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Côte D'ivoire
CÔTE D’IVOIRE COI Compilation August 2017 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Regional Representation for West Africa - RSD Unit UNHCR Côte d’Ivoire UNHCR Regional Representation for West Africa - RSD Unit UNHCR Côte d’Ivoire Côte d’Ivoire COI Compilation August 2017 This report collates country of origin information (COI) on Côte d’Ivoire up to 15 August 2017 on issues of relevance in refugee status determination for Ivorian nationals. The report is based on publicly available information, studies and commentaries. It is illustrative, but is neither exhaustive of information available in the public domain nor intended to be a general report on human-rights conditions. The report is not conclusive as to the merits of any individual refugee claim. All sources are cited and fully referenced. Users should refer to the full text of documents cited and assess the credibility, relevance and timeliness of source material with reference to the specific research concerns arising from individual applications. UNHCR Regional Representation for West Africa Immeuble FAALO Almadies, Route du King Fahd Palace Dakar, Senegal - BP 3125 Phone: +221 33 867 62 07 Kora.unhcr.org - www.unhcr.org Table of Contents List of Abbreviations .............................................................................................................. 4 1 General Information ....................................................................................................... 5 1.1 Historical background ............................................................................................ -
The Crisis in Côte D'ivoire Justin Vaïsse, the Brookings Institution
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20036-2188 Tel: 202-797-6000 Fax: 202-797-6004 Divi www.brookings.edu U.S.-FRANCE ANALYSIS SERIES March 2003 The Crisis in Côte d'Ivoire Justin Vaïsse, The Brookings Institution For nearly thirty years after its independence from France in 1960, Côte d'Ivoire presented a rare example of growth and stability in the often-troubled region of West Africa. Now, after fifteen years of economic downturn and three years of political turmoil, Côte d'Ivoire is in the midst of a full-fledged crisis. A new phase of the crisis began in September 2002 when a mutiny erupted in the administrative capital of Abidjan, while rebels in the north seized the cities of Bouaké and Korhogo. They eventually took control of the entire northern part of the country and have the potential, if unsatisfied by political progress, to someday march on Abidjan. (See map). France, the former colonial power, sent reinforcements for the 600 French troops already present in the country under a permanent defense agreement to help protect western African populations and to monitor a cease-fire between the rebels and the government. Center on the United For more briefs in the U.S.-France Analysis Series, see States and France http://www.brookings.edu/usfrance/analysis/index.htm In January 2003, the French government organized peace talks between the Ivorian government, the rebel groups and all political parties, resulting in the Marcoussis Agreements.1 These agreements call for a “reconciliation government” that would include rebels under the leadership of a new prime minister and for the settlement of long-standing issues including access to Ivorian nationality, rules of eligibility and land ownership. -
FINAL COMMUNIQUE at the Invitation of H.E. Alassane Ouattara
COMUNIDADE DOS ESTADOS DA AFRICA DO OESTE ECONOMIC COMMUNITY OF COMMUNAUTE ECONOMIQUE WEST AFRICAN STATES DES ETATS DE L’AFRIQUE DE L’OUEST EXTRAORDINARY SUMMIT OF ECOWAS HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire, 26 avril 2012 FINAL COMMUNIQUE 1. At the invitation of H.E. Alassane Ouattara, President of the Republic of Cote d’Ivoire and Chairman of ECOWAS, the Authority of Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) held an Extraordinary Session in Abidjan, Republic Cote d’Ivoire, on 26 April 2012. 2. The Summit was convened to examine the political, security, and humanitarian situations in Mali and Guinea Bissau. 3. The following Heads of State and Government or their accredited representatives attended the Summit: His Excellency Thomas Boni YAYI President of the Republic of Benin His Excellency Blaise COMPAORE President of Burkina Faso His Excellency Jorge Carlos FONSECA President of the Republic of Cape Verde His Excellency Alassane OUATTARA President of the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire His Excellency Sheikh Prof. Alh. Yahya A.J.J. JAMMEH President of the Republic of The Gambia His Excellency Alpha CONDE President of the Republic of Guinea His Excellency Dioncounda TRAORE Interim President of the Republic of Mali His Excellency Goodluck Ebele JONATHAN President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria His Excellency Macky SALL President of the Republic of Senegal His Excellency Faure Essozimna GNASSINGBE President of the Togolese Republic His Excellency Brigi RAFINI Prime Minister of the Republic of Niger His Excellency Alhaji Mohamed MUMUNI Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Ghana His Excellency Augustine Kpehe NGAFUAN Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Liberia His Excellency Joseph B. -
