Putin's Illiberal Democracy
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Policy Department External Policies CITIZENS in DANGER HUMAN
BRIEFING PAPER Policy Department External Policies CITIZENS IN DANGER HUMAN RIGHTS AND FREEDOM IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA HUMAN RIGHTS February 2008 JANUARY 2004 EN This briefing paper was requested by the European Parliament’s Subcommittee on Human Rights. This study is published in the following languages: EN, FR (OR), RU Author: Marie Mendras, researcher Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris Administrator: Andrea Subhan Directorate-General for External Policies Policy Department BD4 06 M 071 rue Wiertz, 60 B-1047 Brussels Manuscript completed in February 2008. This study is available on the Internet at http://www.europarl.europa.eu/activities/committees/studies.do?language=FR Brussels: European Parliament, 2008. The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. ©European Communities, 2008 Marie Mendras is a researcher at the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), and Russia expert at the Centre d’Etudes et de Recherches Internationales (CERI). She teaches at Sciences Po University in Paris. She runs the Observatoire de la Russie at CERI and in particular has published Comment fonctionne la Russie ? Le politique, le bureaucrate et l’oligarque, Autrement, 2003, and La Russie de Poutine, Pouvoirs, Le Seuil, 2005. Her publications in English include: Russia and Europe. The Challenge of Proximity, Europa Institut Zürich, Schulthess, 2004, ‘Back to the Besieged Fortress?’ in Putin’s Empire, Stefan Batory Foundation, Warsaw, 2007, ‘Authority and Identity in Russia’ in Katlijn Malfliet, ed., Elusive Russia, Leuven, 2007. Marie Mendras studied at Essex University, Sciences Po Paris, Institut des Langues et Civilisations Orientales, Johns Hopkins University Bologna Center, and Harvard University. -
President Alexander Lukashenko Office of President of the Republic of Belarus Email: [email protected] Fax: +375 17 226 06 10
President Alexander Lukashenko Office of President of the Republic of Belarus Email: [email protected] Fax: +375 17 226 06 10 Alexander Vladimirovich Koniuk Prosecutor General of the Republic of Belarus E-mail: [email protected] Fax: +375 17 226 42 52 Alexander Bileychik First Deputy Minister Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Belarus E-mail: [email protected] Fax: +375 17 200 96 84, +375 17 200 97 50 24 November 2011 Call for immediate release and rehabilitation of Ales Bialiatski We, the undersigned 64 human rights organizations, members and partners of the Human Rights House Network, resolutely condemn the court verdict to sentence Ales Bialiatski to 4,5 years imprisonment with confiscation of his property. We call upon the Belarusian authorities to immediately drop all charges against Ales Bialiatski and stop his criminal prosecution. On Thursday, 24 November 2011, the Minsk Pershamaiski District Court announced its verdict to sentence Ales Bialiatski to 4,5 years imprisonment with the confiscation of all his property, including property registered to other persons, on charges of tax evasion. Ales Bialiatski is the Chairperson of the Human Rights Centre “Viansa”, Vice-President of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and one of the founders of the Belarusian Human Rights House in Vilnius. He is a well-known and internationally recognised human rights defender. On 4 August 2011, Ales Bialiatski was detained in Minsk on alleged suspicion of ‘concealment of income on an especially large scale’. His trial started on 2 November and was widely condemned by the international community. -
Russia's Soft Power Ambitions
No. 115 y October 2006 he European Union thinks of Russia’s Soft Power Ambitions itself as a ‘soft power’, which is Tdefined by Joseph Nye as the Nicu Popescu “ability to get what you want through attraction rather than through coercion” redressed both inside as well as outside distinct from what the West understands and which can “be cultivated through Russia. as democracy. Thus, Russia’s relations with allies, economic democracy should not necessarily assistance, and cultural exchanges.”1 The first front for Russia’s new soft correspond to Western standards of Few would think that Russia has ‘soft power ambition is domestic. Putin’s democracy. As Sergei Ivanov, Russia’s power’ ambitions, but the truth is that administration, represented by its defence minister puts it, “if there is Russia has started to invest in the deputy chief Vladislav Surkov, has been western democracy, there should be an infrastructure of a soft power. working on the development of eastern democracy as well”.7 ‘sovereign democracy’5 as a concept The moment of truth for Russia came that should be the backbone of Russia’s On paper, the ideology of ‘sovereign with the ‘Orange Revolution’ in ‘national idea’. It is not easy to grasp democracy’ is presented as if it were not Ukraine, when the power of ideas was what ‘sovereign democracy’ means that different from what is understood revealed by events. Konstantin exactly. The concept is deliberately in the West by democracy. But the Kosachev, Chairman of the foreign vague, and the debate still ongoing.6 reality is different. -
