38 KASHAN VIII.-IX. THE MEDIAN DIALECTS OF KASHAN local ulama and officials caused its temporary closure. later referred to the case's outcome as a disgrace for Iran's The school was reopened soon after on the order of Mirza judicial system (Diimgiini and Mo'meni, p. 209) The affair J:lasan Khan Wotuq-al-Dawla, the prime minister, presum was part of a series of assassinations of secular intellectu ably in response to an appeal from
(1) Rural Raji Dialects In spite of the random distribution of the Raji- and Persian-speaking settlements, and the profound influ Although the city of Kashan itself is now entirely Per ence of Persian on the Riji dialects, there is no language sophonic (see part 2, below), many of the settlements in continuum between the two, in the way that, for instance, its proximity have preserved their native Central dialects Caspian blends into Persian as one moves south from (q.v.). The Central dialects of Kashan, which we call here central Alborz onto the plateau. The dialect discontinu the Kashan dialect~ as a whole, are often called Ra(ye)ji ity becomes evident when we compare adjoining villages, or Dei (Debi) by their speakers (Yarshater, 1985; idem, such as Riji-speaking &onb and Persian-speaking Lati,or 1989). The Raji-speaking villages and townships associ (south of Kashan city) and Riji-speaking Vandlida and ated historically with Kashan extend as far as Delijan in Persian-speaking &osraviibad (south of Meyma), respec the west, Meyma in the southwest, and Natanz in the south, tively in the north and the south of Kashan linguistic prov although these mentioned localities now form administra ince. The following comparative data (from Purrifil:li et al., tive districts independent from Kashan within the prov IV, 245-46; idem, II, pp. 189-90) demonstrates the point ince oflsfahan. In fact, the current administrative divisions at hand. For "snow," "boy," "dog" we have Lati,ori and serve no good frame of reference for delineating dialects of &osravabidi barf, pesar, sag, &onbi viifr pirlJ, espa, and what has been called the Kashani subgroup of the Central Vandada>i var/, pUr kuve; sentences: Lati,ori, &osr. to-rii dialects (see also ISFAHAN xxi). One of the aims of this did-am, &onbi to-m be-di, Vandida>i to-m bi-di "I saw article is to improve isoglottic definition of the Kashani you"· Lati,ori u rafte bu nil bexarra, &osr. un rafte bud nun group. bexere, &onbi nii bolta bu na bereyin, Vandida>i un bilta In the past few decades, rural Kashan has rapidly been bo nun birinu "he had gone to buy bread." Accordingly, we shifting to Persian. Most villages have already been partly may make the following observations. ( 1) The two Persian or entirely persianized, and practically all Raji speakers varieties, though from comparatively remote villages, are are bilingual (see Borjian, 2009). A distribution of the practically identical with one another and to the colloquial Raji-speaking places is known from a survey conducted Persian of Tehran. This suggests a fairly recent language in the 1970s (Purrifil:ii et al.) for individual rural districts shift to Persian. (2) The Persian varieties contrast sharply of Isfahan P!'ovince. The data pertaining to Kashan, cal with the Riji dialects in vocabulary, morphosyntax, and culated and summarized in Table 1, shows that 38 of the historical phonology. (3) The Raji dialects are essentially total 96, or 40 percent, of the settlements had native Raji similar in morphology and syntax; for instance, past tran speakers. In Kavirat, a garmsir sub-district centered at sitive verbs show ergative construction (-m bedi), and the Abuzaydabad, all nine settlements spoke Raji, whereas past participle has a modal prefix (bolbi-lta). (4) They dif among the eight settlements of Aran Sub-district only two, fer in major lexical items (espa - kuve "dog," u - na "he"). namely Aran and Bidgol, preserved, if only partly, their As also shown in Isogloss no. 2, below, geographical prox dialects. On the sardsir or mountainous south and -west iinity does not guarantee the isoglc;>ttic identity or likeness of Kashan District, Qohrud (q.v.) and Niasar show sub among the Kashan Riji dialects. stantial language shift, while Jow§aqan (q.v.) and Meyma Abbreviations. Abu (Abuzaydabadi), Aby (Abyana>i), (q.v., online) have been conservative. The survey excludes Ara (Arani), Ard (Ardestani), Bid (Bidrudi), Bdg (Bid the Natanz district south of Kashan, with several Raji goli), Bid (Bidhandi), Bij (Bijgani), Del (Delijani), Far speaking villages around the Karkas peak, such as Hanjan, (Farizandi), Han (Hanjani), Jow (Jow§aqini), JKH Yirand, Abyina, Bidhand, Fariz(h)and, So(h), Tarq, Tar. (Jewish Kashani), &an (&vansiri), Ke§ (Ke§a>i), Mah Ke§a, as well as the garmsir sub-district of BAd(rud) (q. v., (Mal}allati), Mey (Meyma>i), Nat (Natanzi), Nar (NarAqi), see also ISFAHAN xx). Nu (Nualji), Nay (Na>ini), Qil (Qilhari), Qoh (Qohrudi), Soh (Sohi/So>i), Tar (Tari), Trq (Tarqi), Van (Vane§ani), VAr {Virani), Vrk (Varkini), Yir (Ylrandi), Zef (Zefra>i), Table 1 Zor (Zori). No abbreviations are used for the poorly doc NUMBER OF RAH-SPEAKING umented dialects of &onb in Markazi district, Kagazi in SETTLEMENTS, KASHAN AND Kavirit rural district, Niasar, Azvir, Borzok, Vidji, and ISFAHAN SAHRESTANS* Viduj in Niuar rural district, and Totmlj and Javinan in District Rlji all villages Qohrud rural district. Kashan 0 13 Comparative studies. For well over a century, the schol Arin 2 8 ars of Iranian dialectology have made several attempts to Kavirlt 9 9 classify Central dialects into meaningful groups, aside Kubplya 0 9 from geographical contiguity. These comparative stud Qobrud 3 10 ies became more refined as more dialects have been made Nilsar 5 24 known. Major studies are summarized in chronologi Jow§aqln 10 10 cal order as follows. (1) In his vanguard study, Valentin Mey ma 9 13 Zhukovskil (1888), one of the most prolific collectors of Total 38 96 Central dialects, divided them into two groups: Kashani,
