2000/2001 Strategic Panorama
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Building Equity from the Beginning:The Children And
Building Equity from the Beginning: the Children and Adolescents of Ibero-America Prepared by: ECLAC • UNICEF • SECIB In collaboration with: ILO • PAHO/WHO • UNESCO • UNDP • UNFPA IICA • OAS • OEI • OIJ 4 ECLAC • UNICEF • SECIB Distr. GENERAL LC/G.2144 September 2001 ENGLISH ORIGINAL: SPANISH ECLAC Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean UNICEF United Nations Children`s Fund SECIB Secretariat for Ibero-American Cooperation ILO International Labour Organization PAHO/WHO Pan American Health Organization / World Health Organization UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNFPA United Nations Population Fund IICA Inter-American Institute for Cooperation on Agriculture OAS Organization of American States OEI Organization of Ibero-American States for Education, Science and Culture OIJ Ibero-American Youth Organization Special thanks to the following institutions: Comité español para UNICEF Fundación San Benito de Alcántara The preparation of this document was coordinated by José Antonio Ocampo, Executive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean. Arturo León and Ernesto Espíndola, of the Social Development Division of ECLAC, and Leonardo Garnier, a consultant with UNICEF, are its authors. María Elisa Bernal, Special Assistant to the Secretary of the Commission, Rolando Franco, Director of the ECLAC Social Development Division, and Claudio Sepúlveda, Deputy Regional Director for Latin America and the Caribbean of UNICEF, participated -
Ch. 17.4 the Cold War Divides the World I. Fighting for the Third World A
Ch. 17.4 The Cold War Divides the World I. Fighting for the Third World A. Cold War Strategies 1. Third World countries are economically poor and unstable 2. These countries are in need of a political and economic system in which to build upon; Soviet style Communism and U.S. style free market democracy A. Cold War Strategies 3. U.S. (CIA) and Soviet (KGB) intelligence agencies engaged in covert activities 4. Both countries would provide aid to countries for loyalty to their ideology B. Association of Nonaligned Nations 1. Nonaligned nations were 3rd World nations that wanted to maintain their independence from the U.S. and Soviet influence 2. India and Indonesia were able to maintain neutrality but most took sides II. Confrontations in Latin America A. Latin America 1. The economic gap between rich and poor began to push Latin America to seek aid from both the Soviets and U.S. 2. American businesses backed leaders that protected their interests but these leaders usually oppressed their citizens A. Latin America 3. Revolutionary movements begin in Latin America and the Soviets and U.S. begin to lend support to their respective sides B. Fidel Castro and the Cuban Revolution 1. Fidel Castro led a popular revolution vs. the U.S. supported dictator Fulgencio Batista in January 1959 2. He was praised at first for bringing social reforms and improving the economy 3. But then he suspended elections, jailed and executed opponents & controlled the press B. Fidel Castro and the Cuban Revolution 4. Castro nationalized the economy taking over U.S. -
Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law, 6 IND
DATE DOWNLOADED: Sat Sep 25 03:27:50 2021 SOURCE: Content Downloaded from HeinOnline Citations: Bluebook 21st ed. Edward McWhinney, The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law, 6 IND. L. REV. 202 (1972). ALWD 6th ed. McWhinney, E. ., The moscow summit meeting and the post detente international law, 6(2) Ind. L. Rev. 202 (1972). APA 7th ed. McWhinney, E. (1972). The moscow summit meeting and the post detente international law. Indiana Law Review, 6(2), 202-219. Chicago 17th ed. Edward McWhinney, "The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law," Indiana Law Review 6, no. 2 (December 1972): 202-219 McGill Guide 9th ed. Edward McWhinney, "The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law" (1972) 6:2 Ind L Rev 202. AGLC 4th ed. Edward McWhinney, 'The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law' (1972) 6(2) Indiana Law Review 202. MLA 8th ed. McWhinney, Edward. "The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law." Indiana Law Review, vol. 6, no. 2, December 1972, p. 202-219. HeinOnline. OSCOLA 4th ed. Edward McWhinney, 'The Moscow Summit Meeting and the Post Detente International Law' (1972) 6 Ind L Rev 202 -- Your use of this HeinOnline PDF indicates your acceptance of HeinOnline's Terms and Conditions of the license agreement available at https://heinonline.org/HOL/License -- The search text of this PDF is generated from uncorrected OCR text. -- To obtain permission to use this article beyond the scope of your license, please use: Copyright Information THE MOSCOW SUMMIT MEETING AND THE POST-DETENTE INTERNATIONAL LAW EDWARD MCWHINNEY* I. -
Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75
