous simple redwood buildings with exposed struc ture included St. John’s Presbyterian Church, 1910, south of the university campus, and the original gymnasium at Mills College, 1909. It was a technique she used repeatedly in her later work, most notably in her work for the YWCA at Asilomar in Pacific Grove in the 1920s.

62 Margaretta J. Darnall • GIRTON HALL: THE GIFT OF JULIA MORGAN

By the time she designed the Senior Women’s Hall, Julia Morgan had established her self as an architect for women’s schools and organizations. She had designed several build ings at Mills College, the Oakland women’s college. These included El Campanil, the gym nasium, and the infirmary. She had also designed a building for the Friday Morning Club in Los Angeles (never built), the Kings Daughters Home in Oakland, the Ransome and Bridges School for Girls in Piedmont, and Miss Anna Head’s house on the Berkeley campus of the Anna Head School. Her later practice included numerous buildings for women’s schools and organizations throughout California and the West. The most prominent of these were the YWCA commissions and the Berkeley Women’s City Club. A small building on a large campus and a'minor work in'the scope of Julia Morgan’s architectural practice, the Senior Women’s Hall remains a resounding success. It was the prod uct of a very young and enthusiastic building committee who were encouraged in their ef forts hy dynamic administrators, alumnae, and faculty wives. They were fortunate to have found a highly talented and skilled architect, sympathetic to their needs. The architectural integrity of Girton Hall is impeccable from both utilitarian and aesthetic standpoints. The building was moved to the present site in 1946, at the time, north of Cowell Hos pital. The area was still wooded and overlooked Strawberry Creek. A few changes were made to the building. The orientation shifted, and the south-facing brick terrace at the rear be came a wood deck facing southwest towards the Women’s Faculty Club. This part of the campus has since become congested with the new Minor Hall (optometry) and Haas Busi ness School, and Strawberry Creek is in a culvert. Since 1969 the area immediately below the deck has been developed as an outdoor children’s play area. The domestic scale has proved advantageous for its present use.

Senior Women’s Hall, ca. 1944. 1945 Blue and Gold, courtesy of Ed Kirwan Graphic Arts. CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

ENDNOTES

1 I would like to thank the following for their help during the preparation of this article: the staff of The Bancroft Library, Berkeley Architectural Heritage Association, College of Environ mental Design Documents Collection, Joan Draper, J. R. K. Kantor, William Roberts (University Archivist), and Anne Shaw (Office of the Secretary of The Regents).

2 The best general source on the life and work of Julia Morgan is Sara Boutelle, Julia Morgan, Architect (New York: Abbeville Press, 2nd edition, 1995). See also The Julia Morgan Architectural History Project, Regional Oral History Office, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.

3 Monroe E. Deutsch, ed., Benjamin Ide Wheeler, The Abundant Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1926).

4 Lucy Sprague Mitchell, Two Lives: The Story of Wesley Clair Mitchell and Myself (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953) and Joyce Antler, Lucy Sprague Mitchell: The Making of a Modem Woman (New Haven and London: Press, 1987).

5 Antler, Lucy Sprague Mitchell, 105.

6 This house was lost in the Berkeley fire of 1923. See Joan Draper, “John Galen Howard,” in Robert Winter, ed.. Towards a Simpler Way of Life: The Arts and Crafts Architects of California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 34.

7 Mabel Sadler Perrier, “History of Senior Women’s Hall,” University Archives, University of California, Berkeley, n. p.

8 The Associated Women Students’ Building Committee included Miss Hazel B. Jordan (Chairman), Miss Ethel Lockhart, Miss Marion Gay; Miss Marguerite Ogden, Miss Edith Pence, and Miss Mabel Louise Sadler. •

9 Perrier, “History of Senior Women’s Hall”.

10 See, for example, Arthur Drexler, ed.. The Architecture of the Ecole des Beaux-Arts (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1977), 111-115.

11 Charles Keeler, The Simple Home (San Francisco: Paul Elder & Company, 1904). Keeler’s other writings are discussed in Leslie Mandelson Freudenheim and Elisabeth Sacks Sussman, Building with Nature: Roots of the San Francisco Bay Region Tradition (Santa Barbara and Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith, Inc., 1974), 33-74.

12 1913 Blue and Gold, 39 (1912), 165-166.

64 DEAN LUCY SPRAGUE, THE PARTHENEIA, AND THE ARTS

Janet Ruyle

AFTER GRADUATING FROM RADCLIFFE IN 1900, Lucy Sprague (1878-1967) came to Berkeley in 1903 at the behest of President Wheeler to help advise women students. Three years later she was appointed the first dean of women. She also lectured in the Department of English. In her desire to promote women’s educational and career opportunities Sprague developed a “curriculum of experience,” which became a hallmark of the pioneering edu cational institution she founded twenty-five years later, the Bank Street College of Educa tion in New York City. Shortly after her appointment as dean, women students claimed that “the best thing that ever happened to the University was the creation of the office of Dean of Women, and that the best thing that ever happened to the office of Dean of Women was the appointment of Miss Sprague to fill it.” She was awarded an honorary doctorate in 1958 at the inaugural ceremonies for President , who hailed her as “one of the greatest professors of half a century ago.” She described the origin of what became an annual spring pageant or masque known as the Partheneia, an original presentation by the women students at Berkeley After a com petition for a student-written script in the fall, the first performance was April 6, 1912 and continued each year until 1931—^when students no longer were interested in it. Ori^nally performed under the oaks bordering the eucalyptus grove near the west end of the campus, later performances were given in Eaculty Glade, where spectators could be more comfortable.^ The following excerpt is from Lucy Sprague Mitchell’s book. Two Lives, published in 1953, which includes her recollections of her years in Berkeley from 1903 to 1912.2 As a group, [women] were tolerated in a man’s college. 1 wanted them to create something that was peculiarly their own, something that would give them standing in their own eyes and in the eyes of the com munity. Some of the girls were writing on their own and they brought me their poetry. One day at the end of my reading [poetry to the women students who eteAumm* » • dropped in at her home on Wednesdays], I suddenly mmm.wmts.im » m or JWWL« e wcnm suggested that the women students write and put on mnmss'AKP Twime- some kind of dramatic performance on the campus. My remark was like a match put under dry evergreen boughs which turned into a sizzling roaring flame shooting sparks into the air; How could it be done? What kind of thing should they write? Who would choose from the manuscripts? Questions. Excitement. 1912 program cover for the Suggestions. And finally a plan. first Partheneia. University Archives.

65 66 Janet Ruyle • DEAN LUCY SPRAGUE, THE PARTHENEIA, AND THE ARTS

67 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

We were to ask a group of people to serve as judges. The judges, with a committee of girls, were to draw up a statement concerning manu scripts to be submitted. Only women students could submit manuscripts. President Wheeler approved the plan, and we were off! Judges were selected. The form was left open—it might be a play, a pageant, a dance, an operetta. The sub ject must concern something important to women, past or present, and could be based on fact or fancy. Over twenty manuscripts were sub mitted. Most of them were of high quality, show ing imagination and a sense of form. A manuscript in blank verse with lyrics, called The Parthenia [sic], submitted by Nan Rearden, was chosen. It was an original and ex ° o « Ao<£iJ(C°/^SQUE o °» quisite piece of writing and it came from a shy oooTHEocopy^fl£NEiA girl with great dark eyes and a mass of dark hair setting off her pale face. What she wrote was a rhythmic, dramatic masque of great historic Program cover of the third Partheneia, women and what they cared for and fought for. presented in 1914. University Archives. At the end, these women in the play appeared in a long procession and left an offering on an altar of hope. We made a real study of historic costumes and props with the help of various professors and museums. Iphigenia carried a genuine am phora loaned by our museum; Jeanne d’Arc dashed in on a white charger; Heloise, in her nun’s gown, held an ancient crucifix. These are a few charac ters whom I remember. We gave The Parthenia under the great Le Conte live oaks on the campus. More than a thousand girls took part in it, and many more helped off stage. One wonderful chorus of fog maidens did a running dance with billowing gray skirts and gray capes over their heads. When the

Wildwood Rhiannon Dawn Characters for Dream ofDerdra. 1915 Blue and Gold.

68 Janet Ruyle • DEAN LUCY SPRAGUE, THE PARTHENEIA, AND THE ARTS

sun came out, the gray billows floated away, and there stood a whole chorus of yellow-gowned, yellow-haired girls. Another chorus of sea-maidens all had red hair. With some two thousand girls to choose from, we could do anything we dared to. [The number is slightly exaggerated, as the record shows an enrollment in 1911-12 of 1,573 women students, both graduate and undergraduate, and 2,539 men students.^]

Joan of Arc from The Partheneia, 1912. University Archives. CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Fall 1998

1

The Vision of Marpessa. Partheneia, 1922. University Archives. i- . . . The first Parthenia was a huge success. Crowds came from San Francisco. A performance was given for several years after I left the Univer sity almost with the spirit of a rite... . The Parthenia meant a great deal more to me than just a successful show. It meant a big co-operative undertaking,

e '

A Thing of Dust. Partheneia, 1923. University Archives.

70 % mmmsmm Janet Ruyle • DEAN LUCY SPRAGUE, THE PARTHENEIA, AND THE ARTS

Unidentified Partheneia. University Archives.

planned and executed by more than twelve hundred women students—the first they had ever conceived of. It meant bringing the kindling influence of art and a search for source materials into the sterile academic atmosphere of these girls’ college life. It meant the release and exhilaration of self-expres-

71 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

sion—^what we now call creative writing and dramatic play—to many shy and lost people. It meant a recognition of the girls through a distinctive and distinguished contribution of their own fashioning. It pleases me that 1 saw so clearly the value of what 1 now call “the outgo” aspect of learning. 1 can only wonder that 1 had the temerity to launch so big an undertaking in the face of the general apathy. It was reassuring that it met with such response from girls who, for the most part, had been content to attend the University without being a real part of it.

After Lucy Sprague married Professor Wesley Mitchell, she resigned her position at the university and Lucy Ward Stebbins became the new dean of women, serving from 1912 to 1940. She supported the continuation of the Partheneia productions until the final presen tation in 1931, The Potter’s Wheel. The scope of the productions also continued, if slightly reduced from the original inspiration of the masque. For ex ample, besides the large number of women behind the scenes for staging, costuming, organizing, arranging, ticket design and sales, program design, and publicity, the first program lists over 350 women in the cast of characters in The Partheneia. Besides the leading role of the Spirit of Maidenhood were Freshman Maidens, Eucalyptus Dryads, Senior Maidens, Fog Spirits, Sea-breezes, Earth Spirits, Rain Spirits, Leaf Spirits, Flower Spirits, Water-Sprites, Spirits of the Past, Spirits of En deavor, Attendants of Nobility, Attendants of Joy-in-life, At tendants of Service, and Attendants of Light. The final pro-

The Druid’s Weed. Partheneia, 1929. University Archives.

72 Janet Ruyle • DEAN LUCY SPRAGUE, THE PARTHENEIA, AND THE ARTS

The Potter’s Wheel, 1931, the last Partheneia, in Faculty Glade. University Archives. gram (for the twentieth pageant) listed nearly 120 in the cast. While a few men are credited on the programs as assisting in the orchestra and as the conductor of the orchestra, all oth- ers listed are women, and the number of supporting women listed on the various committees is as large as the number appearing on stage, at least in the program for The Potter’s Wheel. The idealistic content of these pageants persists through the years, but the character of it has changed by the 1931 production. In 1912 the program’s synop sis for The Partheneia, with eight episodes, states “Af ter an orchestral prelude and a spoken prologue pro nounced by the Spirit of Maidenhood, the action of the masque presents symbolically the spiritual transition of maidens from girlhood into womanhood in a series of episodes ...” By contrast, the synopsis of The Potter’s Wheel relates, “On the great Potter’s Wheel of Life whirl Time’s centuries, turning and turning, shaping and re shaping. Each century is rounded to its close with the same impersonal meticulosity and is hurled off by its own impetus into oblivion, the new century—a bulk Program cover for the last Partheneia, of shapeless clay—already growing and forming on the 1931. University Archives.

73 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998 revolving wheel.” The description of the three scenes reveals a pageant of concern for tech nological progress, its evils and virtues, struggles that may reflect the early years of the De pression. Compare the following cast to that of the first production listed above. The 1931 cast includes solo dancers: Expectation, Grace, Woman, Progress, Speed, Power, Jazz, and Destruction; attributes of woman: Gaieties, Blindness, Femininities; virtues of woman: No bility, Faith, Purity; vices of woman: Intolerance, Smugness; attributes of progress: Aeroplanes and Sciences; virtues of progress: Development, Industry, Invention, Robots, Radio and Te legraphy, Music, Noise; vices of progress: Materialism, Ruthlessness, Avarice, Greed, Wrath, Envy; and ending with a bacchanal of Femininities, Gaieties, Music and Noise. It would appear that the final Partheneia ended with a splendid bang!

Unidentified Partheneia. University Archives.

ENDNOTES

1 Verne A. Stadtman, ed. The Centennial Record of the University of California (Berkeley: University of California Printing Department, 1967), 115.

2 Lucy Sprague Mitchell, Two Lives, The Story of Wesley Clair Mitchell and Myself (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1953), 196-198. 3 Stadtman, 218. MAY CHENEY’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE MODERN UNIVERSITY

Anne J. MacLachlan

CALIFORNIA AT THE END OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY experienced rapid popu lation growth and a tumultuous expansion of its education system. Immigrants to the state as well as the reproduction of established settlers led to an upsurge in school age children and not enough schools or teachers to accommodate them. The school system expanded from “not more than twenty real High Schools in the state” in 1890 to one hundred and ten in 1897. ^ Such institutions of higher education present in the state at that time were not able to train adequate numbers of teachers, and indeed qualifications to become a teacher var ied greatly, with as little as an incomplete high school or normal school education being enough for elementary school teaching, although after 1875 new teachers had to be at least eighteen years of age.^ The University of California played a very significant role in all of this, on one hand through the training and provision of teachers, and on the other by the active participation of its pedagogy faculty in shaping high school curriculum and in the organizing institutions for the K-12 system such as the State Board of Education.^ At the same time, the complicated educational needs of the developing state in turn did much to shape the university and define its internal structure and organization. More remarkably, one practical, farsighted individual. May L. Shepard Cheney ’83, clearly understood the nature of these needs and worked to create the university offices which could satisfy them. One of these needs was to place Berkeley graduates in high school teaching positions appropriate to both the graduates’ qualifications and the districts’ requirements. Before it came to the attention of the president of the university. May Cheney was already trying to satisfy the state’s demand for teachers through the operation of the Pacific Coast Bureau of Education. Located in San Francisco, the Bureau was run by herself and jointly owned by her husband, Warren Cheney ’78. At the time this was the only placement bureau in the state. It had been established by May Cheney in 1887 “with the distinct purpose of registering women gradu- £ltes of Eastern Colleges in order that the great demand for teachers in California might be met.”'^ From 1892 through January of 1893, the Bureau placed twenty-eight Berkeley teachers, the number rising gradually to forty-eight between January and October 1897; a total of over 210 Berkeley graduates were placed. As the very first organization of its kind, Cheney’s Bureau was “frequently used” by the State Superintendent of Public Instruction to find teachers particularly for “the many newly organized schools in Southern California.”^ While the Bureau was very successful, steadily placing among others a growing number of Berkeley graduates, and the president of the university was satisfied with its work, he felt that the university should have its own appointment of fice. May Cheney herself was far from satisfied about how the university recommended its graduates, and she felt strongly May L. Shepard, 1883. that the procedure then in use was politically damaging for University Archives.