•Data is not available for NaJaDZ Sahrcstln. consisting of Qoh, Ke§, Vin, and Zef, and Isfahani, con Source: Derived by the author from data in Punilbi ct al. sisting of Gazi, Sedehi, and Kafrini. (2) At the tum of the 40 KASHAN IX. THE MEDIAN DIALECTS OF KASHAN (1) RURAL RAJI DIALECTS century, when sufficient information was available for a The data. The linguistic data used in the present study are broad investigation of Iranian languages, Wilhelm Geiger obtained from the following sources: ZhukovskiI (JKU, defined Central dialects as a distinct group within West Qoh, Ke§, Nat, Van, Zef), Mann and Hadank (Nat, Sob, Iranian languages, and he further classified them into the Mah, Nay), Christensen (Far, Yar, Nat), Andreas (Sob), subgroups of Kashani (Qoh, Nat, VAn, Mah, and Nay), Lambton (Jow, Mey), Eilers (Km), Krahnke (Bad, Trq), Kd-Zef, and Yazdi Zoroastrian. His criteria were four Lecoq, 2002 (Qoh, Abu, Aby, Tar, Bad), Yarshater, 1989 teen linguistic features as well as geographical contigu (Ara. Bdg), idem, 1985 (grammatical gender in all dia ity. (3) Karl Hadank (in Mann and Hadank) embarked on lects), Majidi (Mey, Var, Bij, Nar, Nu, Qal, Zor), Zargari a detailed comparative analysis of Central dialects, but (Jow), ~afari (Del), Aqa-Rabic (Han), author's field numerous overlaps of isoglosses prevented him from arriv notes (Far, Kan, Ke§, Nat, Trq, Zef), and the Elr entries: ing at any concrete classification. (4) W. Ivanow's clas ABUZAYDABADI; ABYANA'I; BADRUDI; BIDGOL AND BIDGOLI sification is devoid of explicit linguistic analysis, though DIALECT" ISFAHAN xxi. PROVINCIAL DIALECTS; JOWSAQAN ii; he seemingly considered sociolinguistics, which he intro MEYMA ii (online); QOHRUD ii (forthcoming online). duced into Iranian dialectology. in defining a Kashan sub group that consisted of JKU, Qoh, Far, Yar, Ke§, and Sob, GRAMMATICAL SKETCH while Nat is placed in Yazd subgroup and Kan. Van, and Phonology. The consonant inventory of the Raji dialects Mah in Isfahan subgroup. (5) In an encyclopedia article, is essentially similar to Persian. Some dialects have the Harold Bailey (p. 1055) made a general survey of mod pharyngeal fricative It}./ [h] and stop fl[~]. but neither is em Iranian languages, and assigned Central dialects into phonemic. These sounds appear predominantly in Arabic five subgroups, which correspond closely to subsequent words, hence are clearly influenced by Arabic; but no com classifications, though his comparative principles are not pelling explanation has been put forward as to how the explicit. 1\vo of these subgroups include the dialects of dialects have adopted them. In their vocalic system, the Kashan: Yar, Far, and Nat versus Qoh, Mey, Sob, Ke§, dialects show little similarity· they range from as few as and Zef. (6) The next major classification of Iranian lan eight phonemes in Arani to fourteen in Abuzaydabadi. The guages belongs to Georg Morgenstieme (1958, pp. 71 ff.). highly developed vocalic system of Tari is one of the rich who founded his study on historical phonology and, to a est in the world with twenty distinct vowels, if we include lesser degree, morphology. He classifies more than eighty the five nasal vowel sounds for which Lecoq (2002, p. 22) Iranian languages and dialects into twenty-three groups, establishes minimal pairs. Most dialects have the fronted eight of which concern Central dialects. Like Bailey, o and U; the phonemic status of neither is easy to establish. Morgenstieme assigns the Kashan dialects into two dis Similarly, the vowel length recorded by the earlier collec tinct groups, namely Yar, Far, Nat, and Ard versus Qoh, tors is seldom justified when examined at the phonemic Ke§, Sob, and Mey, while Zef is grouped with the dialects level in the more fine-tuned, later studies. of Isfahan. (7) A significant step forward in the study of Nouns. Nominals are inflected primarily with -a and/or Central dialects was Karl Krahnke' s doctoral dissertation -e, which play several roles in each Raji dialect. (1) Femi "Linguistic Relationships in Central Iran." Of the twenty nine marker is -a and -e (see lsogloss no. 2, below). (2) eight dialects he brought together in his study, twelve The indefinite is marked with an unstressed -e or -i: Abu belong to the Kashan area: Abu, Qoh, Jow, Mey, Aby, Yar, (f) pilr-e "a boy," Aby (ya) ra-e "one day," Mey jan-e "a Far, Sob, Bid, Nat, Kel, and Trq. His thirty-nine isoglottic woman." (3) The definite marker is -a or -e (sttessed, as maps are based on phonological and morphological-lexi in colloquial Persian): Qoh yene-y-ale "the woman," Abu cal features. The present comparative study owes much to pe-y-a "the father" (with epenthesis -y-), Aby kaSi-a "the Krahnke' s findings, but it refines and expands the latter by Kashani." (4) The eta/a marker (-e or -r), probably not gen including more localities (JKU, Ara, Bdg, Del, Na§, Tar) uine to the Kashan area, occurs occasionally, either explic and presenting new isoglosses that are chosen purposely itly (Mey bar-e raz "garden• s door'') or by altering the final to be relevant to the Kashan area. (8) A well-received clas vowel: Qoh keye man "my house" (cf. keya "house"), Abu sification of the Central dialects belongs to Pierre Lecoq klye ma "my house" (keya "house"). In Abyana'i, the eta/a (1989), who marks out the Kashan-Natanz area as form may mark a modified feminine noun: Mt-a man "my daugh ing the northeast group, while Ardestini and Zefra'i are ter," sill-a dOvvomji ''the second year" (Lecoq, 2002, pp. 60, placed in the southeast group together with Yazdi. (9) In 71). (5) The definite object marker is sometimes reduced an authoritative study, Gcmot Windfuhr (1992; see CEN to -a or -e (=Pers. -rii). (6) An unstressed -a or -e occurs TRAL DIALECTS) defines a large northern-central group in occasionally on the nominal complement of verbs or direct the area of Kashan and Naianz, which excludes ArdestAni objects in Bidgoli: kiir-e xeyli daro "I have much work [to and Zefra'i, both assigned to the southern group. ( 10) Ras do]," dars-a axune "she studies" (Yarshater, 1989, p. 381); torgueva and Moshkalo conducted an extensive analysis a similar suffix in Abylna'i is interpreted as the optional of Central dialects, but without any explicit classifica feminine marker, e.g., zendegiini-a akeriin "I live" (Lecoq, tion. (11) Donald Stilo (2007· see ISFAHAN xx) groups the 2002, p. 60). (7) An optional unstressed particle, with no Central dialects areally into four geographical quadrants semantic value, exists in various dialects, e.g., Qoh mer/ and defines the Isfahan dialects by drawing the bundles of mera/mere "man" (Lecoq, 2002, pp. 76-77). (8) The plural eleven isoglosses (idem, fig. 5). His approach is taken as a marker is -a in Abyana'i (e.g., mela "ewes"), -e in BAdrudi model in our isoglottic analysis below. (bale "spades"); other dialects employ -(h)ii or -un. KASHAN IX. THE MEDIAN DIALECTS OF KASHAN (1) RURAL RAJI DIALECTS 41