KAS International Reports 09/2015
9|2015 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 89 ON THE OTHER SIDE OF CRISIS OR BACK ON THE BRINK? OUTLOOK ON THE 2015 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN IVORY COAST Valentin Katzer INTRODUCTION West Africa is currently running a veritable election marathon: Nigeria, Togo, Benin, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, Niger, Ghana – the cards in the region are being reshuffled in the 2015 and 2016 electoral period.1 Past experience indicates that polls always prove to be a test for security, as well as social and political stability in the electoral democracies between Sahel and the Gulf Dr. Valentin Katzer of Guinea. The presidential and semi-presidential systems of the is a trainee in the Promotion region have repeatedly given rise to tension and conflict in the of Democr acy in past, and even more so where the newly elected head of state the West Africa is endowed with extensive powers. The “Présidentielles” in Ivory program of the Konrad-Adenauer- Coaste fiv years ago resulted in a particularly dramatic escalation. Stiftung. Due to the Civil War (2002/2007), the elections, which had been originally scheduled for 2005, were postponed several times, and were finally held against the backdrop of a deeply divided country. The first ballot of the belated 2010 presidential elections initially put southern incumbent Laurent Gbagbo ahead, but during the run-off, northern challenger Alassane Ouattara was certified to have received the highest number of votes by the Independent Electoral Commission (Commission Électorale Independente de Côte d’Ivoire). The Constitutional Council, however, declared Gbagbo the victor. Both candidates took their oath, resulting in two Ivorian presidents being in office at the same time. -
« Ils Les Ont Tués Comme Si De Rien N'était »
Côte d’Ivoire « Ils les ont tués comme si HUMAN RIGHTS de rien n’était » WATCH Le besoin de justice pour les crimes post-électoraux en Côte d’Ivoire « Ils les ont tués comme si de rien n’était » Le besoin de justice pour les crimes post-électoraux en Côte d’Ivoire Copyright © 2011 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-820-1 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 51, Avenue Blanc 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org OCTOBRE 2011 1-56432-820-1 « Ils les ont tués comme si de rien n’était » Le besoin de justice pour les crimes post-électoraux en Côte d’Ivoire Cartes ............................................................................................................................... -
Côte D'ivoire Country Focus
European Asylum Support Office Côte d’Ivoire Country Focus Country of Origin Information Report June 2019 SUPPORT IS OUR MISSION European Asylum Support Office Côte d’Ivoire Country Focus Country of Origin Information Report June 2019 More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). ISBN: 978-92-9476-993-0 doi: 10.2847/055205 © European Asylum Support Office (EASO) 2019 Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, unless otherwise stated. For third-party materials reproduced in this publication, reference is made to the copyrights statements of the respective third parties. Cover photo: © Mariam Dembélé, Abidjan (December 2016) CÔTE D’IVOIRE: COUNTRY FOCUS - EASO COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION REPORT — 3 Acknowledgements EASO acknowledges as the co-drafters of this report: Italy, Ministry of the Interior, National Commission for the Right of Asylum, International and EU Affairs, COI unit Switzerland, State Secretariat for Migration (SEM), Division Analysis The following departments reviewed this report, together with EASO: France, Office Français de Protection des Réfugiés et Apatrides (OFPRA), Division de l'Information, de la Documentation et des Recherches (DIDR) Norway, Landinfo The Netherlands, Immigration and Naturalisation Service, Office for Country of Origin Information and Language Analysis (OCILA) Dr Marie Miran-Guyon, Lecturer at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), researcher, and author of numerous publications on the country reviewed this report. It must be noted that the review carried out by the mentioned departments, experts or organisations contributes to the overall quality of the report, but does not necessarily imply their formal endorsement of the final report, which is the full responsibility of EASO. -
The Trial of Laurent Gbagbo and Charles Blé Goudé at the ICC