75 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998 the growing university. In a letter to President Kellogg on September 13,1897, she detailed | the inefficiency of the current practice and its consequences: j You know that in past years the recommendation of graduates for teach- ! ers’ positions has been made by any member of the faculty of whom inquiry might chance to be made, who without any conference with other members i of the faculty, or even with the head of the department most concerned, and ! without opportunity for learning the special needs of the school, often en- i dorsed teachers on the basis of classroom knowledge alone. The result must : often be a failure, even in cases where the graduate might have been a suc cess in some school to which he was better fitted. Such a failure always \ reacts upon the University, because in no case where a teacher is endorsed i by a member of the Faculty can the school authorities be made to under- | stand that that teacher has not been endorsed by the University. Moreover it ] often happens that contradictory recommendations are given by different i members of the Faculty, and in the end the position goes to some outside i teacher. The time has come when some plan must be adopted for recommend- | ing graduates with due regard to the difficulties of each position, and with j unity and authority in the University recommendation. For the success of its graduates in the secondary schools depends the whole relation of the University and the schools—perhaps it is not too much to say the whole future of the University. ®

In this same letter she indicated her interest in becoming the person to develop new procedures and coordinate recommendations, pointing to her ten years experience with her bureau. As Kellogg and May Cheney clearly had a very good working relationship he gave her the flyer of the Harvard University Appointments Committee (begun in 1895) and asked her to think about how Berkeley could manage the process in a way more consistent with the needs of the campus and community. The result was a tightly argued letter to him in which she commented extensively on the Harvard procedure and detailed how the process could work at Berkeley. She argued that the placement season for teachers in California occurred during the months of July and August, two months later than in the East, and long after faculty had left for their well-earned rest. So it was impractical to involve large num bers of faculty in the process when they were not available. Moreover, she argued “We want to concentrate the responsibility, fix it with one person and let it be the main business of that person to prepare himself to discharging the duties of this particular office.” These duties are the recoitimending of graduates, and the person who does so “may be known as the President’s Secretary as most of the letters of inquiry will be addressed to him. The advice of the Schools Committee would take the place of that of the committee known at Harvard as the Appointment Committee, and whenever necessary other members of the Faculty could be freely consulted by the person in charge of this work.” In a usually infallible argument ' when proposing something new to an administrator, she went on to point out, “This plan will have the advantage of making use of the machinery already in operation at the univer sity. The matter of keeping the office open during the summer vacation can be attended to without adding to the duties of the Faculty, and the recorder’s office can be relieved of its almost unbearable strain.” ^ Given the perfect unanimity of purpose, on October 12 May Cheney was proposed and approved for the new position she had outlined and was appointed effective January 1,1898. ; Stanford, it will be noted, began its teacher placement office the same year under the dean. 76 : AnneJ. MacLachlan • MAY CHENEY’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE MODERN UNIVERSITY

[ of the School of Education who continued the more common custom of supervising and di- f recting teacher placement as an extension of his academic responsibilities. The Berkeley of- fice, however, pioneered the use of an “Appointment Secretary,” and created over the years a formidable mechanism for finding jobs for teachers which continued to lead all other Cali fornia placement organizations in the volume of placements in the state. May Cheney’s origi- if nal bureau was sold, but it continued as a major placer of teachers.® [ Because May Cheney took a position at the university which was newly created for her, \ her initial salary was cobbled together from that of a “typewriter” (typist) and a clerk, com- \ ing to $55 a month. She was not very happy with the situation, and in a detailed letter to I the regents she described the vast scope of her responsibilities, all of which rapidly became \ the work of many people in separate offices not long after her letter was written. The letter ; is instructive as it shows the modern university in formation. Her primary activities fairly quickly led to a full-fledged placement office, but she also served as secretary to the presi dent, and collected and disseminated information about and for other institutions, augmented by pro viding speakers and lecturers for high schools, creat ing the groundwork for what became the Office of Relations with Schools. She further handled the “ac crediting relation” with high school principals for the recorder (registrar), in reference to the university’s certifying of high school programs of study as ad equate for the admission of graduates to Berkeley. In addition. May Cheney undertook the certification of teachers; while related to appointment work, it was an extra time-consuming process involving working with faculty, securing recommendations, and issuing the actual certificate. In May 1898 she reported certifying more than 100 teachers in that month alone. If this were not enough, she collected and distributed to the press what she calls “authentic news in regard to Uni versity affairs,” developing a practice of news collec tion from faculty which would become the Public In formation Office.® The woman certainly deserved more than $55 a month and apparently must have received it since her salary in 1904 was reported to be $ 1,000 per annum. More significant than her salary May Cheney, ca. 1920. for posterity, however, is the way in which she laid the University Archives. logical groundwork for evolving university functions. During the time that May Cheney was operating the Pacific Coast Bureau of Educa tion the state of California, the first state to do so, required college graduation as a condi tion for a high school teacher’s certificate in 1893. This was followed in 1905 by a mandate from the State Board of Education that required supervised practice teaching before issuing a teaching certificate. A central issue, therefore, in placing teachers was certifying their quali fications. All of the “Appointment Offices” which developed in the beginning of the twen tieth century in California colleges and universities became the offices of record for the teaching credential and other students’ official records, such as transcripts and letters of recommendation. “ Indeed, today the teacher placement section of the UC Berkeley Career Center still fulfills this function, although in a very different form.

77 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

At the turn of the century, however, office practice, while manifesting many charac teristics of the modern university placement office, differed greatly from that of today in the important respect that registrants did not then have free access to all possible positions. In stead, the appointment secretary maintained a file of qualified teachers and as vacancies arose selected from this filing system a few to apply, who then did so directly. For May Cheney, the proper selection of candidates for a particular job was the heart of the appointment secretary’s work, since a successful placement not only profited candidate and district, but advanced the interests of the university. This practice of personal selection by the secretary continued until 1964 with the passage of the first civil rights laws guaranteeing equal ac cess to all positions. Remarkably, the University of California office had 3,217 registered teachers on file in 1925, far more than any of the other twenty-seven agencies in the state. With such a popu lation to serve, there was a need to dispatch business rapidly, resulting in the “interview plan.” This meant that the agency, including the University of California, made interview rooms available where school principals and superintendents could meet with candidates. Accord ing to the 1926 study on which this discussion on office practice is based, usually only from one to three candidates were recommended for any one position. Indeed, a fair number of registrants—around ten percent of those registered with the university office—were hired without any interview in the most rural areas of the state. By this time the University of Cali fornia was primarily placing high school teachers and they continued to assist graduates from other colleges to find positions. The “interview plan” laid the foundation for the modem practice of “recruitment,” most commonly for non-teaching positions in the private and government sector. This is the practice today in which recruiters arrange with the Berkeley Career Center to interview students in rooms designed for this purpose. Organizations stipulate degree level and field and the Career Center screens potential interviewees on this basis and schedules the inter views. Very little of this occurs anymore for teachers since they are now encouraged to apply directly through public advertisements or teaching fairs and ask that their credentials be mailed to the district they are applying to. Although May Cheney could not have foreseen the economic and political vicissitudes of the twentieth century with their devastating impact on labor markets, in 1913 it was clear to her that a mechanism was necessary to connect graduates to technical and business po sitions. In her annual report to the president in that year she invoked Harvard again, point ing out that in addition to their appointment secretary, they had another office in Boston for the recommendation of its men for technical and business positions. She recommended that the University of California have “headquarters in the heart of San Francisco, where employ ers seeking men can find lists of available candidates, with their qualifications plainly stated, and the opportunity may be offered for a personal conference.” Not one to give up on an idea whose time had come, in 1915 May Cheney continued to press for such an office, which she called a “vocational bureau,” suggesting an alumnus from the business world to “set up” in San Francisco for business placement. By 1918 she appears to have succeeded as she requested from President Wheeler the immediate naming of someone as assistant appoint ment secretary at $85 a month. In 1919 her office had over 3,000 requests for teachers and other “professional workers.” Her office at this time employed three overworked people including an assistant appointment secretary. The high volume of work was facilitated by the installation of a “Findex,” a device which apparently permitted rapid selective sorting of candidates to be recommended for particular positions. But still, these three people dealt with 15,000 letters, 8,519 visitors to the office and registered 2,310 candidates in the eleven months between July 1918 and May 1919.^^'

78 AnneJ. MacLachlan • MAY CHENEY’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE MODERN UNIVERSITY

May Cheney viewed good placement work as an important part of the structure of education in the state. She was always aware of the functioning of the entire struc- ^ ture and paid attention to every new devel- ' opment. In 1899, as she was establishing the Berkeley appointment office, she became in- , . terested in the relationship of the university ^ * to the state normal schools. She was particu larly concerned about the founding of a new . normal school in San Francisco and its en- i croachment on the prerogatives of the uni versity. The founder of this new school, Frederick L. Burk ’83, had won agreement from the Los Angeles boards of trustees that i graduation from high school was required | - for admission to the normal school. How- | ever, he wanted to additionally require rec- | ommendation for matriculation at the uni- I versity This requirement was already in ef- t feet for the Los Angeles State Normal School (the future UCLA), but he wanted Berkeley Cheney, 1936. University Archives. to administer an admission examination and for the students to be regularly matriculated at the university. In her mind, Burk’s sugges tions raised serious issues of governance and the question whether normal schools should be affiliated with tire university. In a letter to the regents she expressed her concern that all the implications for the future of the university be considered. The relationship of the university with normal schools and its implications for both the K-12 system and the university was a persistent concern for May Cheney. In 1912 in her report to the president she draws attention to the fact that “the center of interest [in the schools] has shifted from the so-called ‘culture’ subjects to those which make for social and industrial efficiency, and the university has made little to no change in its method of pre paring teachers.” For her, the issue was that “the office [Appointment] has been unable to harmonize what the university offers with what is demanded,” and she goes on to point out that the state normal schools, “designed to supply the ranks of the 10,000 elementary school teachers of the state, have been reaching out toward the high schools, whose force of 2000 teachers could easily be recruited by universities.” Both the normal schools and school principals were asking the university to respond to the demand for high school teachers in domestic science and arts, manual training, industrial and mechanical arts, drawing and music, agriculture, physical training and hygiene. As unqualified people were teaching these subjects. May Cheney called on the university to take vigorous action since the maintenance of scholarly standards of work in the university must depend upon the sound foundation provided in the secondary schools. Her advocacy in addressing essentially vocational edu cation at this time was parallel to her advocacy for a vocational placement bureau in San Francisco, both part of broad trends in society and the economy that she believed the uni versity was overlooking. Her interests, however, were far broader than preserving the pivotal position of the uni versity in the education of the state. She was very actively engaged in the progressive causes of her day; against the squandering of natural resources, the destruction of the environment.

79 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

the waste of national vitality through unhygienic living conditions, child labor and prevent able disease.” Most particularly she was against what she called the “waste of thinking power,” and was called upon as a recognized national leader in teacher development to suggest ways to improve the quality of teaching in the United States, and the placement of teachers in appropriate positions. Her suggestions, made in an invited contribution to a report prepared for the Division of Superintendence of the National Education Association in 1915, amount to a systematic program for placing teachers in individual states and in the nation. The es sence was to standardize where graduates registered, what kinds of materials were collected for the candidates, and who was in charge of placement, in an effort to avoid duplication of services—often incomplete—as well as “vexation of the spirit.” She also advocated a fed eral clearinghouse for information about states’ systems of education with particular atten tion to where the best teachers were trained, and an actual appointment function for senior administrative officers such as university presidents. May Cheney had a particularly long and distinguished career as the Berkeley appoint ment secretary, staying in her position for forty years and leaving an indelible imprint not only on the encouragement and development of teaching in the state, but on university structure and policy. Her reach became national; she served on many national boards and commissions, but the record of her distinguished service is scattered and largely unknown. Her obituary focuses on her graciousness and friendliness that assisted young men and women into their careers. It continues: “Her good judgement has built a remarkable repu tation for the Appointment Secretary’s Office in schools throughout the country. Her friendly ear and quiet smile have relieved the worried school administrator, and cheer the anxious neophyte in teaching. As long as the university endures, the Spirit of May L. Cheney will be a living force in that most important of functions'for higher education, theteaching of teach ers, and their distribution to the schools and colleges of the State, the Nation, and far dis tant lands of the world.”

ENDNOTES

Thanks to Carroll Brentano, Janet Ruyle, Geraldine Clifford and William Roberts for their assistance in locating material.

1 May Cheney to President Kellogg, September 13, 1897. Regents’ records, CU-1, box 19; University Archives, University of California, Berkeley.

2 Geraldine Jongich Clifford, “Equally in View”: The University of California, Its Women and the Schools (Berkeley: Center for Studies in Higher Education, 1995), 13.

3 Professor Elmer E. Brown to President Kellogg, May 27, 1899. Regents’ records, CU-1, 25:4. Professor Brown alone visited thirty counties in the state during the academic year in the course of school visitations and lectures to teachers’ institutes and other educational gatherings.

4 Lucian P. Farris, “Present Practices in Office Technique of Teacher Placement in California” (Masters thesis. University of Califoimia, Berkeley, 1926), 11. It appears to have been run by May since her husband, Warren, advertised his own business as “real estate and insurance agent” in the 2894 Blue and Gold (Berkeley, 1893).

5 Addendum by May Cheney to her letter to President Kellogg, September 30, 1897. Regents’ records, CU-1, 17:33.

6 May Cheney to President Kellogg, September 13, 1897. Regents’ records CU-1, 19:32.

7 May Cheney to President Kellogg, September 30, 1897. Regents’ records CU-1, 17:33.

80 AnneJ. MacLachlan • MAY CHENEY’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE MODERN UNIVERSITY

8 Farris, 12. 9 May Cheney to Regent Reinstein, May 6, 1898. Regents’ records, CU-1, 19:32. 10 Regents’ records, CU-1, 28:24. An instructor earned between $750 and $1400, while the President earned $10,000.

11 Annual Report of the President, 1913, 46-47.

12 Farris, 13-49. 13 Annual Report of the President, 1913, 46. 14 Reports to the President, CU-5 series 1, 52:39 (1912); CU-5 ser.2, 1914:379, 1915:10, 1916:593, 1918:672. 15 President’s records, CU-5 series 2, 1918:672, 1919:261. 16 May Cheney to Regent A.S. Hallidie, July 24, 1899. Regents’ records, CU-1, 19:32. 17 Biennial Report of the President of the University (Berkeley, University of California, 1912), 51-52. 18 President’s records, CU-5, series 2, 1915:10. 19 Robert Sibley, in California Monthly, June 1942. Thanks to Carroll Brentano and Maresi Nerad for this source.