Table 2 PRONOMINAL AFFIXES IN THE KASHANI GROUP Dialect Singular Plural 1st 2nd 3rd 1st 2nd 3rd
JKU -m -t/-d -A -mun -dun -Aun Bdg -m -t -A -mo -do -Ao Ari -m -d -e -mun -dun -yun Abu -m -a/-d -e -mo -do -yo Del -m -d -A -mon -don -Aon Qoh -m -t/-d -y -mun -dun -yun Jow -m -d -A -mun -dun -Aun Mey -m -t -A -mun -dun -Aun Aby -m -d -y -mi -yi -§(i) Far -m -i/-y -A(i) -mun -yun -§un Yir -m -i/-y -A(i) -mun -yun -Aun Han -m -d -A -mun -dun -Aun Bid -m -t -A -mo -do -§o Nat -m -t/-d -§ -mun -dun -Aun Ke§ -m -t/-d -A -mun -dun -Aun Tir -m -t -A -mo -do -Ao/-AQ
Sources: Zhukovskil, II, passim; Mann and Hadank., passim; Christensen, passim; Lambton, pas- sim; Majidi, passim; Lccoq, 1989; idem. 2002, pp. 87, 278, 117-18; Yarsbater, 1989; Safari, p. 59; Aql-Rabi<, passim.
In fact, the defining line between these functions is different generations of the speakers of gvorzuqi and Gazi sometimes blurred, and their interference makes the mor (see JAZI). A similar trend may be seen in Jm > fm > ym, phology of the dialects difficult to understand. It may look as shown below, under lsogloss no. 1, as well as in j > even more complicated if we consider the role of the same f >yin "woman." (For an alterative explanation, which suffixes in lexical distinction (Abu dot "daughter'' - dofa assumes that the third singular -y and -J are derived respec "girl," Aby dote "girl" - diJta "daughter"). Moreover, a tively from Olran. *hai and *lai, etc., see Windfuhr, 1975, whole class of words in each dialect carries the ending 1992.) (2) An original /t/ or /d/ in the second person sin vowels /-a/ /-e/ or both, derived from the Old Iranian gular and plural is softened to /y I in Farizandi and Yarandi. suffix *-aka (see MEYMA ii, for instance). This complex Interestingly, Abyana>i, located in a buffer zone between aspect in morphology calls for a more detailed study of these two groups, shows one aspect of each: 3rd sg. -y individual dialects. and 2nd pl. -yi (< yU < yii < yun). Subsequently, ketab-ey Pronouns. Concerning the freestanding first singular means "his book" in Abyana'i but "your book" in Yarandi; pronoun, the historical direct/oblique binary is preserved the two neighboring vernaculars are just a few kilometers only in Aby azlman, Bid a/men (see BADRUDI; cf. Bad axo/ apart in the Barzrud mountain valley. min in Lecoq, 2002, pp. 83, 278); other Central dialects Verbs. The significant role of transitivity, combined with have adopted the undifferentiated Persian form. The third the secondary construction of most past stems (by suffix singular personal and demonstrative pronouns with nasal ing -li to the present stem}, has led Lecoq (2002, p. 119) to initial are characteristically Kashani (see Isogloss no. 3, divide the past stems into four classes; examples of pres below). Some dialects show distinct forms for gender ent past stems in Qohrudi are: (i) transitive, ending in a (masc./fem.): remote Abu na/nlin, Aby nilnlnuna,' Jow consonant, ger- gera(t)- "seize"· (ii) transitive, ending in nunlnuna, Na§ nulnemun, Del on/ona; proximate Abu ne/ a vowel, geln- gelna- "rotate"; (iii) intransitive, ending in nem, Aby nenlnena, Jow nen/nena, Nd nalnuhun, Del in/ a consonant, k- kat- "fall"· and (iv) intransitive, ending ina (see also Isogloss no. 2). in a vowel, gin- ginli- "rotate." Some of the dialects are Enclitic pronouns (Table 2) are generally similar to those capable of forming an inflectional passive (see lsogloss no. of Persian, but note these phonological changes: ( 1) The 5, below), and all form causative stems by suffixing -(V) original consonant /§/ in the third person singular and plu n to the present stem, e.g., Ara ba-m-tej-an-ad-a "I have ral is /y/ in Arlni, Abuzaydabidi, and Qohrudi. (Sedehi caused to run." and Sagzavi too have 3rd sg. -y, while other provincial Personal endings (Table 3). The first person singular verb dialects of Isfahan have either-for -J.) The arbitrary dis ending is -on, -o, -o, or -un in all Kashani dialects, except tribution of the types in /§/ If.I and /y I among the Central JKU -om, Jow -am, which are seemingly formed under dialects suggests the historical line of change§> f > y, in Persian influence. The third singular is typically -a or -e; which the original § is first voiced into f, and the letter the clearly different -u in the Jewish dialect of Kashan is lateralized to become y. This author·has observed this suggests influence from Isfahan provincial dialects. Some diachronic development as being currently active among dialects show a different ending for the feminine third sin- 42 KASHAN IX. THE MEDIAN DIALECTS OF KASHAN (1) RURAL RAJI DIALECTS
Table3 VERBAL ENDINGS IN THE KASHANI GROUP Dialect Singular Plural 1st 2nd 3rd 1st 2nd 3rd
JKU -om/-On -e -0 -iln -id -en Bdg -o -e -e -im -ey -an Ari -o -e -e -im -ey -an Abu -o -e -e -Cm(il) -iyl -Jln(I) Del -on -r -r -imon -ion -ande Qoh -On -e -e -eme -ege -ande Jow -am -i/e -e -ima -i(d)a -inda Mey -om -i -e/a -ima -ida -inda Aby -In -e -e -iman -iya -anda Far -o -e -e -ime -ie -ande Ylr -o -a -a -im -rd -and Han -un -e -a -im -i -en Bid -o -e -I -rm -r -en Nat -o -e -a -im -rd -an Ke§ -On -e -I -im -rd -In Tlr -o -e -a -Im -Id -and
Sources: ZhukovskiI, ll, passim; Mann and Hadank. passim; Christensen, passim; Lambton, passim; Krahnke, pp. 190-95; Majidi, passim; Lecoq, 1989; idem, 2002, pp. 115-16, 279; Yarshater, 1989; Safari, 53-58; Aql- Rabi<, passim.