A Personal Affair : Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75 Michael V. Paulauskas A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2006 Approved by Advisor: Donald J. Raleigh Reader: David Griffiths Reader: Chad Bryant ABSTRACT MICHAEL V. PAULAUSKAS: A Personal Affair: Diplomatic Negotiations and the Portrayal of Détente in Pravda, 1972-75 (Under the direction of Donald J. Raleigh) This thesis explores how diplomatic relations between the US and the USSR changed during détente , specifically concentrating on the period between the 1972 Moscow Summit and the enactment of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment to the 1974 Trade Bill . I employ transcripts of diplomatic negotiations to investigate the ways that Soviet and American leaders used new personal relationships with their adversaries to achieve thei r foreign policy goals. In order to gain further understanding of the Soviet leadership’s attitudes toward détente, I also examine how the Soviet government, through Pravda, communicated this new, increasingly complex diplomatic relationship to the Soviet public in a nuanced fashion, with multilayered presentations of American foreign policy that included portrayals of individual actors and not simply impersonal groups . ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction………………………………………..…………………………………………. 1 A Cautious Beginning: Soviet -American Relations before the Moscow Summit ..…………...9 The Lifting of the Veil: The 1972 Moscow Summit …………………………..…………….16 The High -Water Mark of Détente: The 1973 US Summit …..………………………….……30 “Nixon’s Last Friend”: The Watergate Scandal …………………………………………..…37 Détente in Crisis: The Jackson-Vanik Amendment ……………..…………………………..45 Conclusion…………………………………………………..……………………………….53 Appendices ……………………………………………..……………………………………57 Bibliography …………………………………………..……………………………………..65 iii Introduction Soviet Ambassador to the United States Anatoly Dobrynin greeted the news of Richard M. -
Nicaragua: in Brief
Nicaragua: In Brief Maureen Taft-Morales Specialist in Latin American Affairs September 14, 2016 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44560 Nicaragua: In Brief Summary This report discusses Nicaragua’s current politics, economic development and relations with the United States and provides context for Nicaragua’s controversial November 6, 2016, elections. After its civil war ended, Nicaragua began to establish a democratic government in the early 1990s. Its institutions remained weak, however, and they have become increasingly politicized since the late 1990s. Current President Daniel Ortega was a Sandinista (Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional, FSLN) leader when the Sandinistas overthrew the dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza in 1979. Ortega was elected president in 1984. An electorate weary of war between the government and U.S.-backed contras denied him reelection in 1990. After three failed attempts, he won reelection in 2006, and again in 2011. He is expected to win a third term in November 2016 presidential elections. As in local, municipal, and national elections in recent years, the legitimacy of this election process is in question, especially after Ortega declared that no domestic or international observers would be allowed to monitor the elections and an opposition coalition was effectively barred from running in the 2016 elections. As a leader of the opposition in the legislature from 1990 to 2006, and as president since then, Ortega slowly consolidated Sandinista—and personal—control over Nicaraguan institutions. As Ortega has gained power, he reputedly has become one of the country’s wealthiest men. His family’s wealth and influence have grown as well, inviting comparisons to the Somoza family dictatorship. -
Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the Origins of Iranian Primacy in the Persian Gulf
Roham Alvandi Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the origins of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Alvandi, Roham (2012) Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: the origins of Iranian primacy in the Persian Gulf. Diplomatic history, 36 (2). pp. 337-372. ISSN 1467-7709 DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-7709.2011.01025.x © 2012 The Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations (SHAFR) This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/32743/ Available in LSE Research Online: March 2012 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final manuscript accepted version of the journal article, incorporating any revisions agreed during the peer review process. Some differences between this version and the published version may remain. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. roham alvandi Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: The Origins of Iranian Primacy in the Persian Gulf* On the morning of May 31, 1972, the shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, received U.S. -
Checklist for the Moscow Summit,Briefing