May L. Shepard Cheney (1862-1942) May Cheney ’83, lived for many years in a wooden residence located on the east side of College Avenue, north of Bancroft Way—a building which stands to this day, now in the middle of the campus, just east of Wurster Hall. Here she raised her three sons: Charles ’05, a city planner who designed Palos Verdes Estates in the 1920s; Sheldon ’08, an art and theater historian who founded Theatre Arts magazine; and Marshall ’09, an Oakland physician. A university residence hall was named in her honor in 1959.

81 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

^ i

1

I 1 I

Student waiting for train on Shattuck Avenue, ca. 1899. Note Warren Cheney’s shop behind horse. University Archives.

82

I L-i- “NO MAN AND NO THING CAN STOP ME” FANNIE McLEAN, WOMAN SUFFRAGE, AND THE UNIVERSITY

Geraldine Jongich Clifford

IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY’S COPY of Horace Bushnell’s Women’s Suffrage; The Reform Against Nature (1869), an unknown reader penned on the inscription page “Coeducation is the thief of time” and, on the half-title page, this verse by Sir Walter Scott: O woman! in our hour of ease, Uncertain, coy, and hard to please. And variable as the shade By the light quivering aspen made.

Beneath this, and from another hand, came this rejoinder: “They are too variable to suit political bosses.” ^ This book’s publication and the opening of the university’s doors to its first forty stu dents both occurred in 1869, but Horace Bushnell figured more directly in the university’s pre-history. A Hartford clergyman with a national reputation for religious and educational thought, and a Yale classmate of , a founder of the recently chartered College

The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.

83 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

of California, Bushnell wrote fundraising appeals for Durant’s “Western Yale,” as it was commonly called, while in California for his health. And it was he, Durant, and Edward McLean, the college’s trustee-treasurer, who trekked the Bay Area in 1856 or ’57 hunting for a new site. The college’s trustees had agreed that the campus in boisterous downtown Oak land was inadequate and morally dangerous for impressionable young men. When the strug gling private college’s board decided in 1867 to cede its assets to the state as the nucleus for the liberal arts within a state university, the 160-acre Strawberry Creek tract that Bushnell helped identify became the future home of the University of California. The surrounding College Homestead development was named Berkeley in 1866 and the slow process of in corporation and annexation began in 1878. Bushnell’s book, an early volley in the suffrage battle of a protracted war of the sexes, declared woman suffrage both unnatural and unnecessary since men sufficiently represented women’s legitimate interests; “The male and female natures together constitute the proper man, and are, therefore, both represented in the vote of the man.” Bushnell also denied that women lacked “civic outlets.” In hospitals, almshouses, schoolrooms, and churches, he asserted, there are “ministrations, teachings, offices, and magistracies of mercy without number, all a great deal worthier and higher than any that our women can hope to obtain at the polls.” Only family strife and moral evil, he concluded, would accompany woman suf frage; The claim of a beard would not be a more radical revolt against nature [than is] a claim by women to govern, or be forward in the government of men .... Other modes of demoralization will also be discovered, especially in the country and the more sparsely settled parts, where men and women will be piled in huge wagons to be carried to the polls, and will sometimes, on their return, encounter a storm that drives them into wayside taverns and other like places for the night; where, of course, they must have a good time somehow, probably in some kind of general carouse.

Holding a traditionalist’s conviction that woman’s role is to accept that which man confers or withholds, Bushnell conceded that men sometimes “heedlessly oppress” women, but “it is our custom rather, in matters of deliberate purpose, to give them more than will be either for their benefit or our own.” But who were the unknown “graffitists,” marking this book that declared woman suf frage “a reform against nature—an attempt to make trumpets out of flutes, and sun flowers out of violets”? Can one doubt that the first writer was male—perhaps an anti-suffragist, per haps merely one of those many American male students and faculty given to “fondly” pa tronizing the “weaker sex”? Or that the second graffitist was female and pro-suffrage? Was she Fannie Williams McLean ’85, the second daughter of Bushnell’s companion on that land hunting errand, a longtime English teacher and vice-principal at Berkeley High School, and campaigner in both the 1896 and 1911 efforts on behalf of a woman suffrage ameiidment to the California state constitution?^. While any woman at Berkeley might have been the writer, more intriguing possibili ties include the university-connected members of the College Equal Suffrage League which Fannie McLean helped found in 1908 and which she headed until it disbanded and reap peared as the California League of Women Voters. Might it have been Dr. Emma Sutro Merritt ’81, physician and daughter of a major university benefactor? Or one of the university’s well- known Mays; May Treat Morrison ’78, later donor of the Morrison Library and professor ships in history and law; or May Shepard Cheney ’83, the university’s Appointment Secre tary for forty years?^ Another candidate is Lillian Moller Gilbreth ’00. When Moller gave her 84 Geraldine Jongich Clifford • “NO MAN AND NO THING CAN STOP ME” commencement speech, President Wheeler had advised her to wear a ruffled gown and “Read what you have to say, and from small pieces of paper. Don’t imitate a man.”^ But she did imitate a man by becoming an industrial engineer. Other less well-known League members included Fedelia Jewett ’95, Emma Noonan ’98, and Hattie Jacobs ’01, all teachers at San Francisco’s Girls High School, which was a major supplier of University of California fresh men. Milicent Shinn ’80 is another possibility The first woman to earn a Berkeley Ph.D. (in 1898), Shinn was an editor and journalist. Julia Morgan ’94, the architect of William Randolph Hearst’s San Simeon, be longed to the League, as did Cornelia McKinne Stanwood ’98, principal of Sarah Dix Hamlin School, a flourishing girls’ school in San Francisco.^ A suffrage recruit from a later class could also have been our indignant graffitist. Perhaps it was Louise Naijot Howard ’01, another Berkeley High School teacher, or Constance Lawrence Dean ’09, a San Francisco housewife. Other possibilities were the more peripatetic Ber keley-bred suffragists: Julia Heaton Austin ’15, who put her California political experience to work as secretary of the Woman’s Suffrage Association, and Maria de Guadelupe E. Lopez Fannie McLean, 1885. ’ll, a Los Angeles High School teacher who led University Archives. southern California’s college-bred suffragists. Finally, could a Berkeley High School coed have penned those defiant words, perhaps someone who had trudged up the hill to gather material for one of Fannie McLean’s public speaking classes or debate teams?® One such possibility was Grace MacFarland ’10 (M.A. ’ll). Having followed the 1911 state suffrage campaign and worked to persuade local men to give the vote to women, MacFarland wrote to McLean from her own high school teach ing post in McArthur, Shasta County. From her landlord, one of the district’s election board, MacFarland had learned about the district vote for equal suffrage; as she boasted, “it went all for the Amendment.”^ A member of one of Berkeley’s first families, Fannie McLean was well connected to political, business, and university notables through her father Edward McLean (Yale ’43), who came around the Horn to California with Francis KittredgeShattuck. Successful in the insurance and real estate businesses, the elder McLean helped develop communities through out California. His other Berkeley friends and business associates included Carleton, Stuart, Hillegass, Blake, Ward, Parker, Keith, Woolsey—known to later “Old Blues” only as street names. The university’s president during Fannie’s student days was William T. Reid, con nected to the McLeans by marriage. Professor Martin Kellogg (president through most of the 1890s) was a close family friend. So was Professor Albert S. Cook who persuaded Stockton High School to hire the newly graduated Fannie McLean. When the Stockton In dependent Democrat editorialized against “playing into the hands of University professors” and urged hiring a Stockton lady if another teacher was really needed, the offer to Fannie was withdrawn, and she headed to Southern California to teach and bide her time. Despite these formidable allies of McLean’s, other university prominenti presented problems to the university’s budding feminists. The regents’ 1870 order had opened the university’s second and succeeding classes to women on “equal terms in all respects with 85 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

young men, yet sex discrimination and patriarchal condescension on campus were overt and persistent. Governor (and Regent) Henry Haight told the 1870 commencement audi ence that the university’s admission of young ladies was a settled matter, but he also declared himself far from being a convert to the idea that females will ever participate in political contests by the exercise of suffrage, or to any extent the learned professions.” Most of his audience probably agreed.^ In his inaugural address of 1872, President repeatedly referred to the “young men” of the university but never to its young women.® Over forty years later Elsie McCormick ’16 echoed the complaints of earlier coeds, noting that at the first university meeting of the new academic year, “We heard advice heaped upon the heads of the ’19 men; but however hard we listened we didn’t hear a word of welcome addressed to the Freshmen women[;] . . . while the men of the class were being welcomed and advised, the women were unwept, unhonored and unsung.” The male students shared similar sentiments. Their publications routinely satirized “the grade-grinding pelican”—that drab, over-serious female who, as an 1873 male joked, “has the audacity to choose the same college as yourself.” He acknowledged that coeds showed themselves better prepared for university work than did the men, but “prejudice, tradition and precedent are against her.”^^ Seemingly without shame and with impunity, overenrolled classes were sometimes pruned by letting only the men remain. Although the majority of the state’s English teachers were women. Professor Gayley routinely barred coeds from his advanced English class.When Professor Howison moved in 1895 to substitute the term the candidate for he in the regulations of the Graduate Division (a recognition that women were a majority in some graduate programs), his colleagues rejected the motion.^^ Seeming to confirm a long-held suspicion that the regents would not hire women academ ics, President Kellogg’s 1898 Annual Report urged the reversal of the regents’ policy “to ap point no women to the teaching staff. Kellogg’s successor was the easterner Benjamin Ide Wheeler. Although Wheeler as sumed the presidency in 1899, he did not meet officially with the Associated Women Stu dents until 1904, the fifth year of his presidency, and then to admonish them: “You are not here with the ambition to be school teachers or old maids; but you are here for the prepa ration for marriage and motherhood. This education should tend to make you more service able as wives and mothers.While Wheeler did not declare his views on woman suffrage, his wife’s name was prominent as a sponsor of the state’s anti-suffrage forces in 1911. Given the widely known argument of the opponents to women’s suffrage that husbands were trust worthy agents of their wives in matters political, Wheeler’s own position seems obvious. Consistent with his objections to old-maid schoolteacher alumnae like Fannie McLean, and his position that a woman’s place was in the home, Wheeler created a department of home economics, despite faculty opposition. He also hired Lucy Sprague as the university’s first dean of women. Sprague’s charge included changing the fact that more than three quarters of Berkeley’s women graduates were earning teaching credentials. She did not succeed in this assignment; and, after marrying Professor Wesley Mitchell and moving to New York City, Lucy Sprague Mitchell founded a^teacher-training institution!^^ Berkeley’s feminists were probably also greatly discomfitedby the contrast between their alma mater and upstart Leland Stanford, Jr. University It opened in 1891 with five women faculty whereas Cal’s first woman professor was appointed in 1904.^^ Granted that Stanford was founded in more progressive times, both of its founders were avowed suffragists. An ex-school teacher, Jane Stanford gave free passes on her husband’s railroad to woman suffrage workers; by 1911 entire suffrage trains were offered for whistlestop campaigning. So it must have been some consolation when a Stanford psychology instructor praised Fannie McLean’s lecture to Stanford’s College Equal Suffrage League as being “one of the best suffrage speeches we have ever heard.” 86 Geraldine Jongich Clifford • “NO MAN AND NO THING CAN STOP ME”

The limited commitment to women’s equality of some of Fannie McLean’s own uni versity friends surfaced in a more personal way in the man, a recent widower, most likely to win McLean’s hand. He was William Carey Jones ’75, Recorder of the Faculty and instruc tor in history and law, later successively, president of the Alumni Association (1889-91), professor and dean of the School of Jurisprudence, and author of the university’s first his- tory.^^ When alumnae began sparring with Jones about alumni association functions, Jones defended himself to Fannie. He claimed that Miss Hittell ’82, especially, had unfairly lumped him with other male graduates who objected to females attending a presidential banquet because women would spoil the fun by censoring the traditional ribaldry of alumni gather ings. Jones disputed the claim that “young gentlemen” would act improperly. Nonetheless, he stated, “1 told Miss B[ernstein] & Ella Bailey that the girls weren’t wanted; they both have ‘long tongues’ & will spread the fact; but Miss B. thinks some of the girls will go any way.” Alumnae, he argued, should appear at class functions only under certain conditions: in sufficiently large numbers to make “a bunch,” or with male escorts, or when wives and fami lies of male graduates are also invited and the event is not held in a public hotel. Agreeing with the male majority that “a handful of young women is going to put a damper upon the meeting,” Jones still described male opposition to female presence as “not ungallant.” So, “1 trust that the few [ladies], who wish to assert their rights, may conclude to waive them for this occasion.” “ A dozen stubborn “young lady graduates of the strong minded order”—including two whom Jones had not expected to see there, Alice E. Pratt ’81 (later earning a Ph.D. at the University of Chicago in 1897) and Flora Eleanor Beal ’83—did attend the January 1886 alumni reception for the university’s new president, Edward S. Holden. Helen Shearer ’85 wrote to Fannie that the alumnae were relegated to the most distant table, seated with current coeds and away from “the jolly crowd” and the other men who objected to a female presence.^^ Jones was also given to pompous references to the “eccentricities” accompanying co education, and to distinguishing between what he called the “typical coed” and the “refined

Vice Principal Fannie McLean (standing in the back row, extreme right) and the Berkeley High School graduating class of 1896. The Bancroft Library.