Table4 GENDER DISTINCTION IN THE KASHANI DIALECTS* Del Jow Aby Abu Nal Qoh Ari Far
Nouns (formal) + + + + Adjectives + + Indefinite articles + + + Demons. adj. + + + + Demons. pron. + + + + + Copula + + + Verbs past intrans. + + + + + + + Verbs past trans. + + + + +
*Presence of gender distinction is denoted by+, absence by-. Source: Yarshater, 1985, with modifications.
gular: Abu, Aby-a, Qoh -e, Del -ae, Jow -ea. The ending is forms in Central dialects: the CA(Y)M type (e.g., Borzoki, zero in the preterit, but Jow has also -e. See also Isoglosses Vrk caym, Han cam, Yir fem) prevails among the Kashan nos. 2, 4, 6, 8, below. and other northern dialects versus CAS in the south; the bisecting line passes through Zefra, for which both forms ISOOLOSSES are reported: fem (Zhukovskin and eel (my data; see also The fourteen features that follow are chosen to define Krahnke, no. 4). A parallel reduction of the original -SN the Kashan area within the entire region of Central dia cluster is found in more words: Qoh paym, Jow paim, lects. Selection of the isoglosses is based on the availability Natpoime (cf. Tar pefm, Ke§ pajm, Aby pazm) "wool"· of data for most dialects as well as their specificity to the Aby tena, Jow taina "thirsty"· Mey powna, Ke§ poina Kashan area; scarcity of data and overlap of isoglosses pre "heel"· Aby enoyn-, Jow einas- "hear, recognize" (< Olr. vented us from including some of the features identified in *xsna-sa- ). Although sufficient data is lacking in other dia previous studies. Our isoglosses can be divided into phono lects for a wide-ranging comparison, the accessible data logical ( 1), morphological (2-6), and lexical (7-14) features. suggest the line of sound change -Jm- > fm > ( y )m (cf. For succinctness, when a word is given in small-capital let Windfuhr, 1975). For a related development, see above, ters, this indicates that a range of forms occur in different under Pronouns. dialects. Some of the isoglosses are shown in Table 5. 2. Gender distinguished. Several Kashan dialects have 1. "Eye." The gloss "eye" (cf. Av. calman-, MPers. and grammatical gender in various domains, as shown in NPers. calm, colloquial Pers. eel) is represented by two Table 4 (summarized from Yarshater, 1985, with addition KASHAN IX. THE MEDIAN DIALECTS OF KASHAN (1) RURAL RA.JI DIALECTS 43
Table 5 DATA FOR SELECTED ISOGLOSSES* Dialect "eye" "it, be" "now" "big" "wall" "sister" ''tomonow" 3 7 8 10 11 12 13 14
Abu fa§ na/nOn ba(t) fin- felt- gOrd(a) vejij kll dldl hayI Aby fem nDn ha(ta), hl(n) fin- t\alt gOrd vlljllf kal, kll dldl hayl Ara fa:§ n;i hl-t\in- fild xlr Ard te§, nll,konu he-nagn- nagni-, got kessu duful xulr fa(r)dl w Diq- nlqelt Bild fam nil eten lnlin- lnlas gllrd jij fina XU, XO sabl Bdg fa§ n:i/ne ha hl-cin- xuar sobii Del fam on baton hil-cel- messar xud dulr fike sobi Far fam non/nen hat(an) hl-tin- Wt gord kasl kal dldl hayii Han fam non hat hi-tin- t\ald gont kasla dldl sebl JKil fe§m, ovi,evi hll(i) dereni- : danilt- go(r)d vijik xihlr fa!m Jow faim nun hat hl-t\in- t\alt g:ird, gurd vut\ul kal dldl sabl K.ln falm u(n) asiisl hl-t\in- t\es-, kis- buzurg, kissar d61r, l!ina xul ferdl, sobil gunda, missar Kel !!am, D, I hitu(n) ho-nig- fut- gllrd kas kala xuh hllyl fem Mah !!am un heton, hetO ha-t\in- t\ilt- masar, kllsllr, duwlr xlk sobl messar kut\ura Mey fam un hate hil-fin- fa§t/d-; g:lrd villi divll, dldl sabbl ilh-; ilni- t\ina Nu gord vejuj xika Nat nOn/ni!n hi hil-ni- nhst-, hlt\in- gord kes difll, xilhar dival Nily u(n), di osmi ha-nig- nigilt- masa, kas difll xow subl mas(s)e Nrq fem baton massar flk Qil ceym no hate gord urjuk sobih Qoh fa§ nD(n) hat hovat\in- hocilt gurd,gord vlljllj kal, pey dldl hil, pehril Sob !!am nun hat fin- l!i§t- gurd,gun vlljllj, kal dldl hil villah Tlr fem, n hat(o) ng- fa§ta- gord,gon kas kala, peb xcix hllyl/heyl feym Trq t\em on,i gord kala Vin !!am u(n) etun t\in- fess mus(sar) kessar dulr xuvl subih Ylr fam non/ne hil-tin- falt gord jllxja kal dlya Zef fem, D,I zono he-ning- nm- beur kas fina, xilh, sihbe eel dezlr did