Open Society Justice Initiative BRIEFING PAPER The Trial of Laurent Gbagbo and Charles Blé Goudé at the ICC JAJ January 2016 Laurent Koudou Gbagbo, former president of Côte d’Ivoire, faces charges at the ICC for crimes against humanity committed in the aftermath of contested presidential elections in 2010. Charles Blé Goudé, Gbagbo’s Youth Minister and long-time supporter, is facing similar charges. The two will be tried together before the ICC for allegedly conspiring to keep Gbagbo in office by any means necessary—including by committing crimes against humanity. 224 West 57th Street, New York, New York, 10019, United States | TEL +1-212-548-0600 | FAX +1-212-548-4662 | [email protected] BRIEFING PAPER GBAGBO AND BLÉ GOUDÉ 2 The Defendants Laurent Koudou Gbagbo is the former president of Côte d’Ivoire. Prior to assuming the presidency in 2000, Gbagbo was a historian and a political dissident. After secretly founding the Front Populaire Ivoirien (Ivorian Popular Front (FPI)) as an opposition party to President Felix Houphouët-Boigny’s one-party rule, Gbagbo spent most of the 1980s in exile in France. Gbagbo returned to Côte d’Ivoire in 1988 to compete against incumbent Houphouet-Boigny in the 1990 presidential race, the country’s first multi-party elections. Though defeated for the presidency, Gbagbo later won a seat in the National Assembly. Amid ongoing political and ethnic unrest throughout Côte d’Ivoire, Gbagbo won the highly contentious and violent 2000 Ivorian presidential elections. Gbagbo remained president until 2010, when he was defeated in a highly contentious presidential election by Alassane Ouattara. -
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2 April 2007 No. 1 CÔTE D’IVOIRE Expected Council Action Following the agreement signed on 26 March between Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo and Forces nouvelles leader Guillaume Soro providing for Soro’s appointment as interim prime minister, the Council is expected to adopt a new resolution amending its previous resolutions on the peace process in Côte d’Ivoire (and especially resolution 1721) to bring them into conformity with the Ouagadougou agreement signed between the parties on 4 March. In particular, it would: • postpone elections and extend President Gbagbo’s mandate until early January 2008; and • accept Soro as new interim prime minister and transfer to him the mandate previously given to Charles Konan Banny. Key Recent Developments After a month of “direct dialogue” in Ouagadougou between representatives of the two sides, face-to-face talks between President Gbagbo and Guillaume Soro produced the Ouagadougou agreement. It established a new framework for the peace process in Côte d’Ivoire, in which the international community would have a smaller role to play. The parties committed themselves to: • re-launch national hearings to identify the population with security guarantees from both sides and, after the completion of the electoral list, distribute electoral cards to electors under the supervision of the Ivorian Electoral Commission; • merge armed forces from both sides and create an Integrated Command Center, jointly headed and responsible for defence and security, including disarmament, securing the national hearings sites -
193 Cote D-Ivoire
CÔTE D’IVOIRE: DEFUSING TENSIONS Africa Report N°193 – 26 November 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. INTERNAL TENSION, EXTERNAL THREATS ......................................................... 1 A. A DISORGANISED SECURITY SYSTEM ........................................................................................... 2 1. Too many hunters, too few gendarmes ........................................................................................ 3 2. The challenge of reintegrating ex-combatants ............................................................................. 4 B. MONROVIA, ACCRA, ABIDJAN ..................................................................................................... 6 1. Agitation in the east ..................................................................................................................... 6 2. The west: a devastated region ...................................................................................................... 8 III.A STALLED POLITICAL DIALOGUE ...................................................................... 10 A. MARGINALISATION OF THE FORMER REGIME’S SUPPORTERS ..................................................... 11 B. DANGEROUS POLITICAL POLARISATION ..................................................................................... 12 IV.JUSTICE -
Côte D'ivoire