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lady student.” While acknowledging that he should have been more vigilant in preventing the publication of some statements that derogated coeds, Jones disagreed with McLean on whether their university had an obligation to have a plan for the education of young ladies. He insisted that it was enough to affirm strong support for coeducation and to indicate its benefits to the university. “Further than this,” he stated, “on the delicate subject of the re lations of the sexes in the University it ought not to go.”^^ Time brought some concessions by men alumni to the women graduates of the uni versity. The class of ‘85’s Booster Committee for the university’s semi-centennial celebration in 1918 included one woman, McLean. All graduates, “with or without husband or wife, if you have either, and children,” were invited to the celebration. Yet sexism surfaced in the chairman’s note to the California Alumni Association office about how the class planned to organize its participation. Harry East Miller ’85 wrote satirically that “Wine and violins improve with age but not women,” to which Alumni Director Homer Havermale responded, “Your sentence about ‘wine and violins’ was underscored in red when the letter came to my desk. Apparently hostile eyes have seen it for the marking was very heavy. 1 hesitate to say who did it but if you have the courage you might question some of the alumnae who are in this office! Were Fannie McLean’s those hostile eyes? Was her’s the teacher’s disapproving red pencil? The participation of women in undergraduate affairs also was improved when the constitution of the Associated Students of the University of California was revised in 1916, allowing women seats on the executive committee. The women collectively used a strategy that the men had invented: to maximize .their nominee’s chances, even when they could vote for two people, they should vote only for their candidate and no other, sacrificing one of their votes. This prompted one male student to complain to the California Alumni Fortnightly: “Enough women on the campus, it is alleged, were keen enough (and non-ethical enough) to seize the opportunity of assuring the election of the woman who was running for office.” But Fannie McLean would have been pleased with this younger generation of women stu dents. As one of the nine women graduates of 1885, McLean had described her coed class mates as “brave, adventurous, independent, original... [crying out] ‘1 am free. No man and no thing can stop me.’”^^ Fannie McLean’s difference of opinion with Professor William Carey Jones about the rights and treatment of university women was further complicated. In 1886, when she was a job-seeking teacher, Jones was Berkeley’s school board president. Indeed, he did sponsor her for the two-person Berkeley High School faculty at a time when one female teacher taught most of the subjects to the forty students while the male principal “creamed off’ a few for advanced English and classics recitations. She was also wholly responsible for discipline in the school. However, McLean grew dissatisfied with a high school that was “simply the vestibule to the university. 1 might as well have been tutoring as far as any independent school life was concerned. In 1891 she abandoned both Berkeley and teaching and turned to so cial work among immigrantS'and blacks, in college settlement houses in New York City and Philadelphia. Returning to Berkeley High in 1895, McLean took on a range of suffrage and civic activities that reinforced the progressive educational philosophy that was altering high schools like hers. The public speaking, debate, journalism, drama, and creative writing classes and activities she sponsored, until her retirement in 1937, were intended to prepare ordi nary Berkeley sons and daughters for civic life as well as for the university. These also pro duced some extraordinary achievers including playwright Thornton Wilder and Samuel Hume, director of the Greek Theatre Players. The matter of woman suffrage in the state of California was to be decided at the No vember 5, 1911 election. During the preceding month, McLean’s diary records she gave at 88 Geraldine Jongich Clifford • “NO MAN AND NO THING CAN STOP ME” least thirteen suffrage talks and attended seven more suffrage teas or mass meetings in north ern California. Two years earlier, as she determinedly pursued the goal of suffrage she wrote, “The suffrage business has been awfully absorbing, and I shall be glad when next week is over,” admitting that the “president of such an organization ISuffrage League] ought not be a teacher, especially of such a large school as ours.”^^ Still, she knew that most California high schools graduated nearly twice as many girls as boys each year. To deny women the vote was to deprive the society of the full contribution of its educated citizens to influence gov ernment. McLean argued that the girl student would no more let the boy vote for her in a classroom election than she would let-him write her examination, for “she had her own opin ion, her own conscience.” The adult game of politics had grown too serious and complex for men to play it alone, [for] we [women] have a wisdom that they can not afford to go without any longer—the result of an age-long silence and patience.”^® After forty years of organized effort by such dedicated women, equal suffrage was approved by the state’s male voters as an amendment to California’s Constitution. Berkeley (the state’s fifth largest city) was the only Alameda County community to pass woman suf frage by a wide margin.^^ How sweet was the victory! McLean explained why: My first vote was cast on some important amendments to the city char ter of Berkeley In the early freshness of a spring morning my mother and 1 walked to the polls, which were in the high school building two blocks from our home. She was directly concerned in the amendments as a property holder and I as a public school teacher. When we were coming home we said to each other, “If people only knew what a rational, sane, simple, dignified thing this is to do, not a good or intelligent man or woman in the country would object to it, and isn’t it our duty to send the message everywhere.”®®

The triumph of woman suffrage in California made San Francisco the world’s largest equal- suffrage city. McLean spoke to its male politicians about the city’s women having experienced “the powerj the dignity, the satisfaction, the respect, the new interest in life, that comes from the ballot.”®^ When other state campaigns asked for her help, she gave it, writing for eastern news papers about the initial results of the woman’s vote in California, attending suffrage rallies else where, and working for the federal woman suffrage amendment that was approved in 1920. To reach this level of confident activity had meant overcoming an anxiety often ex pressed by the pioneer generation of college women. Of the coeds of her undergraduate days, Fannie McLean remembered their being moved by a great desire—“for a clear vision of some cause that would be worth working for, worth speaking for, worth even being thought odd for.” Yet they also felt a countervailing pull, a powerful dread: “We had a great horror of doing that which should be thought peculiar, different from what the girls who did not come to college were doing. We forget that often the queer people are the great people. In those days anything that smacked of woman’s suffrage was queer. ”®^ This fear was reflected in a letter from a supporter after McLean had spoken on equal suffrage at a Napa County rally. McLean had, she thought, dignified the suffragist’s viewpoint “as to remove the stigma that many seemed to think was attached to suffrage for women.”®® Public opinion was softening from the days when early suffragists like , Carrie Nation, and Susan B. Anthony had been ridiculed. For one thing, suffrage strategists had been laboring to make the movement as respectable and nonthreatening as possible. This meant highlighting genteel and attractive suffragists: housewives, especially the wives of trustworthy men, mothers of presentable families, and professional women, such as teach ers, lawyers, businesswomen, physicians. Women from these groups constituted the Col lege Equal Suffrage League. 89 i

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Fannie was among the professional women, not the housewives. “Liberty is the bread of the soul, and the women with hungry souls should not be starved because of those who have not yet cultivated a healthy civic appetite,” McLean preached. “Liberty” may indeed be the best answer to her friends’ speculation on why Fannie McLean put teaching and civic labors in place of marriage. What made her a spinster teacher-feminist instead of the wife, mother, and helpmeet that her parents, friends, and suitors expected of this pretty and seem- ingly light-hearted collegian? Fler mother lamented the disappearance from Fannie’s social schedule of numerous university men—the Misters Cope, Black, Edwards, Brittain, Pond, Walcott, Bent—all promising future lawyers, bankers, and businessmen. McLean also re jected Sidney Edward Mezes ’84 who earned a law degree and a Harvard Ph.D., and became president of the University of and the College of the City of New York. Her most persistent suitor was not, however, a Cal man, but Nathaniel Conrey, a Hoosier who was Pasadena City Attorney in 1886 when he first proposed marriage to Fannie McLean. While practicing law in Los Angeles he served on the Los Angeles Board of Education and in the Cahfomia Assembly before becoming a Superior Court judge and justice of the California Supreme Court. Like her other admirers, including Professor Jones, he had to marry some one else. Thus it was not for lack of eligible suitors that Fannie McLean never married. She had been something of a “new woman” before that term came into wide use. Her activities in college and afterwards included many parties, unchaperoned “ out” on hills with young men, and billiard playing. While at the university she had read a novel whose heroine she described as “the kind of girl I admire most, but how few there are of them. If a girl does anything at all different from any one else she is talked about.” Eannie’s various irreverencies ranged from joking about the reason for having been selected a Charter Day Essayist—Professor Moses had said “they were anxious to have a nice looking girl on the platform with them”—to taking a somewhat radical interest in labor movements. She also confided to her sister, “I am beginning to think that charitable institutions are not of much use after all, until the working peoples, of their oAvn efforts succeed in establishing their rights. You see...l am growing into a ‘crank.’ I am doing a little in the way of hospital charity work, but it don’t suit me exactly; the work does not seem to go deeply enough.” Her suf frage activities, like her progressive school practices, apparently answered that need for depth of effort.^^ Fannie McLean is not important and instructive so much because she typified univer sity women or even the other teachers that so many graduates became. She was too privi leged and well-connected in the worlds of town and gown to be representative of the coed. How many fathers of a University of California daughter could be assured that Professor Moses would “keep watch of her & if he thought she was studying too hard and injuring her health,” would inform her parents?^^ Unlike most teachers of either sex, she taught for half a century. As an administrator in one of California’s topflight high schools, she was asked to inform and advise other e'dtjcators from around the nation of practices she had instituted or supervised. Although womens suffrage and progressive social reform were approaching mass movements, few activists were on working terms with such luminaries as Susan B. Anthony, M. Carey Thomas, and .^® Rather, Fannie McLean is important since she articulated and embodied the more gen eral restiveness that many women of her era felt because of the persistent sexual division existing between them and even the well-educated and progressive men of their day. Horace Bushnell had been considered a theological liberal, and before writing his book against suffrage for women he had abandoned his objections to coeducation. Almost all of the

90 Geraldine Joncich Clifford • “NO MAN AND NO THING CAN STOP ME”

University of California’s male undergraduates and alumni were products of coeducational elementary and secondary schools where the majority of their teachers were women. Thus, they had ample opportunity to witness competence, rationality, and decisiveness in the fair sex.” Yet, many could not come to terms with female presence on the campus, even on the campus of a public university, much less to foster equality in reaping the benefits of the university. Like Bushnell they would be sorely tried by woman-led campaigns for social and political equality. And as later “gender-gap” politics have made clear, Americas men and women voters sometimes show themselves in fundamental disagreement not unlike those two long-ago individuals who penned anonymous commentaries on the margins of Rever end Bushnell’s book.

ENDNOTES Thanks to University Archivist William Roberts and the Chronicle’s Editorial Board for their help and counsel. 1 Horace Bushnell, Women’s Suffrage; The Reform Against Nature (New York: Charles Scribner, 1869). The inscription page comment is a corruption of an eighteenth century aphorism, “Procrastina tion is the thief of time,” that millions of schoolchildren were made to copy on slates and blackboards as punishment for not completing their schoolwork. The verse is from Scott’s 1808 Marmion [Canto 6], The handwriting appears the same for these two inscriptions. The copy of Bushnell’s book was signed by the author as a gift to Dr. Francis Lieber, a German-born exiled radical, political theorist, editor of the Encyclopaedia Americana, and Columbia University Law School professor. It first seemed that Lieber (1800-1872) might have given the book to John or Joseph LeConte, early University of California professors, through a common faculty connection with South Carolina College where Lieber immediately preceded the LeContes. In fact, a gift to the university was used to purchase Lieber’s library in 1873. The quotations from Women’s Suffrage are from pp. 44, 56, 67, 148-49, 180. 2 A handwriting comparison does not rule out Fannie McLean (1863-1951) as the-second writer. 3 A former teacher and owner of a private teacher-placement agency, in 1897 Cheney persuaded the regents to employ her to assist the university’s graduates in finding the better and more influential teaching positions in the state’s schools. Until 1934 education was the only career for which the university ran a placement service for its students and alumni. See Verne A. Stadtman ed.. The Centennial Record of the University of California (Berkeley; University of California, 1967), 180 and Geraldine Jongich Clifford, Equally in View: The University of California, Its Women, and the Schools, (Berkeley: Center for Studies in Higher Education and the Institute of Governmental Studies, 1995), esp. pp. 50-52. 4 “Lillian Moller Gilbreth, Industrial Engineer,” in Irving Stone, ed.. There Was Light, Autobiography of a University, Berkeley: 1868-1968 (Garden City, N. Y: Doubleday, 1970), 83; Frank B. Gilbreth, Jr., Time Out for Happiness (New York; Thomas Y. Crowell, 1970), 2. 5 In 1886 Hamlin herself had organized the California branch of the Association of Collegiate Alumnae (later the American Association of University Women) ; by 1915 the branch had 1400 members. In 1895 its members reportedly persuaded California’s governor to appoint a woman (Phoebe Hearst, in 1897) to the next regental vacancy—this according to Grace Partridge, “The Association of Collegiate Alumnae,” Student Opinion, 1:15 (November 29, 1915), 8-9. 6 An undated College Equal Suffrage League membership list of 120 names is in the Suffrage File in the 10-carton McLean Family Papers, The Bancroft Library. These papers, the major source for this article, include personal and professional correspondence, diaries, speeches, and other manu scripts. Biographies of the women named were confirmed through university and California Alumni Association publications: Directory of Graduates (1905), Directory of Graduates of the Uni versity of California, 1864-1916 (1916), and Robert Sibley, ed.. Golden Book of California (1937).

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1 Grace MacFarland to Fannie McLean, October 12, 1911. McLean Family Papers, carton 5. 8 University Education: An Address at the Commencement Exercises of the University of California by Governor H. H. Haight,” College of California, University of California Documents, 1861-1875, Vol. I, University Archives, University of California, Berkeley. At his own commence ment, at the old College of California, Richard Eugene Poston ’68 also orated about women’s rights: “God knows, and we give evidence through all our lives, that we do not oppose them as they come before us now because we believe that woman is inferior. . . . [But why] is not woman content with the influence she exercises now? which she has exercised since the world began?” In “Our Mothers,” a Commencement Oration, June 3, 1868. In Samuel Willey MSS [C-B582], The Bancroft Library.

9 Daniel Coit Gilman, “The Building of the University: An Inaugural Address, Oakland, Nov. 7, 1872” (San Francisco, 1872). Gilman left California in 1875 to become first president of Johns Hopkins University, where he supported its all-male policy. When an exceptionally persistent and well-connected Baltimore woman, a future president of , was “admitted” to Hopkins for graduate work, M. Carey Thomas was not permitted to attend classes. When her friend Mary Garrett (later treasurer of the National College Equal Suffrage League) made coeduca tion a condition for her large gift to open the Medical School, Gilman resisted and then capitu lated. See Abraham Flexner, Daniel Coit Gilman: Creator of the American Type of University (New York, 1910).

10 Elsie McCormick [Woman’s Editor], “The Unwelcome Feminine by One of Them,” Student Opinion, 1:2 (August 24, 1915), 7. During the pre-World War I decade, women were as much as forty percent of incoming students in some years. 11 “Views of an Ecclesiastic About Lady Students,” University Echo, May 1873, in Berkeley, The First Seventy-five Years (Berkeley: California State Department of Education, Federal Works Administration, and WPA, 1941), 58. 12 Criticism prompted Gayley to move from excluding women to offering the course “one term for the men of the University and the alternative term for all and sundry,” including the crowds of “girls, women, coeds, pelicans, old maids, and females of every other sort and description.” This is the account, sympathetic to Gayley, in Benjamin P. Kurtz, Charles Mills Gayley (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1943), 151-52. 13 Academic Council, Academic Senate Files, box 8, folder 5. University Archives. 14 In 1870 a state meeting of California’s public school teachers introduced a resolution to the regents objecting to their reported policy of excluding women from the university’s faculty. In Clifford, Equally in View, 21.

15 Daily Californian, September 1, 1904. See Chapter 2,”Women at the University of California, 1870-1920: From Pelicans to Chickens,” in Lynn D. Gordon, Gender and Higher Education in the Progressive Era (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1990). 16 An Alumni Association survey of the 137 women of the university’s class of 1907 reported that, within three years of graduation, 3 had non-teaching occupations, 34 were “at home” with their parents, 38 were married, and 62 were teaching; from other sources it is known that some in the wives category were also present or former teachers. The survey is reported in Clotilde Grimsky, “College Women as Teachers,” Caltfomia Alumni Fortnightly, 9:4 (March 4, 1916), 55. On Sprague’s Berkeley years see Gordon, Gender and Higher Education, and Joyce Antler, Lucy Sprague Mitchell: The Making of a Modern Woman (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1986). While May Cheney, for one, approved of the new department it was not for its producing home makers, Wheeler’s intention, but as a means of giving women more varied career opportunities. See Maresi Nerad, The Academic Kitchen: A Social History of Gender Stratification at the University of California, Berkeley (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999).