*The number with each isogloas is its sequence in the list given in the entry texl of Farizandi). The feminine marker for nouns, as well as dot-am niisliz-ela "my son/daughter is ill"; Qoh mer biJmlJ for pronouns and adjectives, is an unstressed -a, e.g., Del, "the man went" - yan blJmlJde "the woman went"· Del Aby bala "spade," Del beza, Na! b6z(a) "goat," while berif-m vligardif be "my brother had returned" - fiflw-m JowAaqlini has the feminine in -e and the masculine in -a, viigardo-wda "my sister had returned," Na§ beriilxiilw as in boze "goat" - vanaa "ox"· varge "she-wolf' - varga Hasan-am bedi blJ/be "I had seen Hasan's brother/sister'' "he-wolf." In the dialects which show no formal gender (for constraints, see Yarshater, 1985; Lecoq, 2002, pp. marker in nouns, the distinction is revealed by accord 58 ff. .; see also CENTRAL DIALOCTS). Farizandi seems to mark of adjectives and verb. Examples: (adjectives) Abu Mz gender only in some third person verb agreements when esblde "white goat," Aby sdra gdla "red flower''; (indefi the subject is naturally feminine, e.g., pUr/dot-ibn lw-lo/ nite articles or numerical adjectives) Del ajey pUr "a son" - §tit? "where did my son/daughter go?" As demonstrated ija dete "a daughter," Aby e ddde "a brother'' - ya diJdiJ "a by Yarshater (1985, pp. 741-43), Meyma>i and Ardestlini sister''· (demonstrative adjectives) Del on purd ''that boy" also show vestigial remnants of gender in the verb phrase. - dna zenco ''that woman"; for demonstrative and personal A closer examination of the Kashan dialects without the pronouns, see Pronouns, above. category of gender reveals that some of their nouns carry Gender is better preserved in the verb phrase as an inte the unstressed ending -a or -e that can be traced back to the gral part of the inflectional system. Examples are: Nd pUrl Old Iranian feminine marker •-a (rather than •-a/w, the ,: '·.. -f. ..
44 KASHAN IX. THE MEDIAN DIALECTS OF KASHAN (1) RURAL RAJI DIALECTS source of -al-e in Qoh espd, JKU esbe < *spaka- "dog," Qoh at-iir-un "I bring," at-om0d-un "I come' .. Aby et-oriin and most other nouns in West Iranian that end in these "I bring," me-tt-iird "I would bring''- Tar at-iir-o "I bring," vowels). Morgenstierne surveyed this category of nouns in am-t-ii "I would bring," at-omo-yo "I would come'.. Mey Tali and Central dialects; his examples from Kashan area at-ema-iy-:m "I would come." (2} For these verbs, the include (expanded here): Sob bilzii, Bij, Vlr beza "goat" historical t- has become the frozen part of the stems in (cf. Del, Nd, Abu, above); Sob kilrge, Qoh kdrg(e), Nat Meyma'i and Jow§aqani, as they appear in non-durative kdrga, Bij, Vlr kerga (cf. Nd and Aby fem. kdrga) "hen"· forms: Jow na-t-iir"don't bring!" ba-t-am "(that) I come" Qal bara (cf. Abu fem. bar) "door'.. Mey dilme "picture" (subjunctive); Mey beta "bring!" be-t:Jr-e "that he bring," (cf. Aby fem. dlma "face"); Nat duta, Qoh, Ke§, Zef dute, be-Jun-ta ''they brought," eidi-aJ be-t:Jrde "he has brought Van dete "daughter." Morgenstierne's investigation sug presents." These lexicalized forms with the initial t- have gests that gender distinction, at least in the nominals, is an misled Cheung (p. 9) in proposing the root *tar "to cross archaic feature which once existed in all Kashan dialects over" for Jow, Mey tiir- tiird- "bring." This verb is indeed as well as in Tati in.the north. derived from Old Iranian *ii-hara- "bring," which, like This notion accords well with the findings in an areal *iiy- *ii-gmata- "come," had the long initial vowel il, and study of Donald Stilo (unpublished paper). He shows this may have acted as the catalyst in preserving the full that, in terms of grammatical gender, the Kashan dialects form of the later prefix *at-. form the southern end of a larger language continuum 5. Inflectional passive. Most Kashani dialects build that extends with little interruption northward to Amora'i, a passive/intransitive form with the infix -i- (< Mid. Ir. Vafsi, and Alviri, then to Southern Tati of Qazvin and -r(h)-), placed after the present stem. This infix is usu Upper Tarom, and farther north up to Kajali. Moreover, ally realized as -iy- (with the connecting glide y) when an Stilo puts forward the idea that certain Tati dialects have ending or the past-stem marker -ii(d}- is added. Qohrudi not only been conservative in retaining an older gender and AbyAna'i employ the infix -(e}g-, probably the pala distinction but have expanded it into new domains through talized form of an original -y-, and &vmsari has -k-. cross-referencing the gender of the noun in different loci Examples: JKU iissin-um viar-i-ad-e "my sleeve is torn," within the noun or verb phrase. Focusing on the neighbor Han a-rij-i-a "it pours," a-rij-i-ii "it was pouring," Bid ing Tali dialects of Kafteji and Kelasi in eastern Tarom, handi rij-i-ii "it poured," Trq be-hmir-i-ii "it broke," Mey Stilo then explains how these two closest genealogical rel pii-J behmeriyo (i.e., be-hmer-i-ii) "his foot got broken, atives have taken opposite direction: the latter having lost broke," Aby ba-hmar-g-ii "it broke," Qoh a-kod-eg-un "I gender completely, while the former is one of the richest get hit," ba-rij-ig-iid-e "it was poured," &iin ba-xor-k-ii