65 1 May 20,1988 CHECKLIST FOR THE MOSCOW SUMMIT,BRIEFING From May 29 to June 2,1988, Ronald Reagan will be in Moscow for his fourth meeting with Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. The first meeting, in Geneva in 1985, restored United States-Soviet summit dialogue after a six-year hiatus caused by the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the terminal illness of three Soviet leaders. Reagan and Gorbachev met again in Reykjavik in 1986. That meeting broke down over Soviet insistence that the U.S. abandon its Strategic Defense Initiative. The third summit; .atwhichathe Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty was signed, was held in Washington last December. With this fourth Reagan-Gorbachev summit, Reagan will have met the Soviet leader more times than any American President has met any other Soviet leader. In an important sense, therefore, this summit is almost routine. Dramatic agreements should not be expected, nor are they desirable. In keeping with this the Moscow summit should be deliberately low-key. Reagan should downplay arms control issues, except to insist on full Soviet compliance with the INF Treaty and to insist that any strategic arms agreement must include provisions for strategic defense deployment. Items of U.S. Concern. Reagan should emphasize agenda items reflecting U.S. concern over Soviet expansionism abroad and human rights abuses at home. He forcefully should express U.S. opposition to Soviet support for wars that anti-democratic and anti-Western regimes wage against their own peoples. He should tell Gorbachev that the U.S. expects Moscow to end all involvement in Afghanistan; stop its military aid to Nicaragua and pull Soviet-bloc advisors out of that country; support internationally supervised elections in Mozambique and Angola, along with a withdrawal of Soviet and Cuban troops from the latter country; refrain from encouraging the Philippine communist rebels; and end genocide being committed in Ethiopia by the Soviet client regime of the dictator Mengistu Haile Maria. -
Fondation Pierre Du Bois | Ch
N°2 | February 2021 Structures of Genocide: Making Sense of the New War for Nagorno-Karabakh Joel Veldkamp * “Terrorists we’re fighting and we’re never gonna stop The prostitutes who prosecute have failed us from the start Can you see us?” - System of a Down, “Genocidal Humanoidz” On December 10, 2020, Turkey and Azerbaijan held a joint victory parade in Azerbaijan’s capital of Baku. Turkey’s president Tayyib Recep Erdogan and Azerbaijan’s president Ilham Aliyev stood together on a dais in front of twenty Turkish and Azerbaijani flags, as 3,000 members of the Azerbaijani Armed Forces marched by, displaying military hardware captured from their Armenian foes. Military bands played the anthems of the old Ottoman Empire, the Turkish dynasty that ruled much of the Middle East in the name of Islam until World War I. Azerbaijani jets roared over the capital, dropping smoke in the green, blue and red colors of the Azerbaijani flag. Certainly, there was much to celebrate. In forty-four days of brutal combat, Azerbaijani forces reversed the humiliating defeat they experienced at Armenia’s hands in 1994 and recaptured much of the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. Turkey worked with Azerbaijan hand-in-glove during the war, supplying it with weapons, providing intelligence and air support, and bringing in thousands of battle-hardened fighters from Syria to fight on the ground.1 The victory opened up the possibility that the hundreds of thousands of Azerbaijanis driven from Armenian-occupied territory in the first Karabakh war, many of whom had lived for decades in squalid camps in Baku and its environs, would be able to go home.2 It was an impressive vindication of the alliance of these two Turkish states, exemplifying their alliance’s motto, “two states, one nation.” But a darker spirit was on display during the parade. -
About the Results of the Moscow Summit and Their Impact on U.S
About the Results of the Moscow Summit and Their Impact on U.S. Foreign Policy and Soviet-American Relations. As experience shows, final results of such events as the Soviet-American summits become apparent over more or less extended period of time. So far, we can only talk about preliminary results. Among them, the following are the most significant. First of all, the summit brought substantial political and diplomatic results. It is important that we did not allow any breaks in the process of dialog, even though it was possible and even probably due to the U.S. political calendar (the electoral campaign, the situation in which the outgoing administration now finds itself—according to the American political terminology—the state of “lame duck”). Thanks to the summit, the year 1988 did not fall out of the process of normalization of Soviet-American relations; to the contrary, it already became an important marker in their development, which help ensure the continuity: both most likely presidential candidates are simply forced by the logic of events itself to speak positively about Soviet-American relations, about disarmament and other important issues, which were on the agenda. Thus it is as if they are “taking the baton” from Reagan. Furthermore, the preparation for the summit, the summit itself, and the subsequent realization of those agreements, which were achieved or outlined there, do not just cement the constructive changes in Soviet-American relations, but also give them a new impulse for further development in all the spheres— disarmament, resolution of regional problems, and improvement of bilateral relations. -