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17 Within its first five years Stanford also conferred a Ph.D. on a woman. But a national backlash against college women was evident by 1910. Because Stanford’s coeds were so numerous they threatened to become the majority, Jane Stanford imposed a strict quota on the number of female students that lasted until the 1930s, when the need for tuition income relaxed her limitation. 18 Lillien Martin to Fannie McLean, October 2, 1910. McLean Family Papers, carton 5. 19 William Carey Jones, Illustrated History of the University of California (Berkeley, 1895). Jones was born in Washington, D.C. in 1854, at the home of his maternal grandfather, Missouri’s famous anti-secession senator, Thomas Hart Benton. His aunt was the writer Jessie Benton (Mrs. General John C.) Fremont. Jones’ first wife was Alice Whitcomb ’77 (d. 1882), his second was Ada Butterfield (m.l893), a protege of Mrs. Phoebe Hearst. He died in Peking, China in 1923. For his academic career see “William Carey Jones,” California Law Review, 12:5 1924), 334-39. 20 William Carey Jones to Fannie McLean, December 11,1885, January 24, 1886, and undated addendum sheet. There are 104 of Jones’ letters to Fannie in the McLean Family Papers, carton 5. 21 Male-female tensions on women’s place in higher education were present everywhere in these decades. In far-distant Waterville, Maine and in a different kind of school than California, a Colby College graduate, Minerva Leland (1882) and her friends commiserated about their “warfare with the boys” during their student days, proposals to end coeducation by creating a separate college for women, and male graduates voting to hold alumni meetings without any female presence “no insult intended unless it is an insult to let the women know they are not wanted.” R. G. Frye to M. Leland, February 10, 1896. In Papers of Minerva Leland (1859-1926), Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe College. 22 Jones to McLean, December 11, 1885; January 7, 1886. McLean Family Papers. 23 Harry East Miller to Homer Havermale, March 9, 1918, and Havermale to Miller, March 10, 1918. Both originals are in the McLean Family Papers, carton 4; 24 California Alumni Egrtnightly, 9:17 (November 15, 1916), 260. The strategy is called “single-shot” voting. 25 In “Talk to Women of the Berkeley High School Class of 1921.” McLean Family Papers, carton 9. 26 This was about the time that Regent James W. Anderson, as State Superintendent of Public Education, criticized university faculty for trying to turn the proliferating high schools from useful educators of the people’s children to “nurseries to feed the State University.” July 13, 1891, in Regents’ records. University Archives. 27 Fannie McLean to Mrs. Sarah McLean, February 4,1909. McLean Family Papers. 28 McLean’s words are drawn from “Equal Suffrage and the Teacher,” “Why Women Want the Suffrage,” and “The Four Loyalties: Address to San Francisco Girls High School Commencement” [June 1, 1911]—all among her undated speeches in McLean Family Papers, carton 9. 29 George A. Pettitt, Berkeley: The Town and Gown of It (Berkeley: Howell-North Books, 1973), esp. p.l42 ; Pettitt is my chief source on Berkeley. 30 “The New Citizenship,” in Suffrage Files, McLean Family Papers, carton 9. 31 Speech on behalf of the federal suffrage amendment, San Francisco [c. 1915]. McLean Family Papers, carton 9. 32 “Equal Suffrage,” address to College Equal Suffrage League, n.d., McLean Family Papers, carton 9. 33 Emma J. Clarke to Fannie McLean, n.d. [after October 6, 1911]. McLean Family Papers, carton 5. 34 Quotations taken from Fannie McLean to Agnes McLean, December 24, 1882; Fannie to Mrs. Sarah McLean, February 4, 1883; Fannie to Agnes. October 30, 1887. McLean Family Papers, carton 4.

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Edward McLean to Sarah McLean, June 11, 1882. McLean Family Papers, carton 1. Like the McLeans, Bernard Moses of the history department was a Connecticut native. 36 For example, McLean was the only schoolteacher on the eight-person board of the National College Equal Suffrage League, whose members included two college presidents. And she had come to know Jane Addams during her own settlement house days.

Students on the Telegraph Avenue bridge (future site of Sather Gate) ca. 1899. University Archives. IDA LOUISE JACKSON, CLASS OF ’22

Roberta]. Park

ON MARCH 13, 1996 THERE APPEARED in the Oakland Tribune a three-column, half-page article entitled “State, Oakland’s First Black High School Teacher, 93, Dies.” Three months later, the California Monthly’s obituary of Ida Jack- son opened with-the following words: “The first African American public school teacher in the East Bay, Ida Louise Jackson ’22, M.A. ’23, had a memorable impact on Oakland and the University”^ Written by Gabrielle Morris, who had conducted Jackson’s oral history as part of the University of California Black Alumni Project, the short tribute was ac companied by a photograph of a striking middle-aged lady whose countenance reveals the dignity and resolve that had made it possible for her to rise above repeated disappoint ments and achieve much at a time when African Americans (and other groups) were confronted by severe discrimina tion. Her autobiographical statements, which appeared in Irving Stone’s There Was Light, Autobiography of a Univer sity, Berkeley: 1868-1968, and in “Overcoming Barriers in Education,” a product of the Regional Oral History Office, The Bancroft Library of the Uni versity of California, discuss the career of a resolute young woman who never forgot the les sons she had derived from a loving and supportive family and her parents’ unswerving com mitment to the importance of sound moral character and the benefits of education. Speak ing of herself and her seven brothers, Ms. Jackson said: “We were taught that no man was superior unless he was more honest, had a better education and character. Those were the guidelines by which we were brought up. We were taught to protect ourselves, and rather die than be humiliated by being a coward and not standing up for our rights.”^ Her father, a farmer, carpenter, and minister, had relocated to Vicksburg, Mississippi from Monroe, Louisiana in the late 1880s with his wife and three sons. Ida, the youngest child—and only girl—in the family of Pompey and Nellie Jackson was born on October 12, 1902. Both parents repeatedly impressed upon their children the need for higher education. Having finished high school, Ida left Vicksburg at age fourteen to attend Rust College in Holly Springs, Mississippi. After two years she moved on to New Orleans University (now Dillard University) and graduated in 1917 with a teaching diploma and a certificate in home economics from the Peck School of Domestic Science and Art.^ At the urging of two of her brothers, Ida and her mother soon relocated to Oakland in the hope of finding there greater opportunities for people of their race. Although the Bay Area did not prove to be anywhere near as liberal toward blacks (the term that Ida Jackson preferred)^ as she had hoped, she sought and gained entrance to the University of California. Her first semester included a philosophy class from Ceorge Adams, an anthropology class from Alfred L. Kroeber, and one in the history of education from Herbert Bolton. ^ Early experiences at Berkeley are described

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in There Was Light: One of the most difficult problems 1 faced was entering classes day after day, sitting beside students who acted as if my seat were unoccupied, showing no sign of recognition, never giving a smile or a nod. This 1 thought of as the ‘cold spot’ on the Cal campus. In contrast, one day 1 had the privi lege and great honor of being spoken to by and chatting with President Ben jamin Ide Wheeler. I left inspired and figuratively walking on air.^

Ida Jackson recalled that in 1920 “there were eight Negro women and nine Negro men enrolled on the Berkeley campus.”^ The need for companionship and a social life drew them together and resulted in the formation of the Braithwaite Club. Shortly thereafter, five of the young women decided to form a local chapter of Alpha Kappa Alpha, the nation’s oldest black sorority. (A local chapter of the Delta Sigma Theta sorority was organized at about the same time by a few of the other black women at Berkeley.) As spokesperson for the pro jected AKA chapter, Jackson sought approval from Dean of Women Lucy Ward Stebbins. Her initial meeting with Dean Stebbins and assistant Mary Davidson, she recalled, “proved very valuable to me later.” Jackson was elected the first president (basileus) of the Rho chapter and became its representative on the Women’s Council. How welcome she was in this uni versity student group is not clear from extant documents; but an incident occurred shortly thereafter that demonstrated how unfriendly the campus could be to “minority” students. Having had their picture taken and paid the forty-five dollar fee to have a page in the Blue and Gold, Rho chapter members were desolate to discover that they had been excluded.® Moreover, no such picture is to be found in subsequent student yearbooks, although indi vidual photographs of graduating seniors do begin to appear in the r930s. Attending her first boule (national council meeting) in Columbus, Ohio in 1926, Ms. Jackson was named to head the newly defined Far Western Region of Alpha Kappa Alpha—a position she held until 1953.^ As was the case for black women until quite recently, Ida Jackson and her friends would find personal satisfaction, pride, and accomplishment in the rich club and social life of the African American community.At the same time, and against great odds, Jackson also developed a noteworthy career in an educational community dominated by whites. When Ida Jackson received the A.B. degree in 1922, she had walked “unnoticed by [her] fellow classmates in the Senior Pilgrimage.” The following year she completed a master’s thesis on the topic “The Development of Negro Children in Relation to Education” under the direction of J. V. Breitweiser; and in 1924 she received the teacher’s certificate from Berkeley’s School of Education. Her first position was in El Centro, California at Eastside High School (which Mexican and black students attended), where she taught home econom ics and English. Upon receiving a letter from the superintendent of the Oakland public schools offering her a position as a long-term substitute, Jackson sought the counsel of Dean Stebbins and Ms. Davidson about the problems she might encounter should she accept. In a pointed, but not unkind, manner Stebbins asked; Do you think youNdll be happy in a situation where you may find yourself isolated? ... Do you think you can stand calmly by and see those less well qualified than you advanced in the system ahead of you. Can you endure being left out of things when you, as a teacher, should be included?

How prophetic these words were! Reflecting upon her years in the Oakland school district, Jackson stated; I have never ceased to marvel at the wisdom, the insight, and the

96 Roberta]. Park • IDA LOUISE JACKSON, CLASS OF’22

thought-provoking questions that Dean Stebbins raised. How could she so clearly foresee the type of things that I, as Oakland’s first black teacher, would have to endure on an all-white staff, in what was at that time a predomi nantly white neighborhood?^^

Indeed, there were several indignities that Ida Jackson would have to endure. Initially assigned to teach a class for “non-readers,” she subsequently was appointed for part of her duties as one of the counselors at Prescott Junior High School. In that capacity she discov ered that other counselors were not arranging schedules of classes that would provide black children with the solid academic foundation that they needed to advance in their education. In the 1930s, she conceived of an idea that became known as Alpha Kappa Alpha’s Summer School for Rural Teachers. Convinced that blacks in the South needed improved health as well as improved education, in 1935 a health clinic (which was carried on for eight years) was added to these efforts. That same year she accepted the position of dean of women at Alabama’s Tuskegee Institute, where she had the opportunity to meet with Dr. George Washington Carver. She also enrolled at Teachers College, Columbia University to pursue doctoral studies in guidance and personnel—studies that were interrupted by the continu ing Depression. Upon her return to the Bay Area, Ida Jackson was sent to teach at McClymonds High School in West Oakland, where she continued to teach until her retire ment in 1953—the year that the Oakland teachers selected her as a delegate to the National Education Association convention. However, the administrative position that she long had desired was never offered.^’* In 1945, she and her brother had purchased a large sheep ranch in Mendocino County; upon Emmett’s death she moved north and assumed many of those responsibilities. She returned to the Bay Area in 1976 and the ranch was subsequently made a gift to the University of California. Looking back upon her life and career, Ida Jackson spoke candidly about aspirations that had been crushed and opportunities that had been denied to her and others because of race. In spite of all this she achieved a great deal. In the 1970s, long overdue acknowledg ments from the wider community were forthcoming. Among these, in 1971 she was elected to Berkeley Fellows; in 1974, she became a member of the San Francisco Branch of the Ameri can Association of University Women. How much more, we might ask, could Ida Jackson have achieved if it had not been for the barriers that existed in her day? One senses a tone, a quality, to her life that was aptly expressed in the obituary that accompanied the Order of Service held at Beebee Memorial C.M.E. Church, March 8,1996, which concluded—her “phi losophy of life may be summed up in the words of T.S. Eliot: ‘What do we live for if not to make life more pleasant for others?”’

ENDNOTES 1 California Monthly, June 1996, 49. 2 Ida Louise Jackson, “Overcoming Barriers in Education,” an oral history conducted in 1984 and 1985 by Gabrielle Morris, Regional Oral History Office, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley, 1990, 8. 3 “Obituary” in memorial service for Dr. Ida Louise Jackson, Beebee Memorial C.M.E. Church, March 8, 1996. (Copy in Regional Oral History Office, The Bancroft Library.) “Ida L. Jackson” in There Was Light, Autobiography of a University, Berkeley: 1868-1968, ed. Irving Stone (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1970), 252.

97 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

4 “Overcoming Barriers,” 7. 5 Ibid., 15-16. 6 There Was Light, 253-254. 7 Ibid., 249.

8 Ibid., 254-255. Page 29 of “Overcoming Barriers” contains a slightly augmented discussion. 9 “Obituary.”

10 See for example, Gwendolyn Captain, “Social, Religious, and Leisure Pursuits of Northern California’s African American Population: The Discovery of Gold Through World War II.” M.A. thesis. University of California, 1995, especially chapter 6. In her oral history “Overcoming Barriers in Education” Jackson stated: “I had all the social life I could handle with black people,” 72. 11 There Was Light, 255; “Overcoming Barriers,” 76-78. 12 There Was Light, 257-258. 13. Ibid.

14 There Was Light, 260-264. The date of retirement that Ms. Jackson gave in “Overcoming Barriers” was 1955/1956 (p. 59).

Commencement of the Class of 1922.1924 Blue and Gold.