among Tati dialects in terms of gender. Stilo' s findings can "it was eaten." Bidgoli shows the sole example bahmeyrii be applied to similar situations in the Kashan area, namely "it broke," seemingly from *ba-hmar-i-ii. The passive and JowbqAni and Kmnu'i, Qohrudi and Javinini, and Arani causative infixes may coexist; e.g., Jow§aqani stems voz- and Bidgoli-three pairs of contiguous dialects that have vaJt- "run" yield ba-vaJt-; "he ran," ba-J-voz-n-ii "he taken opposite paths in gender. made [it] run," ba-voz-n-i-a-; "it was made run." 3. Third singular pronoun. The third singular personal 6. Future with KAM-. An important feature that defines and demonstrative pronouns in the Kashan dialects is the · the Kashan area from the rest of the Central dialects is nasal initial no(n), nu(n), or the like (Krahnke, no. 21), the periphrastic future tense auxiliary· JKU, Qoh, Han, which contrasts with most other Central dialects in the Abu kem-, Ara kam-, Far, Sob kam-, Aby kiim-lkOm-, Yar, west and south which share the vowel initial forms also Bad kom- (cf. Mid. Pers. kiim- "wish"). This auxiliary found in Persian. Although without established etymol is followed by the past stem, i.e., the "short" infinitive: ogy, the Kashani pronominal forms must be old in that they Ara kam-ol-el-e Ju "I/you/he will go," Bad kom-unli/ii differentiate gender in the dialects with gender distinction. Icard "I, you, he will do," Han kem-un yoJd "I shall find," 4. Durative marker. To mark the present indicative kem-a gil "he will want," kem-a vijiii (passive) "it will be and the imperfect, four major strategies are employed said." The same structure is found in the Persian variety of in Central dialects: the prefix et-lat- in the western area Kashan with the auxiliary verb kv iistan (e.g., xii-m xarid "l from Ma.QallAt to &va.nsar, the prefix e-la- in the Kashan will buy"· cf. formal Pers. kviih-am karid} but is absent in area, the suffix -e in the Isfahan area, and no marker in colloquial Tehrani and Isfahani Persian. In Jow§aqani and the rest of the dialects, including Natanzi (see Krahnke, Meyma'i a future is formed by the invariable komi preced pp. 182-87· Lecoq, 2002, pp. 110 ff., Windfuhr, 1992, ing conjugated forms of the main verb, e.g., Jow komi pp. 249-50). In a recent study Stilo (2007, pp. 106 f.) has riist-ima "we will weave," dar-komi-pult-inda "they will established that the Kashani durative marker e-la- origi put on" (cf. Aby dar-kam-im-ka "we shall fall"). nated from an older et-lat- (as in the dialects to its west}, 7 "Now." The form HAT spreads all over northern area of on the ground that the latter forms appear before the Central dialects, sharply contrasting with the forms ZONON, stems that begin with vowels, e.g., Aby e-kar-iin "I do" ZOOON, and OSME in the south. This isogloss is often used - et-ozmar-iin "I count." It should be added here that (l} in delineation of Central dialects. See Krahnke, no. 30; the use of the t- variants is not consistent before vowel Stilo, 2007, fig. 3. initial stems; it is rather limited by and large to two verbs 8. "Sit." This feature is well discussed by Stilo, who "bring" and "come"· Abu at-iir-o "I bring," ma-t-avar "I shows the distribution of two distinctive forms in Cen would bring," a-t-o "I come," at-amd-o "I would come'.. tral dialects: hii-cin- hii-celt in the northwest, including KASHAN IX. THE MEDIAN DIALECTS OF KASHAN (1) RURAL RAJI DIALECTS 45
Kashan, and hli-ni(n)(glk)- hli-nist in the southeast, with Table6 Natanz and its villages Tar and Keb forming a buffer zone ISOGLOSS AGREEMENTS where the two isoglosses meet (Stilo, 2007, fig. 6). Yet a Dialect Isoglosscs Ratio Percent third set of stems can be identified in Central dialects for "be seated, remain"· Mey lih- lihast-llihlist-, Qoh lih Aby 1-14 14/14 100 iihli(d)-, Tar ax- axli(y)-, Ard ax- lixo-, Aby ay- ayli(y)-, Qoh 2-14 13/14 93 Abu av- avad-, Nay, Anaraki as- lises(s)- (Lecoq, 2002, Abu 2-14 13/14 93 p. 194). Cheung (pp. 126, 154) assumes that these stems Jow 1-13 13/14 93 Far 12-810 12-14 (9?) 12/13 92 have derived from the root *had (prefixed with *ii-). Yir 1 3 4 6-8 10-14 (9?) 11/13 85 ·9. "Such." For the gloss "such, like this," corresponding Sob 134679-14 11114 79 to Pers. conin, three types prevail in the Central dialect Han 13-1013 (12?) 10/13 77 area: in most of the northern part NEZAN (e.g., Han nezen, Mey 14-11 13 10/14 71 Jow nizan, Mey ezina) and to its south and east 1ss1N and Tir 1 3-5 7 9 10 12 14 9/14 64 SIGE (see Stilo, 2007, fig. 4). But note also Del isin, JKM Trq 14 5 7 81214 7/11 63 engi (
Gaz • •
Figure 1. lsogloss ratios that define the Kashan dialect area.