CÔTE D'IVOIRE: Progress in the peace process allows cautious optimism for IDPs A profile of the internal displacement situation 7 June, 2007 This Internal Displacement Profile is automatically generated from the online IDP database of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC). It includes an overview of the internal displacement situation in the country prepared by the IDMC, followed by a compilation of excerpts from relevant reports by a variety of different sources. All headlines as well as the bullet point summaries at the beginning of each chapter were added by the IDMC to facilitate navigation through the Profile. Where dates in brackets are added to headlines, they indicate the publication date of the most recent source used in the respective chapter. The views expressed in the reports compiled in this Profile are not necessarily shared by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. The Profile is also available online at www.internal-displacement.org. About the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, established in 1998 by the Norwegian Refugee Council, is the leading international body monitoring conflict-induced internal displacement worldwide. Through its work, the Centre contributes to improving national and international capacities to protect and assist the millions of people around the globe who have been displaced within their own country as a result of conflicts or human rights violations. At the request of the United Nations, the Geneva-based Centre runs an online database providing comprehensive information and analysis on internal displacement in some 50 countries. Based on its monitoring and data collection activities, the Centre advocates for durable solutions to the plight of the internally displaced in line with international standards. -
Conflict in Côte D'ivoire: the Need for a New and Coherent US
Conflict in Côte d’Ivoire: The Need for a New and Coherent US - Africa Policy Elliott P. Skinner1 United States Ambassador to Upper Volta (Burkina Faso), 1966-1969 number of American diplomats, especially those who have specialized in Africa, have been concerned about the current state of affairs in Côte A d’Ivoire and about the role, if any, that the United States (US) might play in this tenuous situation. Their attention was recently drawn to the cryptic declaration of French President Jacques Chirac, who during a brief visit to Senegal, observed that as far as the political situation in Côte d’Ivoire and its implications for France: “…[T]he situation is clear. We will do what we are asked. If people want us to stay, then we will stay. If they don’t want us to stay, then we will leave.” He later added, “If the United Nations asks France’s Unicorn Force to stay, we will examine that request positively but only on the condition that the African leaders ask for it,” meaning of course, the Ivorian government. It is intriguing to contemplate that the short-lived but intense flare-up in violence could cause France to have serious doubts about how to proceed in Côte d’Ivoire, the most important of its former African colonies. It is even more intriguing to consider that this flare-up, if taken seriously, might have important implications for Franco-African relations and might provide the United States with an opportunity to revolutionize its policy towards Africa. I have always argued that, except for Thomas Jefferson’s decision to send United States Marines to confront the pirates “on the shores of Tripoli,” the US has almost instinctively shied away from dealing directly with Africa. -
Côte D'ivoire's Downfall: Flawed Civil-Military Relations and Missed Opportunities
Scientia Militaria, South African Journal of Military Studies, Vol 33, Nr 1, 2005. doi: 10.5787/33-1-5 89 NOT A MIRACLE AFTER ALL… CÔTE D'IVOIRE'S DOWNFALL: FLAWED CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS AND MISSED OPPORTUNITIES Asst. Prof. Boubacar N’Diaye Departments of Political Science and Black Studies The College of Wooster, Ohio, USA Introduction Long touted as an island of political stability and (relative) economic prosperity in West Africa, since December 24, 1999, Côte d’Ivoire* has joined the more common category in the sub-region: praetorian states mired in political uncertainty and unending turbulence. Indeed, on September 19, 2002, it came very close to collapsing altogether, a fate very few would dare to predict only a few weeks earlier. This stunning evolution started with the military regime of General Robert Guei, which lasted less than ten months. Eric Nordlinger’s definition of praetorianism as “a situation in which military officers [in the case of Africa non- commissioned officers as well] are major or predominant political actors by virtue of their actual or threatened use of force”1 fits Ivory Coast perfectly today. Political violence has already claimed thousands of victims. As witnessed in the recent resumption of fighting and bloody upheaval, the threat to the country and the entire sub-region has by no means disappeared − despite the Marcoussis and Accra agreements and continued efforts to end the crisis.2 Since that faithful Christmas Eve 1999, when the military peremptorily stepped on to the political scene, Cote d’Ivoire has definitely entered a critical era in * By decree dated October 14, 1985, the Ivoirian government decided to name the country "Côte d'Ivoire" and to no longer accept translations of this French name.