98 • OTHER VOICES

OTHER VOICES GLIMPSES OF AFRICAN AMERICAN, CHINESE AMERICAN, AND JAPANESE AMERICAN STUDENTS AT BERKELEY, FROM THE 1920s TO THE MID-1950S

IDA LOUISE JACKSON’S POIGNANT and elegantly digni fied reflections upon her years on the Berkeley campus serve to remind us that some individuals have endured a great deal because of extreme prejudice and discrimination. Nonethe less, many have accomplished much. Fortunately, the Berke ley campus now is a very different place than it was in the early 1920s when the young African American woman sat “day after day beside students who acted as if my seat were unoccupied.”^ The stories of African American, Chinese American, Japanese American, and other students whose voices once were seldom heard outside their own groups need to be told. It is hoped that this brief—and all too limited—account of participation in extracurricular activities by a few of the women who matriculated at the University of California from Ida Jackson, 1935. the 1920s to the mid-1950s may be a small step in correct Regional Oral History Office. ing this omission. The enforced isolation that drew together the eight women and nine men of whom Ida Jackson spoke had led to the founding of the Braithwaite Club. In 1921 she and friends also organized a local chapter of Alpha Kappa Alpha (the nation’s first black sorority, founded at Howard University in 1908) using Jackson’s home on Fifty-eighth Street as their sorority house. Campus publications at the time paid virtually no attention to the activities of “mi nority” students, and often were hostile. To the great disappointment of the Rho chapter, the Blue and Gold refused to include the club photograph that AKA members had paid for!^ In 1944, when Alpha Kappa Alpha’s western regional conference was held at UC Ber keley youth, health, and educa tion in the postwar world were the topics discussed by del egates from four states.^ The fol lowing year the Daily Califor nian announced that the Berke ley chapter of Delta Sigma Theta (founded at Howard University in 1912; Berkeley chapter orga nized around 1922) was now recognized by the ASUC Execu- rea following Fencingr- • Atelier,A 1- 1950s.nncA HearstTT Gymnasium• tiveCommittee.^Althoughcam-, . j pus publications gave exceed- Hisloncal Collection. v r o 99 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

ingly little attention to such events, some limited information about student activities and affiliations may be extracted from the pages of the Blue and Gold,^ especially the section dealing with graduating seniors. Those few African American women whose pictures ap peared among the graduating class were likely to indicate an af filiation with Alpha Kappa Alpha or with Delta Sigma Theta. AKA members Ester Marian Reed (economics) and Ethel Louise Mor gan (mathematics), both of whom graduated in 1937, were among several who indicated an association with the YWCA or Interna tional House. Morgan also was a member of Berkeley’s lota chapter of Phrateres (a national women’s social organization founded at UCLA in 1924). A few participated in activities offered by the Women’s Athletic Association (WAA) or had been a member of one of the university’s then numerous student professional soci eties. Fannie Ernestine Parks ’38 was a member of Delta Sigma Ethel Louise Morgan. 1937 Blue and Gold. Theta, the YWCA, and Prytanean (the university’s junior and se nior honorary society). Jeanne Marie Hill ’40 listed the Home Economics Club, YWCA, In ternational House, and Delta Sigma Theta among her affiliations. Classmate Addie Mae Logan, who graduated with a major in Spanish, was a member of Alpha Kappa Alpha, YWCA, and an organization called Sages and Dunces. Barbara J. Grischott ’50 was a member of Prytanean as well as the YWCA, Orchesis (the modem dance club), and Alpha Kappa Al pha. Fellow AKA member Marguerita Ray ’53 was active with Mask and Dagger (dramatics honor society), Thalian Players (honorary directing society), and Hammer and Dimmer.

Hammer and Dimmer. 1953 Blue and Gold. Classmate Geraldine Hellett (social welfare) had affiliations with AKA, the Italian Club, NAACP, the Daily Californian, and the Blue and Gold. Johnnie Caldwell ’54 listed member ship in Tower and Flame (lower division honor society), Zeta Phi Beta, and Kappa Phi as well as the YWCA and NAACP. ^ Speech major Ruth Chapman ’55 was a member of the Delta Sigma Theta sorority as was psychology major Camille Crews ’55, who also had experience on the Daily Californian’s managerial committee. A Chinese Students Club (CSC) had been founded at the University of California in 1913. By 1920, the club had its own house which served as the venue for various social func tions. The CSC included female as well as male members, and many women graduating in 100 • OTHER VOICES the decades of the ’20s, ’30s, and ’40s listed the CSC among their affiliations. Several also were active with the YWCA. Janie M. Lee ’24 had been a member of the CSC, the YWCA Cabinet, and president of the International Students Foyer. Ruth Mary Lee ’26, a member of the CSC, had played on WAA basketball and field hockey teams. Nancy Lim ’35 and Helen Maybell Fong !35 were among several others who listed participation in WAA activities. Fong also had been a participant in Orchesis and the Physical Education Majors Club. Mathematics major Ethel Cora Lum ’33 had been associated with the CSC, Alpha Beta Kappa, Pi Mu Epsilon (mathematics honorary society), the YWCA, and the Honor Students’ Advisory Board. As had Ida Jackson and other young African Americans, young Chinese and Japanese women also could experience the humiliation of being denied access to clubs and facilities.^ Consequently, their own communities organized a variety of events for their young people.® The Chinese Digest, which began publication in 1935, was a major source of information about political, social, and economic events affecting the Chinese community on the West Coast. Information concerning the annual “Big Game” dance and other events that the CSC organized may be found in the Digest and its successor the Chinese News. In 1936 when Lim P. Lee interviewed Berkeley mathematics professor B.C. Wong, 189 Chinese students were enrolled in twenty-one different majors at Berkeley.^The CSC held social functions at its own premises, and at times the International House. The Chinese Alumni Association held its first annual skiing trip in 1941.^° Jane Fong ’40 had been a member of the CSC, Sigma Kappa Theta (history honorary society), and the Orientation Committee as well as junior class secretary. Classmate Katherine May Woo (bacteriology) participated with the YWCA Student Health Committee, the Pub lic Health Forum, and WAA. May Whang, who also graduated in 1940, was a member of the university chorus. In 1941, Priscilla Chan ’42 was elected vice president of the CSC. Vivian Lee ’50 had been YWCA president, a member of the Women’s Executive Committee, and a member of both Prytanean and Mortar Board (senior women’s honor society).

Members of Sigma Omicron Pi. 1953 Blue and Gold.

Among members of Sigma Omicron Pi in 1953 (the Chinese women’s sorority founded at Berkeley in 1930) were Marie Chan and Louise Mah Gee. Doris Yee ’54, Gladis Yee ’54, and Ying Ken ’54 were menibers of this sorority as well as the YWCA. Child development major Barbara Wong ’55, who was elected to Phi Beta Kappa and the Women’s “C” Society, 101 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

WAA Sports Club Board. 1955 Blue and Gold. also served as a member of the WAA Sports Club Board. AJapanese Students Club also had been organized in 1913, but it does not appear that women were included. In 1928 a Japanese Women’s Students Club was formed and a chap- ter house was opened on Hearst Avenue. President of the JWSC in 1940 (which then listed fifty-eight undergraduate members) was Dorothy Takeichi.^^ (The JSC that year listed ninety-one members.) Toshiko Kitagawa ’25 was a Senior Adviser, a mem ber of the Household Art Association and the YWCA, and served on Partheneia’s costume design committee. Sumile Morishita ’27 played basketball and field hockey, two of the several WAA sports in which Kasai Tomoye also engaged (the others were riflery and fencing). A photograph in the May 5, 1931 Oakland Tribune featured Tazuko Donato as one of several basketball-playing “coeds” attired in the university’s new gymnasium costume. During the 1930s, a considerable number of graduating Japanese American women cited mem bership in the JWSC. Yuriko Domoto ’35, a mem ber of the JWSC, YWCA, and Prytanean, served on the WAA Council, received the Pennant “C” award, and was elected to membership in the Women’s “C” Society. Bertha Akimoto ’36, a mem WAA fencers, ca. 1929-30. Hearst Gymna ber of Orchesis, was one of several students who sium Historical Collection served as hostesses at the tea honoring the visit of noted dancer and choreographer . 102 OTHER VOICES

Women’s “C” Society. 1935 Blue and Gold.

Tomoye Nozawa ’37 participated in YWCA and International House activities, and was a member of Delta Chi Alpha (a household art major society), Pi Theta, and Phrateres. Sadie Nomura ’40, who was elected recording secretary of Alpha Alpha (journalism society), served on the Daily Californian staff and was a member of Theta Sigma Phi (women’s jour nalism honor society). Some information regarding Japanese students at the University of California may be found in the Berkeley Bussei, a publication of the local Young Buddhist Association (YBA). To welcome newly enrolled students at Armstrong College and the university, a roller skat ing and dancing party was held in early fall 1939. Several YBA members engaged in activities at the university as well as in those sponsored by their own organization. Physical education major Takako Shinoda ’54 was a forward on both a WAA “interclass” and the Berkeley Young Women’s Buddhist Association’s basketball teams.^^ she was WAA recording secretary, a member of the Women’s “C” Society, a member of the Nisei Students’ Club, and also served as chair of the 1953 High School Sports Day, which was attended by students from over seventy northern Cali fornia secondary schools. She also served as stage manager for the Orchesis production. Setsuko Saito ’54 was a member of the Child Development Club, WAA, and Alpha Delta Chi. History major Helen Hiro-hata ’54, who belonged to Alpha Delta Chi as well as the Nisei Students’ Club, was on the ASUC secre tariat. Violet Nozaki ’54 had been active with Tower and Flame, WAA, and Phi Chi Theta. Art major Midori Kono ’55 was a member of Delta Epsilon and presi dent of Orchesis. Classmate Janice Makimoto ’55 was a leading dancer in and choreographer WAA Council. 1954 Blue and Gold.

103 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998 of several Orchesis productions and president of the Physical Education Majors Club. In the decades between the mid-1920s and the mid-1950s, students such as those noted above most frequently listed as part of their graduation information an affiliation with their own sororities and clubs. According to these self-reports the two campuswide extracurricular organizations that most often provided them with at least some opportunities for interac tions with other students were the YWCA and the Women’s Athletic Association. By the mid- 1950s the United States was on the verge of a major social and political revolution that would bring, however slowly and unevenly, increased opportunities to populations that long had felt the sting of ostracism. The Berkeley campus now is a very different place, offering to thousands of such stu dents who wish to partake in them a wide range of extracurricular activities. Whereas con temporaries had acted as if Ida Jackson’s seat “were unoccupied,” today young women from diverse backgrounds study together, laugh together, swim together, and in multiple ways engage each other simply as human beings. __rj.P

Orchesis, early 1940s. Hearst Gymnasium Historical Collection.

104 • OTHER VOICES

ENDNOTES 1 “Ida L. Jackson” in There Was Light, Autobiography of a University, Berkeley: 1868-1968, ed. Irving Stone (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1970), 249-266. 2 Ibid. Very o'ccasionally information about UC students appeared in one of the several newspapers of the local African American community. See for example “Local colleges graduate eleven, San Francisco Spokesman, May 14, 1932, 3. For more general information see; Albert S. Broussard, Black San Francisco: The Struggle for Racial Equality in the West, 1900-1945 (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 1993). 3 “Western regional conference,” Daily Californian, July 28, 1944, 3. 4 “ASUC accepts negro society,” Daily Californian, May 8, 1945, 2. 5 Unless otherwise noted the material that follows is drawn from the Blue and Gold. 6 In several instances contemporary sources do not give exact (or any) information about the nature of the organization. If readers can shed light on any or all of these, such information would be appreciated. 7 See: Sucheng Chan, Asian Americans: An Interpretive History (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1991), 113. 8 See for example: Gwendolyn Captain, “Social, Religious, and Leisure Pursuits of Northern California’s African American Population: The Discovery of Gold Through World War 11.” M. A. thesis. University of California, Berkeley, 1995; Judy Yung, Unbound Feet. A Social History of Chinese Women in San Francisco (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995). 9 Lim P. Lee, “Problems of the Chinese students,” Chinese Digest, October 2,1936, 10. 10 Chinese News, February 15, 1941, 1. Public Health graduate Alice Yim ’55 cited affiliation with the Ski Club. 11 “Chinese students elect officers,” Daily Californian, April 30, 1941, 3. 12 “Japanese women’s club elects officers,” Daily Californian, February 7, 1940, 2. Grace Obata ’42 was elected athletic chairman. 13 “Coeds wear new gym costumes,” Oakland Tribune, May 5, 1931. 14 “Journalism society elects new officers,” Daily Californian, April 28, 1939, 1.

15 Berkeley Bussei, 1951, 42.

1924 Blue and Gold.

105 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

Mary Cover Jones (1890-1987) Mary Cover Jones was a research psychologist at the Institute of Human De velopment from 1928 until 1960. In 1928 she was involved in establishing the university nursery school, now named after her husband as the Harold E. Jones Child ! Study Center. She worked with Harold in establishing and conducting the Adoles cent Growth Study, now known as the Oakland Growth Study, in 1932. Before com ing to Berkeley, Mary Jones conducted a landmark study in psychology by demon strating that children can be “deconditioned” of fears they have developed, using the then new principles of John Watson. After Harold’s death in 1960, she contin ued her work with the Oakland Growth Studies, focusing her research on adoles cent antecedents of adult personality and behavior patterns. She was a professor of education during her tenure at Berkeley.

Jean Walker Macfarlane (1894-1989) A graduate of the class of 1917, Jean Walker Macfarlane received her Ph.D. in 1922, also at Berkeley, the second Ph.D. to be granted by the Department of Psychol ogy. She then became an assistant professor of psychology and a research associate in the Institute of Child Welfare (now the Institute of Human Development) in 1922. She initiated the famous Guidance Study in 1928, and directed it until the 1970s. This study of 224 infants born to Berkeley residents between 1928 and 1929 has generated an enormous amount of information about intellectual and personality development. She was president of the California State Psychological Association, the Western Psychological Association, and the Division of Clinical Psychology of the American Psychological Association (APA). After retiring from the department in 1961, she was given the 1963 APA award for distinguished contribution to the science and profession of clinical psychology and, in 1972 she was given the G. Stanley Hall award, the APA’s highest honor in developmental psychology.

Emily H. Huntington (1895-1982) A graduate of the class of 1917 in economics, Emily Huntington received a Ph.D. degree in economics from Harvard University. She was a member of the fac ulty of the Department of Economics at Berkeley from 1928 to 1982, retiring in 1961 as professor emerita. A pioneer in the study of consumer budgets and costs of liv ing, she served as senior economist at the Bureau of Labor Statistics during World War II, and also as Wage Stabilization Director for the War Labor Board. She was the author of Living on a Moderate Income (1937) and Two Income Levels: Prices for the San Francisco Bay Area (1950), among other works. During the 1930s, Profes sor Huntington helped design state and federal prograihs to combat the Depression, including the Social Security System and the Works Progress Administration. She was chairman of the Heller Committee for Research on Social Economics from 1935 until she retired.