other hand, Natanz and its villages yield somewhat low iso gie iranienne [I.] Dialecte guiliiki de Recht, dialectes de, gloss ratios in view of them often being grouped together Fiirizlind, de Yaran et de Natanz, avec un supplement with the Kashan dialects (see Comparative studies, above). contenant quelques texts dans le persan vulgaire de Lastly, Gazi and Zefra'i in the south and Na'ini, beyond Teheran, Copenhagen, 1930. Wilhelm Eilers and Ulrich the frame of Figure l, in the east have low degrees of relat Schapka, Westiranische Mundarten aus der Sammlung edness to the Kashan dialects by showing little isoglottic W. Eilers II. Die Mundart von Chunsar Wiesbaden, agreement, and we should expect other Central dialects to 1976. Wilhelm Geiger, "Centrale Dialekte," in W. Gei be within the same weakest bundle on the map. ger and E. Kuhn, eds., Grundriss der iranischen Philolo It appears that the zone within the bundle of 40 per gie 1/2, Strassburg, 1895, pp. 381-406. W. lvanow, ''The cent or more in Figure 1 accords well with the region Gabri Dialect," Rivista degli studi orientali 16, 1935, where the Esbandi festival is celebrated (see above, vi). pp. 31-97· 17, 1937, pp. 1-39; 19, 1939, pp. 1-58. Karl Another sociolinguistic link can be between the position John Krahnke, Unguistic Relationships in Central Iran, of Jow§aqani within the core bundle of the Kashan dia unpub. diss., University of Michigan, 1976. lects and the strong sense of belonging that the residents of Ann K. S. Lambton, Three Persian Dialects, London, Jow§aqan (q.v.) show toward Kashan ratherthan Isfahan. 1938. Pierre Lecoq, "Les dialects du centre de l'lran," Bibliography: F. C. Andreas, lranische Dialek in RUdiger Schmitt, ed., Compendium linguarum lrani taufzeichnungen aus dem Nachlass, ed. K. Barr, W. B. carum, Wiesbaden, 1989, pp. 313-26. Idem, Recherches Henning, and A. Christensen, Berlin, 1939. Abu 'l-l:fasan sur les dialectes kermaniens (Iran central), Acta lran Aqi-Rabic Guyd-e rliji-e Hanjan, Tehran, 2004. H. W. ica 39, Leuven, 2002. Oskar Mann and Karl Hadank, Baiiey, "Persia. II. Language and Dialects," in EP III, Kurdisch-persische Forschungen 111/1. Die Mundarten London, 1934, pp. 1050-58. H. Borjian, "Median Suc von Khunsdr Mahalldt, Natlinz, Ndyin, Slimndn, Sfviind cumbs to Persian after Three Millennia of Coexistence: und S6-Kohr0.d, Leipzig, 1926. Mot,ammad-Reia Maji Language Shift in the Central Iranian Plateau," Journal di, Guydhil-ye piriimun-e KiiJlin o Maflalliit, Tehran, ofPersianate Societies 211, 2009, pp. 62-87 Idem, ''The 1975. Georg Morgenstieme, "Neu-iranische Sprachen," Dialect of Jowshaqan, Part I'' Iran and the Caucasus in B. Spuler, ed., Handbuch der Orientalistik 1/4/1, 14/1, 2010, pp. 83-116. Johnny Cheung, Etymologi Leiden, 1958. Idem, "Feminine nouns in -a in Western cal Dictionary of the Iranian Verb, Leiden and Boston, Iranian dialects," in W. Henning and E. Yarshater, eds., 2007 Arthur Christensen, Contribution a la dialectolo- A Locust's Leg, London, 1962, pp. 203-8. M. Purriit,i KASHAN IX. THE MEDIAN DIALECTS OF KASHAN (1)-(2) URBAN JEWISH DIALECT 47 et al., Seniisiiyi-e guydhii-ye Iran I-IV, Tehran, 1983- in two ways. First, like other Jewish dialects spoken in 2000. V. S. Rastorgueva and V. V. Moshkalo, "Dialekty an urban milieu, Judeo-Kashani shows more Persian influ tsentralnogo Irana," in Osnovy iranskogo yazykoznaniya. ence in vocabulary and morpho-syntax than do the dia Novoiranskie yazyki: sever-zapadnaya gruppa II, Mos lects spoken in the villages. Second, Judeo-Kashani shows cow, 1997, pp. 195-329. striking similarities to tbe Jewish dialects of some other l:losayn $afari, Viiza-niima-ye riiji: guyd-e Delijiin, cities, especially Isfahan; two notable examples are xuzii Tehran, 1994. Donald Stilo, "Isfahan xxi. Provincial "God," which reflects the phonological development d > () Dialects" in Elr XIV/l, 2007, pp. 93-112. Idem, "Loss > z not found in any other Kashan dialects, and the third vs. Expansion of Gender in Tatic Languages: Kafteji person singular verb ending -u, which contrasts sharply (Kabatei) and Kelasi," unpublished paper. Gemot Wind with the -e or -a common among the Kashan dialects but fuhr, "lsoglosses: A Sketch of Persians and Parthians, agrees with the ending in the Jewish dialects of Isfahan Kurds and Medes," Monumentum of H. S. Nyberg II, and Hamadan (see ISFAHAN xix; HAMADAN ix). This may Acta Iranica 5, Tehran and Li~ge, 1975, pp. 457-72. be explained by the strong historical ties among the Jewish Idem, "Central Dialects," in Elr. V/3, 1992, pp. 242-52. communities of central Persia, with the evidence of signifi Ehsan Yarshater, "Distinction of Grammatical Gen cant migration among the towns in the past few centuries der in the Dialects of Kashan Province and Adjoining (cf. Yeroushalmi, pp. 63 ff., 327). Areas," in Papers in Honour of Professor Mary Boyce The Jewish dialect of Kashan is mainly known through II, Acta Iranica 25, Tehran and Li~ge, 1985, pp. 727- the documentation of Valentin ZhukovskiI (pp. 390-432) 45. Idem, "The Dialect of Aran and Bidgol," in C. H. in the mid-1880s. Other published materials include a de Fouchecour and Ph. Gignoux, eds., Etudes lrano short text by Ya