Boletin Nº10 AIH 03 Ene. 2003
A HI ASOCIACIÓN INTERNACIONAL DE HISPANISTAS 1 2 A HI ASOCIACIÓN INTERNACIONAL DE HISPANISTAS boletín 10/03 publicado en colaboración con FUNDACIÓN DUQUES DE SORIA 3 Esta publicación ha contado con la generosa colaboración de © Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas © Fundación Duques de Soria Depósito legal: Supervisión técnica: Jairo Javier García Sánchez Maquetación: Cartelman, SL. Soria Impresión: 4 Índice Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas. Junta Directiva. .................................................... 9 Palabras de la Presidenta. .......................................................................................................... 11 El décimo número del Boletín de la AIH. ............................................................................... 14 Informe de los Tesoreros. ........................................................................................................... 15 XV Congreso de la AIH. Comisión Local Organizadora...................................................... 15 Foro del Hispanismo. ................................................................................................................. 17 In memoriam. ................................................................................................................................. 33 Galería de retratos. ...................................................................................................................... 47 México D. F. 1968. III Congreso de la AIH. ............................................................................ -
Boletin Nº 10 / 03
A HI ASOCIACIÓN INTERNACIONAL DE HISPANISTAS 1 2 A HI ASOCIACIÓN INTERNACIONAL DE HISPANISTAS boletín 10/03 publicado en colaboración con FUNDACIÓN DUQUES DE SORIA 3 Esta publicación ha contado con la generosa colaboración de © Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas © Fundación Duques de Soria Depósito legal: Supervisión técnica: Jairo Javier García Sánchez Maquetación: Cartelman, SL. Soria Impresión: 4 Índice Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas. Junta Directiva. .................................................... 9 Palabras de la Presidenta. .......................................................................................................... 11 El décimo número del Boletín de la AIH. ............................................................................... 14 Informe de los Tesoreros. ........................................................................................................... 15 XV Congreso de la AIH. Comisión Local Organizadora...................................................... 15 Foro del Hispanismo. ................................................................................................................. 17 In memoriam. ................................................................................................................................. 33 Galería de retratos. ...................................................................................................................... 47 México D. F. 1968. III Congreso de la AIH. ............................................................................ -
THE WASHINGTON SUMMIT: General Secretary Brezhnev's Visit to the United States, June 18-25, 1973
THE WASHINGTON SUMMIT: General Secretary ~rezhnev 1 s Visit to the United States, June 18-25, 1973 DEPARTMENT OF ST ATE Leonid I. Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Com mittee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, arrived in the United States on June. 16 for an official visit June 18-25, 1973. This pamphlet consists of documentaJion, reprinted from The Depcirtrnent of Stcite Bulletin of July 23, relating to that visit. Contents June 18 ____ Welcoming Remarks, White House 1 Exchange of Toasts 2 .Tune l9____ Agreements 5 Agriculture 5 Studies of World Ocean 7 Transportation 8 Contacts, Exchanges and Cooperation 9 June 20 ____ Convention on Matters of Taxation 13 June 2L ___ Agreements 17 Strategic Arms Limitation 17 Peaceful Uses of Atomic Energy 18 Dr. Kissinger's News Conference, Washington 19 Exchange of Toasts at the Soviet Embassy 26 June 22 ____ Agreement on Prevention of Nuclear War 30 Dr. Kissinger's News Conference, Washington 31 Protocols 3 7 U.S.-U.S.S.R. Chamber of Commerce 37 Commercial Facilities 3 7 June 23 ____ Protocol on Expansion of Air Services 38 Remarks at Reception, San Clemente 40 June 24 ____ Departure Remarks, San Clemente 41 General Secretary Brezhnev's TV and Radio Address 43 June 25 ____ Joint U.S.-U.S.S.R. Communique 49 Dr. Kissinger's News Conference, San Clemente 53 Cover: President Nixon greets General Secre tary Brezhnev at the White House on June 18. Standing behind the General Secretary is V .M. Sukhodrev, Counse lor and Interpreter of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.