106 FEW CONCERNS, FEWER WOMEN

Ray Cohig

THE EVENT ON OCTOBER 10,1960—a dinner at University House hosted by Chancellor Glenn T. Seaborg—was to honor forty-five Berkeley faculty members who had earned ten ure through promotion to the rank of associate professor. Among them were future academic leaders such as Earl E Cheit (business administration), Norman Phillips (chemistry), Arthur Rosenfeld (physics), Neil Smelser (sociology), and Robert Wiegel (engineering). The invi tation said “stag.” That was not unusual. It meant, as everyone knew, that wives weren’t invited. Except, as Seaborg noted in his journal, “it turned out it was not a strictly stag af fair because one of the new associate professors is a lady—Mary Ann Morris of the Depart ment of Nutrition and Home Economics.”^ A lady at a stag event! Heavens, how embarrass-

During Seaborg’s years as chancellor at Berkeley (1958-61), it was never surprising when gatherings of upper-ranked faculty and administrators were entirely or mostly all-male affairs. The fact that women had a different “place” was widely understood and was only mentioned jocularly if at all. An example of treating the situation with humor was a note that Seaborg’s secretary circulated in 1958 to the clerical workers as well as the higher-ups on the chancellor’s staff: “Dr. S. has agreed to tell us all something about the Geneva Atoms for Peace Conference [which Seaborg had recently attended] during the first hour of the next Cabinet meeting—Tues., Dec. 2—Conference Room—noon—bring your own lunch. The ladies will adjourn to their drawing rooms at one o’clock and leave the gentlemen to their brandy and cigars—and business.”^ For a university that had been dedicated to coeducation^ for almost nine decades, Berkeley remained a place where women were welcomed as undergraduates but seldom actively recruited in those years bridging the “silent” ’50s and the growing activism of the ’60s. A comparison of pre-World War II and postwar enrollment statistics'^ tells an interest ing story. In 1939-40, women were thirty-eight percent of Berkeley’s 14,331 undergraduates and thirty-one percent of 3,539 graduate students. In 1949-50, in a campus population swelled by thousands of war veterans (mostly men), women comprised twenty-nine percent of the 19,237 undergraduates and twenty-two percent of the 6,066 graduate students. After another decade, in 1959-60, Berkeley’s undergraduate population had declined to 15,283, nearly to its pre-war level, and women had regained their earlier portion at thirty- nine percent (a figure that would continue to rise toward full parity over the next two de cades). But while the total graduate enrollment had continued to inch upward, to a total of 6,656, the portion of women graduate students (twenty-three percent) had remained stuck at the earlier postwar level. In the fall of 1997, after years of affirmative action and in a far different environment, women were forty-nine and one-half percent of Berkeley’s 21,783 undergraduates and forty- four percent of the 8,552 graduate students. The failure at Berkeley and elsewhere to improve the participation of women in most graduate fields during the “baby boom” period (the missing women, in fact, were among those having the babies) produced repercussions later when the baby boomers reached college age. By that time there was a strong demand and even a policy requirement to hire

107 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998 more women faculty members, but qualified candidates were scarce in most fields and al most nonexistent in some. Berkeley students arriving toward the end of the 1950s found a highly distinguished faculty that was only a few years away from gaining the campus recognition as “the best- balanced distinguished university” in the nation^—but as at most other universities it was a faculty that was overwhelmingly white and male. The university’s public accounting of its faculty occurs in the annual Announcement of Courses (now called The General Catalog), where traditionally the “regular” faculty (both active and emeritus tenured and tenure-track professors as well as instructors) are listed first and those in temporary positions (lectur ers, visitors, teaching associates, etc.) are in a second category. Counting all the departmental lists in Berkeley’s Announcement for 1958-59 yields a total “regular” faculty of 1,187—of which sixty-one (5.1 percent) are women.^ Subtracting twelve women listed as emeritae leaves only forty-nine women in active status on Berkeley’s entire “regular” faculty. Thus each of Berkeleys sixty-six teaching departments in 1959-60 had on average one seventy-four hundredths of a woman on active “regular” status. Even those meager figures are misleading, because Berkeley’s small cadre of women faculty members was scattered unevenly around the campus. For example, there were only seven departments with three or more women on the “regular” faculty: decorative art (six women), education (three), librarianship (three), nutrition and home economics (nine), physical education (four), public health (eight), and social welfare (three). And, furthermore, this “honor roll” itself was shaky: decorative art was to be reorganized within a few years into a smaller Department of Design and moved from the College of Letters and Science to the College of Environmental Design (and, much later, to be absorbed entirely into the Departments of Art or Architecture); also, the home economics major was to disappear by 1962, with several women faculty either retiring or transferring to UC Davis. What we might call the “dishonor roll” included twenty-two of Berkeley’s larger de partments—those with ten or more men but no women in the“regular” faculty status: agri cultural economics (thirteen men), anthropology (sixteen), architecture (twenty-one), art (twenty), bacteriology (ten), biochemistry (eighteen), botany (fourteen), chemistry (thirty- six), classics (fourteen), engineering (college) (175), entomology and parasitology (sixteen), forestry (fifteen), geology (fourteen), military science (thirteen), music (sixteen), optom etry (eighteen), philosophy (sixteen), physics (forty), plant pathology (fifteen), political science (twenty-eight), soils and plant nutrition (sixteen) and zoology (twenty-five). Three departments listed women on the “regular” faculty only in emerita status: law (eighteen men, one emerita), mathematics (forty-six men, two emeritae), and sociology (seventeen men, one emerita). A few women “enjoyed” the status of being the only woman in both active and “regu lar” faculty status in their departments: anatomy (six men and Miriam E. Simpson), busi ness administration (fifty-eight men and Catherine DeMotte Quire), dramatic art (five men and Henrietta Harris), economics (thirty-three men and Emily H. Huntington), English (forty-three men andJosephine^Miles), history (thirty-four men and Adrienne Koch), jour nalism (six men and Jean S. Kerrick),, landscape architecture (six men and Mai K. Arbegast), oriental languages (eight men and Mary R. Haas), physiology (four men and Paola S. Timiras), psychology (twenty-two men and Jean Walker Macfarlane), and Spanish and Portuguese (fifteen men and Dorothy C. Shadi). The shortage of women teachers was particularly acute in the College of Letters and Science, where a headcount from listings in the 1958-59 Announcement shows only twenty- five women (3.9 percent) among 646 “regular” faculty—and seven of those women are listed as emeritae. Toward the end of 1958, with plans calling for a large expansion of Berkeley’s

108 RayCohig • FEW CONCERNS, FEWER WOMEN enrollment over the following decade, Lincoln Constance, dean of the college, sent a ques tionnaire to his forty-five department heads to inquire about their faculty recruiting prob lems. Seaborg summarized the results in his Journal: . . . One of the questions asked in [Constance’s] questionnaire to de- partinent heads and in subsequent conversations concerned the willingness to consider qualified women for open positions. The response to this ques tion varied greatly between departments. The Political Science Department reported that “women will be considered for regular staff appointments in any field in which they are qualified.” The Zoology Department indicated that women would be considered for teaching assistant positions but would not be considered for regular staff appointments. The Biochemistry Depart ment bluntly stated, “Qualified women candidates will not be considered for appointment.” Other departments, such as Physics and Mathematics, commented on the lack of qualified women in their fields. Mathematics re marked that there are so few women who enter their field that “one might infer that women have a prejudice against mathematics.” Considering the critical shortage of higher education teachers anticipated in the next ten years (which has been so much talked about recently), it seems a real pity that women are not given more serious consideration.^

The issue had come up in another way, but only by implication, when Esquire published (in September 1958) an article titled “The Bright Young Men of Science.” Author Paul Klopsteg, then president-elect of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, wrote that he had consulted with many scientific leaders to develop a list of eleven scien tists, none over thirty-six, who could be considered the most brilliant in the nation. They included several present and future winners of the Nobel Prize (Murray Gell-Mann, Tsung- Dao Lee, Chen-Ning Yang, James D. Watson, , and Elias J. Corey) along with such other developing superstars as Allan Sandage, , and . What President Clark Kerr wanted to know, in a request he sent to Seaborg, was why there were no faculty members at Berkeley or any University of California campus on the list. Seaborg and his assistant. Professor William Fretter, researched the issue and held extensive consul tation with other chancellors, provosts, and deans throughout the university system. Their report, presented to the board of regents in January 1959, cited such problems as intense salary competition, inadequate facilities, and (in the case of Lee and Yang) prejudice on the West Coast against Chinese-Americans. But no one thought to mention what might have been a key element in solving the problem—that is, the advancement of efforts to educate and then recruit to the faculty many more bright young women.^ Seaborg’s papers^ as well as his Journal show that at least one effort at Berkeley to consider the lack of academic opportunities for women was sprouted and then withered on the vine. Before Kerr left the chancellorship of the Berkeley campus in July 1958, to become president of the university, he authorized the appointment of a committee to find a “home” for a new major program in community and family living—^which up to that time had been an adjunct of the soon-to-disappear major in home economics. When committee chair Catherine Landreth (of the Department of Home Economics) met with Seaborg in January 1959, she reported that the committee had searched among several departments but had failed to find any interest in sponsoring the major. But then, as Seaborg wrote, the commit tee was drawn to a wider discussion:

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... These considerations led the Committee to explore the role of women in the University because they felt this major had been suggested on ac count of concern with this larger matter. The Committee put to itself four questions: (1) Why are there only 50 percent as many women as men in Berkeley in view of the fact that intelligence is not genetically determined by sex? (2) Why is distribution in various departments as it is? (3) What is the obligation of the state university with respect to educating women? (4) How can women be given equality in the light of number 2 above? . . . The Com mittee feels these are the more important questions to be considered and must be faced up to in the near future. They do not feel a report on their original assignment, other than this verbal one, would necessarily be fruitful.

Vice Chancellor James D. Hart, who had originally appointed the Landreth commit tee a year earlier, responded to Seaborgs information the following day with a tone of some annoyance. In charging the committee. Hart wrote, he had said that he was “not proposing ... to study the larger issue of the status of education for women, which was proposed by Dean [Knowles] Ryerson [of Berkeley’s College of Agriculture], because I believe the sub ject . .. previously mentioned ... is more immediately pressing and the larger issue, which might involve some of the same people, can wait until the subject of a group major has been studied.” Nevertheless, Hart wrote to Seaborg, the committee appointed to study the new group major “seems to have studied the whole issue of the role of women in the University ... I do not know what can be done about the committee’s four questions since so far as I am aware there is no discrimination against the admission of women to the University or to departments within it.^^ Therefore, unless a formal request comes from the committee or some other source, I assume that all issues raised in my letter [of a year ago] should be tabled.”^^ And, of course, that is just what happened. In his inaugural address at Berkeley’s Charter Day on March 20, 1959, Seaborg made it clear that he was aware of the lack of opportunities for women and minorities—and that changes were needed: “. .. According to our creed, the individual must be free to cultivate to the utmost his own talents. If we are to survive in the contest of the intellect, we must persuade young people that fullest development of their talents will be rewarding to them and is essential to the survival of humanist ideals. To the same ends, we must extend our efforts to rescue lost talent, among women and among minority groups.In areas where he had direct influence, Seaborg did try to open more opportunities for women; for example, he championed the admission of women into his graduate group in nuclear chemistry (which met weekly at the Radiation Laboratory) and throughout his career as a science leader he has supported the advancement of women scientists in teaching, research, and government service. But Seaborg’s term as chancellor was brief—he left after two and a half years to become chairman of the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission—and there was neither time nor evidence of support for improving the status of women. Seaborg’s world both on and>away from the campus was often in a place where women’s voices were faint or not heard at all. Only men made up the group of “chief campus offic ers”—the chancellors and provosts who met each month with President Kerr. Only men made up the director’s council at the Radiation Laboratory. Only men could belong to The Faculty Club. (Women could eat there only as guests of members, and by long tradition they were not supposed to be seated in the Great Hall or to use the lounges and recreation ar- eas.)^'^ Within the Northern Division of the Academic Senate, men held all the key commit tee chairmanships except one in 1959-60, while at the powerful Academic Council (the faculty’s conduit to the regents) there were no exceptions. no RayColvig • FEW CONCERNS, FEWER WOMEN

When, in 1959, Seaborg was invited to join President Eisenhower’s Science Advisory Committee (PSAC), he found an influential and prestigious organization of eighteen mem bers (all men) assisted by six major consultants (also all men). Much of PSAC’s work was conducted through study panels, where members were joined by outside experts (includ ing leading scientists, educators, and business executives) to study and issue reports on vital issues of the nation’s defense, economy, and civic well-being. There were fifteen such pan els during Seaborg’s tenure comprising a total of 156 members. Again, all men. In the student area, the Associated Students (ASUC) had a long tradition of electing men as president (with brief exceptions during World War II) and a constitutional rec^uire- ment that the second vice president be a woman (to serve as “hostess of the Association). No one seemed to object to that; it was the way it had always been. Women had a better shake in some other student activities, however. At the Daily Californicin, for example, the first woman editor (Sarita Henderson) was chosen in 1941, and women appeared regularly in the top position after that (including Marge Madonne and Anne Ruggeri during Seaborg’s tenure). Major-level intercollegiate athletics were restricted to men at Berkeley until the 1970s, with women’s sports relegated to intra mural and low or non-funded “asso ciation” competition. At Cal foot ball games, the large area of central seating on the east side of Memorial Stadium was the men’s rooting sec tion—a source of frequent worry to the administration because of out breaks of rowdyism. Not much had changed since 1948, when LIFE published a huge article on the Uni versity of California with a striking portrayal of the contrasting situa tions in sports.On the cover are eager, well-dressed women students sitting in the “mixed” rooting sec tion. Inside, in a color photo, women in bathing suits are grouped around the pool at Hearst Gymna sium—an Esther Williams-like tab leau. But then, ending the big spread, is a full-page photo enlarg ing a portion of the men’s rooting section. With the yell leaders whipping up spirits (“Everybody up for the LIFE photogra pher”), every student stands up shouting with his fist raised. And if you look carefully, you can see what the airbrush artist didn’t quite eliminate; every middle finger raised as well. The men’s rooting section was making its “statement.” In an earlier decade, even the pre-game spirit events were segregated. A student writ ing home to his parents describes the “men’s smoker” held at the Men’s (later Harmon) Gym nasium before the Big Game in 1937; “. .. Boy, what a mad mess that smoker was. Six thou sand men students in the gym with no restraint at all—a good proportion were drunk. For 111 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

the first 15 minutes, everybody just yelled and yelled.... Such a racket, it didn’t sound like it could possibly be made by any ‘civilized’ group of people. Thousands of firecrackers, among them giant ones, put the finishing touch on the din. . . . The coaches, the NBC football commentator ... [and a] big cheese Pacific Coast football scout all gave little talks and told filthy jokes; nasty songs and yells were lustily bellered forth; the band played; the team was introduced; and it was over.” Afterward, the student wrote, the men joined the women stu dents (who had attended their own “smoker” in Hears t Gymnasium) and as crowds surged through the streets they broke windows, looted stores, started fires, and even turned over the official car of Berkeley’s fire chief—because it was painted hated Stanford’s red!^^ Much of the discrimination in 1958-61 that affected women’s roles was subtle—the stuff of omissions and euphemisms. But sometimes it could be blatant, even brazen, with the assumption that no one would object. Such was the case when the position of school and college placement officer was “decentralized” from the systemwide administration to the campuses. The new campus Educational Placement Office would help students find teach ing jobs at all levels—certainly, a position of special importance to women. The longtime systemwide manager sent a memo to the chancellor describing the role of the office and spelling out specifications for the job search: “. . . In the light of the above considerations, desirable qualifications for the manager are: (1) He should be male. (2) He should be be tween 35 and 45 years of age. (3) He should possess sound judgment, integrity and a high quality of leadership ...” and so forth (listing twelve qualifications in all). Later, the chan cellor received a follow-up memo listing five recommended candidates for the job (all male, of course) and enclosing a copy of the published job criteria, which included “male, approxi mately 40 years of age.” Although a policy of fair employment had been established at the university, it obviously did not yet apply to gender—or to age either. The calendar had just turned over to 1960 when an upscale women’s magazine. Ma demoiselle, featured the first published article by a new writer—Berkeley alumna (class of 1956) and former Daily Californian staff writer Joan Didion.^^ Titled “Berkeley’s Giant: The University of California,” it is a sometimes breezy but fact-filled portrait, tailored for the young woman’s point of view, exploring the prevailing ethos and lifestyles of the campus.