The preverbs (der-lda:-, vii-, ver-, ber-) suppress be- and Jews, Beverly Hills, Calif., 2002, pp. 283-94. Ehsan Yar precede -e, which differentiate the durative and non-dura shater, ''The Jewish Communities of Persia and their Dia tive aspects, respectively. The durative marker is present lects," in Philippe Gignoux and Ahmad Tafazzoli, eds., ( 1) when the verb has a preverb or nominal complement: Melanges Jean de Menasce, Louvain., 1974, pp. 453-66. der-e-ket-om "I was falling," biing_e-biig-om "I shout'' David Yeroushalmi, The Jews of Iran in the Nineteenth (2) in the imperfect transitive: §un-e-ker "they would do," Century, Leiden, 2009. V. A. Zhukovskil, Materialy dlya ver-m-e-girii "I used to pick up." The marker is omitted izucheniya persidskikh narechir II, Petrograd, 1922. when the verb is freestanding (tanju "he drinks") or before (HABIB BORJIAN) and after vowels: viipersom "I ask," ez kia vllje "how do you say [that]?" akse keru "he is sneezing." The presence of the durative marker in the negative depends on the con KASHGAR (Pers. Ka~gar; Modem Uighur Qiiiqiir figuration of the morphemes: ni-mer-u "it dies not," vel_e Chinese Kashi), a town in Xinjiang Uygur Autono ni-ker-u "he doesn't let go''- dun-ni-xu "you (pl.) were not mous Region in northwestern China (lat 39°29' N, long eating," ni-d-e-xu "you (sg.) were not eating." 76°02' E; elev. 1,304 m). Located in the westernmost Personal endings consist of two sets. (1)-om, -e, -u, -im, extremity of the Tarim Basin (which is occasionally called -id, -en(d) (the 1st sg. is -an in Yarshater's data) are used Kashgharia, as well as Eastern or Chinese Turkestan, q. v.), in the present tenses and the intransitive past: be-jeg-om Kashgar can be reached from the east by roads along both "(that) I jump," der-e-ni-u "he sits," vll-gardad-om "l the southern and northern edges of the Taklamakan Desert. returned." The third person singular ending is zero in the One can travel from Kashgar to the southwest, along the past: ba-vedait-f/J "it passed." (2) The enclitic pronouns Tashkurgban gorge and across the Pamirs to the Oxus and (see above) are employed as agent markers in the transitive Indus basins, while the easily surmountable passes of the past. In the imperfect, the agent is always prefixed to the Terek-davan lead to the west to FargAna (q.v.), a land that durative marker: §un-e-ber "they were carrying." In the often shared Kashgar's historical destinies. preterit and perfect, the agent usually follows the modal It was not until the eve of the Common Era when Kasb prefix (ba-I-biiga "he hit," der-em-vaziide "l have lost"), gar was introduced into written histories. Its western and but occasionally is word-initial (Iun-be-viit "they said," probably indigenous name is Kti, to which the East Ira §un-b-iirde "they have brought." The agent may move off nian -rar ("mountain") was attached, while in the East it the verb to the preceding word: dumen-d-a niii-I diide "he appears in Chinese as Sbule and in Tibetan as Su-lig; a few has held on to his skirt." pur-d beza(nii)de "she has given other names of minor importance were also associated with birth to a boy." Kashgar in the course of its history, none with established Periphrastic tenses. (1) The future is formed with the etymology (Bailey, pp. 50-54; Pelliot, pp. 196-214; see also present conjugation of the stem kem- followed by the past etymological attempts by and apud Tremblay). The Chinese stem of the main verb: kemu vat "he will say." (2) The history Hanshu enumerates Shule among the 48 principali perfect tenses employ the past participle with the pres ties of the "Western Regions." It consisted of 1,510 house ent and past copula: vii-gardiide homlbudom "l have/bad holds and possessed 2,000 soldiers. From 59 BCE until 23 returned," ba-m-pejiide ;/bu "I have/had cooked." (3) CE, Shule, along with the other principalities of the Tarim Progressive forms employ the auxiliary "have''- diiru ez Basin, was under formal Chinese rule; the local dynasty vdki meru "he is dying of hunger," diidiin §odan viijiir "l accepted the suzerainty of China and was controlled by ten was going to the market." Han officials. Later it fell under the domination of Shache Some verbs. (1) The substantive verb consists of the (see YARKAND, online) and the Xoung_-nu (see XIONGNU, present stem h- or zero, the subjunctive stem b-, and the online; HUNS). In 75 CE Kashgar was again subjugated past stem bu(d)-. (2) The locative verb may be expressed to Chinese rule by Ban Chao and served as his informal with the preverb dar-, as in der-an ''they are in," dar-n-e residence during an unstable period which lasted until 91 "you are not in." (3) "Become" is based on the present CE, when official Chinese control over the Tarim Basin stem b- and past stem bu(d)-, normally with the preverb was re-established. At that time, the trade agents of the vii-. (4) The modal pres. gu, past gii "want; must" is con Macedonian merchant Maes Titianus composed an itiner jugated with the enclitic pronouns as agents in all tenses: ary to Serica (China), which ultimately came down to us in vece ne-I-e-gu bemoku "the child doesn't want to suck," Ptolemy's Geography. The Kasia chora (Ptolemy, Geogr. mun-be-gu bekerim "we must do," ba-m-gii ovi-rii aziyet 1.12.7 f., 6.13.1) is described therein as a trading place situ kerom "l wanted to upset him," Iega biu bar "be wanted ated between the Stone Tower (located after the mountain to come out." pass of lmaios) and Throana (Dunhuang, q.v.); according Bibliography: H. Borjian, "Judeo-Kashani: A Central to many modem scholars, this site corresponds to Kashgar. Iranian Plateau Dialect," JAOS 132/1, 2012, forthcom Nominal Chinese supremacy over Kashgar weakened ing. l:losayn-'Ali Razmari., Farhang-e jografW'i-e lrlln during the early 2nd century, and in 170 CE an official was III, Tehran, 1950. Ya'qub Tabari, "Sipak ki nil," in killed there. Meanwhile, in 107-13 CE, the local dynasty Fereydun Jonaydi, ed., Nllma-ye farhang-e lrlln l, Teh sent a prince as a hostage to the Yuezhi, and later he was ran, 1985, pp. 142-44. Haideh Sahim, "Languages and installed as king of Kashgar under Kushan protection (for Dialects of the Jews of Iran and Afghanistan," in Houman summaries of the Chinese accounts about Shule, see Stein, Sarshar, ed., Esther's Children. A Portrait of Iranian pp. 47-89; Pelliot, pp. 196-214; Litvinskil, pp. 279-81,