Freshman editors of the Daily Californian staff, Didion seated second from left. 1953 Blue and Gold. 112 RayCohig • FEW CONCERNS, FEWER WOMEN

In the opening paragraph Didion takes us women-watching: . Sit among the flow ering crab-apple and loquat trees in front of and watch the girls with white buck shoes and pale cashmere sweaters and the inevitable mackintoshes; should you see a girl wearing knee socks, you’re looking at a transfer from Wellesley. Watch the sunburned, long-legged girls from around Los Angeles; watch the sunburned, long-legged girls from the San Joaquin and Sacramento Valleys. You can tell the valley girls from the southern girls be cause they move faster and make up their eyes.” Later, Didion startles us with a charming put-down, of the intellectual atmosphere at her alma mater: “. . . Call it the weather, call it the closing'of ^he frontier, call it the failure of Eden; the fact remains that Californians are cultivating America’s lushest growth of pas sive nihilism right along with their bougainvillaea. Enterprises that seemed important in the East, where the world is scaled to human beings, lose their significance beneath California s immense, bland sky; transient passions fade in the face of- the limitless Pacific. Most of Berkeley’s students grow up under that sky and in sight of that Pacific, spend their child hood in that climate of Eden, and they come to college totally unequipped with what makes Sammy run.” In her passages on Berkeley’s faculty, she alludes to the gender roles: "... The faculty comes for one or more of three reasons: the prestige, good as gold in academic circles, the library, ranked with Harvard’s and the Library of Congress as one of America’s three top research facilities, and the charm of the countryside. They live in redwood-and-glass houses hanging perilously from the hills; the higher their status, the higher they live on the hill. Their wives may wear tweeds from Magnin or batik skirts; in either case, they re likely to keep looms in the living room. They gather at one another’s nests to drink California wine and eat artichokes, to sing The Streets of Laredo for auld lang syne and to throw darts at the big-name members of their departments.” Much of Didion’s article, however, describes the experience of women students —^with emphasis on those who are “affiliated” (i.e. living in sororities)—and there are hints toward explaining why their ambitions were often limited (as in these passages). “A lot of us don’t admit it, but what we came here for was to meet a husband,” a sophomore tells you over tea in the large and rather formal living room of one of Berkeley’s “good houses. A good house is a sorority with a high bidding power; i.e., one that can depend upon pledging its pick of the seven-hundred-odd girls who rush each September. Members of a good house bear a startling resemblance to one another, although the “look of 3 house can change from year to year. Kappa Kappa Gammas at Berkeley tend to be tall, blond and healthy, with a creamy placidity to their complex ions; Pi Phis are tall and rangy; Tri Delts and Delta Gammas are on the whole smaller, less placid and generally count several home-coming queens and sweethearts of Sigma Chi among their number. The same homogeneity, which suggests that rushing is an exercise in narcissism, operates among the “good” fraternities; the Betas, for example, are solid but charming, the Dekes fancy themselves devastating wastrels. ... In a house a girl observes all the amenities of life at home. She reads or plays bridge until dinner, against a comforting counterpoint of soft voices, muffled telephones and someone picking out an everlasting Autumn in New York on the piano. After dinner the housemother pours coffee in the living room from a silver urn, pledges drift off to their compulsory three-hour study period and upperclassmen settle down to study or knit or watch tele vision and to wait for the telephone. 113 CHRONICLE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA • Fall 1998

Bridge game in sorority. 1951 Blue and Gold.

Since dating at Berkeley is largely intramural, the Weekend, in its East ern sense, does not exist. On Friday night an affiliated girl is likely to go with her date to a movie or to one of a dozen pleasantly murky bars with open fires in Berkeley or San Francisco; later they drive up into the hills to drink beer and talk and watch the blaze of lights spread out below: Oakland, San Francisco, and the bridges that span the bay. Should the mists begin to blow in off the Pacific, they come down immediately; lockout is 2:30 a.m., the penalty for missing it is a campused or dateless weekend, and Berkeley’s frequent blinding fogs fail to impress the dean’s office as a valid excuse for anything at all. “. . . I wish we could go somewhere besides fraternity parties,” a pretty girl tells you wistfully, and another, a transfer from a smaller California col lege, adds: “I used to go out with boys I wouldn’t dream of marrying. Some times now I miss that.” She sounds quite as if she were expressing a desire to see the far side of the moon, and she is, in her terms, doing just that. Her entire modus vivendi is oriented toward the day when she will be called upon to pour coffee in her own living room. Losing sight of that eminently sensible goal is wandering down the primrose path indeed and is regarded with the same wonder in her circle at Berkeley as it would be in a Jane Austen novel. . . . They have come to Berkeley to prepare for adult life, and adult life is that “Scarsdale Galahad” or his California equivalent.

Didion didn’t notice, or she didn’t think it was worth mentioning, that a small but noisy element of political activism had recently emerged at Berkeley. The rise of SLATE, a campus “political party” (although it wasn’t supposed to call itself that), is often seen as early evi dence that the “silent” ’50s were ending. SLATE engaged in gadfly politics on campus, and its first target was racial discrimination in student housing—particularly in the fraternities and sororities. (Quickly, of course, a second target became the campus administration, re sulting in endless threatening arguments about campus rules.) There was lots of talk about

114 RayColvig • FEW CONCERNS. FEWER WOMEN fairness, but gender issues were seldom if ever included. In May 1960, student activism got a boost when people from Berkeley and other cam puses protested outside hearings held in San Francisco by the House Un-American Activi ties Committee (HUAC). After clashing with police, many of the demonstrators were dragged or hosed down the steps of City Hall and some were taken to jail. Newspapers listed the names of sixty-four who were arrested (the cases were later dropped); sixteen arrestees, one-c[uar- ter of the total, were women. Another early and more heralded, step in the rise of 1960s activism occurred in June, 1962, when students from a number of universities gathered at Port Huron, Michigan. Their purpose was to issue a manifesto (“The Port Huron Statement drafted by Tom Hayden) and to lay the groundwork for a “new left” based in the recently-launched national organization called Students for a Democratic Society. The “Statement” itself, running to more than sixty pages, speaks sometimes forcefully and often ponderously on many subjects. Among these is “discrimination”—which means concern about “the plight of non-whites. But the docu ment says nothing at all about gender issues', about discrimination against women or the need for a feminist agenda. The SDS helped radicalize a generation, but it was slow coming to the aid of women’s rights. The fact that UC Berkeley was so dominantly a male preserve at the beginning of the 1960s should not suggest that all women lacked power or that women’s influence could not be decisive even where it was often invisible. Those few women on the faculty had to be extraordinarily strong in their teaching and scholarship to earn tenure and break through “ceilings” in an unsupportive environment. Sometimes, for women administrators, it took the toughening of a “male-track” experience to reach the top—as with Dean of Women (later Dean of Students) Katherine A. Towle, founding commander of the women’s unit of the U.S. Marine Corps in World War II. (Another former officer in the Marines was Assistant Secretary [later Secretary] of the board of regents Marjorie J. Woolman known as The Major. ) Women who served as deans’ assistants and departmental secretaries were often for midable figures, the gatekeepers who controlled access to the men at the top. At the Chancellor’s Office, blunt-spoken Kathlyn C. “Kitty” Malloy was in that role, and she was the only woman on Seaborg’s inner “cabinet.” In President Kerr’s office, it was Executive Assistant Gloria Copeland, and with her were other brilliant and highly effective women who wrote speeches, drafted policies, and analyzed developments—and who, because they some times seemed overzealous in “protecting” the president, earned a reputation as The Valkyries.” When Seaborg left Berkeley in 1961 for his new post in the Kennedy Administration, there were still many “first woman” stories to be reported from the campus—and they would stretch over three decades and more (with some—such as a first woman chancellor for Berkeley—still not expected until sometime in the next century). There was the first woman president of the California Alumni Association, who also served as alumni regent: Shirley Conner in 1981-83. The first woman chair of Berkeley’s Academic Senate: Herma Hill Kay in 1973-74. The first woman dean of the School of Law (Boalt Hall): Herma Kay in 1992. The first woman vice chancellor: Carol Christ in 1994. The first African American woman to advance to tenure: Barbara Christian in 1978. The first woman chief of the campus Po lice Department; Victoria Harrison in 1990. The first woman president (in peacetime years) of the Associated Students: Trudy Martin in 1977.^^ The first woman president of The Fac ulty Club; Janet Richardson in 1987. And the list would go on with countless possibilities— such as the first women to move into a gender-mixed dorm (mid-1970s) and the first to join the California Marching Band (1973) and the once-secret Order of the Golden Bear (1970).

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In early 1960, a professor from sent an inquiry to Berkeley and said that he was studying “the nation’s intellectual force” and that he wanted “to determine the participation of women on the faculties of leading universities.”^^ The chancellor’s staff responded by filling in the blanks—^professor; 481 men, 17 women; associate professor: 274 men, 18 women; assistant professor: 238 men, 14 women; instructor: 35 men, 2 women. The total: 1,028 men, 51 women. In Chancellor at Berkeley, Seaborg interprets the numbers and adds a historical comment: . . . Women on the Berkeley faculty thus accounted for 3.4 percent of the professors, 6.1 percent of the associate professors, 5.5 percent of the assistant professors, and 5.4 percent of the instructors—for a total of 4.7 percent women.^ A decade later, in 1970, women had actually lost ground in the regular [i.e. tenure and tenure-track] faculty ranks at Berkeley, although they had gained at the rank of instructor. The first comprehensive study of the status of women on the faculty was published that year by the Academic Senate, and it became a landmark for other institutions throughout the nation (as well as an important stimulus for affirmative action plans at Berkeley). The report, principally authored by Professors Elizabeth Scott, of Statistics; Eliza beth Colson, of Anthropology; and Susan Ervin-Tripp, of Rhetoric, listed percentages of women faculty during the 1969-70 year: 2.3 percent of the professors; 5.3 percent of associate professors, 5.0 percent of assistant pro fessors; 18.9 percent of instructors— for an overall total of 5.0 percent women. Clearly, there was work to do.^"^

Nearing the end of the century, most would agree that there is still work to do toward bringing women to full parity and recognition in all aspects of campus life and endeavor. But there is a lot to celebrate, too, when we make the comparison to the “stag affair” that characterized so much at Cal forty years ago.

ENDNOTES

1 The Journal of Glenn T. Seaborg, Berkeley Chancellor: July 1, 1960-January 31, 1961. (Publication 624, Vol. 3, Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory, 1987). Although she had earned her tenure at Berkeley, Professor Morris was not to remain much longer on the campus. With the phaseout of Berkeley’s home economics major, she transferred to the faculty at UC Davis to continue her teaching and scholarship in textiles and clothing economics. 2 Quoted in Glenn T. Seaborg with Ray Colvig, Chancellor at Berkeley (Berkeley: Institute of Governmental Studies Press, 1994) ,381. 3 “Coeducation is the education of both sexes in the same classes in an institution. This term has been given several interpretations, the most extreme of'which is that girls and boys shall be taught the same things, at the same tinie, in the same place, by the same faculty, with the same methods, and under the same regimen. This is based upon the assumption that there are no differences between girls and boys and consequendy they should be given precisely the same education. The more accepted interpretation is that there are differences in their physical and mental powers and needs, but that because of their fundamental similarities they should be educated together, uniting in many classes, in many sports, and in much of their social life, but modifying all these to suit their special differences,” R. Louise Fitch, dean of women, Cornell University wrote in The Encyclopaedia Britannica (14th Edition, 1929). In the 1950s and early ’60s, women students at Berkeley and other universities were still frequently “coeds” in the media—implying that they

116 RayColvig • FEW CONCERNS, FEWER WOMEN

were a somewhat alien presence in a formerly all-male domain. With the rise of the women’s movement, the term has mostly disappeared. (Perhaps male students who attend formerly all women colleges should be today’s “coeds.”) 4 “Enrollment” in The Centennial Record of the University of California (Berkeley: 1967), 211-225.

5 American Council on Education Survey, 1966. 6 The statistics here do not include the Department of Nursing, which was still listed in Berkeley’s Announcement in 1958-59. (By that time, the department had in most aspects completed its move to the UC San Francisco campus and the teaching staff was in^residence there.) Also, the numbers do not include a few in the “regular” faculty lists with “associate In” titles—since their inclusion appears to be inconsistent among the departments. 7 The Journal of Glenn T Seaborg, Berkeley Chancellor: July 1, 1958-June 30, 1959. (Publication 624, Vol. 1, Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory, 1987), December 1, 1958.

8 (See Seaborg with Colvig, Chancellor at Berkeley. Chapter 13: The Bright Young Men. ) Curi ously, none of Klopsteg’s eleven bright young men ever joined the faculty at a University of California campus. Fortunately, other young men (and eventually young women) of equal brilliance did come to the university in the years that followed. 9 Seaborg’s papers are deposited in the Library of Congress. 10 Seaborg’s Journal, Vol. 2, January 19, 1959. 11 Although it may seem implausible from a late-1990s perspective, given the earlier imbalances in enrollment. Hart was undoubtedly truthful in saying that he was not aware of discrimination in the admission of women. In 1959 Berkeley as a campus still, admitted all undergraduate appli cants who met basic admissions requirements. Where there were special requirements, as in engineering and many of the graduate programs, very few women applied—and in any case an instance of deselection because of gender would not have been reported or known at the Chancellor’s Officer An exception, of course, occurred at the ROTC-related programs in military, air, and naval science: they excluded women on the basis of nationally-imposed policy.

12 Seaborg’s Journal, Vol. 2, January 20, 1959. 13 “Learning in the World of Change,” California Monthly (May 1959). 14 After the Women’s Faculty Club was organized at Berkeley in 1919, The Faculty Club became known unofficially as “The Men’s Faculty Club”—and the careless use of the designation has unfortunately persisted even after women were admitted to full membership and privileges in 1972 (and after men were invited to join the women’s club). 15 “University of California: The Biggest University in the World Is a Show Place for Mass Educa tion”. LIFE, October 25, 1948, 88-101. 16 Glenn T. Seaborg with Ray Colvig, Roses from the Ashes: Breakup and Rebirth in Pacific Coast Intercollegiate Athletics (In press, 1999). (Cal beat Stanford on the day after the “smokers” by a score of 13 to 0. The Golden Bears then went on the Rose Bowl, where they beat Alabama, also by 13 to 0, on New Years Day, 1938.) 17 Seaborg with Colvig, Chancellor at Berkeley, 381, 382. 18 Joan Didion, “Berkeley’s Giant: The University of California” Mademoiselle Qanuary 1960) Quoted in part, and with permisssion, in Seaborg with Colvig, Chancellor at Berkeley. In 1980, Didion became the second of only four women to have been honored (as of 1999) as Berkeley’s Alumna of the Year. Fifty-one men had won the Alumnus of the Year since it began in 1943. The other women: Lillian Moller Gilbreth (1954), Mimi Silbert (1990), and Marian Cleeves Diamond (1995). 19 Shades of Who’s Afraid of Virginia Woolf?!

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