Religion, State and 'Sovereign Democracy' in Putin's Russia
Religion, state and ‘sovereign democracy’ in Putin’s Russia John Anderson School of International Relations University of St Andrews, Fife, Scotland KY16 8EB (01334 462931; [email protected]) John Anderson is Professor of International Relations at the University of St Andrews. He has published widely on religion and politics in the Soviet Union and post-Soviet states, on religion and democratisation, on Christianity and politics in Russia, Europe and the USA, and on the politics of Central Asia. His most recent book is Conservative Christian Politics in Russia and the United States (Manchester University Press, 2015). 1 Abstract This article explores the role of the dominant Russian Orthodox Church in the evolution of the post-communist Russian Federation. This is not a classic case where religion may have contributed to the democratisation of society because this has not been a primary goal of political elites, and the regime that has emerged might best be described as ‘hybrid’ with growing authoritarian tendencies. Having played little role in the ending of communism, having little historical experience of working within a democracy, suspicious of liberal- individualist visions of public life and committed to a vision of its role as the hegemonic religious institution, the promotion of democratic governance has not been a priority of church leaders. At the same time the political structures created by the Kremlin encourage a degree of conformity and support for the regime by key social actors, and in the wake of the political crisis of 2011-12 there have been further incentives for church and state to work more closely together. -
PSCI 5113 / EURR 5113 Democracy in the European Union Mondays, 11:35 A.M
Carleton University Fall 2019 Department of Political Science Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies PSCI 5113 / EURR 5113 Democracy in the European Union Mondays, 11:35 a.m. – 2:25 p.m. Please confirm location on Carleton Central Instructor: Professor Achim Hurrelmann Office: D687 Loeb Building Office Hours: Mondays, 3:00 p.m. – 4:00 p.m., and by appointment Phone: (613) 520-2600 ext. 2294 Email: [email protected] Twitter: @achimhurrelmann Course description: Over the past seventy years, European integration has made significant contributions to peace, economic prosperity and cultural exchange in Europe. By contrast, the effects of integration on the democratic quality of government have been more ambiguous. The European Union (EU) possesses more mechanisms of democratic input than any other international organization, most importantly the directly elected European Parliament (EP). At the same time, the EU’s political processes are often described as insufficiently democratic, and European integration is said to have undermined the quality of national democracy in the member states. Concerns about a “democratic deficit” of the EU have not only been an important topic of scholarly debate about European integration, but have also constituted a major argument of populist and Euroskeptic political mobilization, for instance in the “Brexit” referendum. This course approaches democracy in the EU from three angles. First, it reviews the EU’s democratic institutions and associated practices of citizen participation: How -
Wien Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna
Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS), Wien Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna Reihe Politikwissenschaft / Political Science Series No. 45 The End of the Third Wave and the Global Future of Democracy Larry Diamond 2 — Larry Diamond / The End of the Third Wave — I H S The End of the Third Wave and the Global Future of Democracy Larry Diamond Reihe Politikwissenschaft / Political Science Series No. 45 July 1997 Prof. Dr. Larry Diamond Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace Stanford University Stanford, California 94305-6010 USA e-mail: [email protected] and International Forum for Democratic Studies National Endowment for Democracy 1101 15th Street, NW, Suite 802 Washington, DC 20005 USA T 001/202/293-0300 F 001/202/293-0258 Institut für Höhere Studien (IHS), Wien Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna 4 — Larry Diamond / The End of the Third Wave — I H S The Political Science Series is published by the Department of Political Science of the Austrian Institute for Advanced Studies (IHS) in Vienna. The series is meant to share work in progress in a timely way before formal publication. It includes papers by the Department’s teaching and research staff, visiting professors, students, visiting fellows, and invited participants in seminars, workshops, and conferences. As usual, authors bear full responsibility for the content of their contributions. All rights are reserved. Abstract The “Third Wave” of global democratization, which began in 1974, now appears to be drawing to a close. While the number of “electoral democracies” has tripled since 1974, the rate of increase has slowed every year since 1991 (when the number jumped by almost 20 percent) and is now near zero. -
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me. -
An Essay in Universal History
AN ESSAY IN UNIVERSAL HISTORY From an Orthodox Christian Point of View PART 6: THE AGE OF MAMMON (1945-2001) Volume 3: From 1992 to 2001 Vladimir Moss © Copyright Vladimir Moss, 2017: All Rights Reserved 1 The communists have been hurled at the Church like a crazy dog. Their Soviet emblem - the hammer and sickle - corresponds to their mission. With the hammer they beat people over the head, and with the sickle they mow down the churches. But then the Masons will remove the communists and take control of Russia… St. Theodore (Rafanovsky) of Belorussia (+1975). In order to have a democracy in society there must be a dictatorship in power. Anatoly Chubais. We are on the verge of a global transformation. All we need is the right major crisis... and the nations will accept the New World Order. David Rockefeller. Globalization is all about wealth. It knows the price of everything and value of nothing. Without borders the world will become – is becoming – a howling desert of traffic fumes, concrete and plastic, where nowhere is home and the only language is money. Peter Hitchens. The best way to shake people out of their inertia is to put them in debt. Then you give them the power to realize their dreams overnight, while ensuring that they’ll spend years paying for their dreams. This is the principle upon which the stability of the Western world rests. A Serb. Israel is where Jews are. It is not a line on a map. Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir. The death of God does not mean that man will believe in nothing, but that he will believe in anything. -
THE RISE of COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A
Elections Without Democracy THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government and social studies at Harvard University. His Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. Lucan A. Way is assistant professor of political science at Temple University and an academy scholar at the Academy for International and Area Studies at Harvard University. He is currently writing a book on the obstacles to authoritarian consolidation in the former Soviet Union. The post–Cold War world has been marked by the proliferation of hy- brid political regimes. In different ways, and to varying degrees, polities across much of Africa (Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbab- we), postcommunist Eurasia (Albania, Croatia, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine), Asia (Malaysia, Taiwan), and Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru) combined democratic rules with authoritarian governance during the 1990s. Scholars often treated these regimes as incomplete or transi- tional forms of democracy. Yet in many cases these expectations (or hopes) proved overly optimistic. Particularly in Africa and the former Soviet Union, many regimes have either remained hybrid or moved in an authoritarian direction. It may therefore be time to stop thinking of these cases in terms of transitions to democracy and to begin thinking about the specific types of regimes they actually are. In recent years, many scholars have pointed to the importance of hybrid regimes. Indeed, recent academic writings have produced a vari- ety of labels for mixed cases, including not only “hybrid regime” but also “semidemocracy,” “virtual democracy,” “electoral democracy,” “pseudodemocracy,” “illiberal democracy,” “semi-authoritarianism,” “soft authoritarianism,” “electoral authoritarianism,” and Freedom House’s “Partly Free.”1 Yet much of this literature suffers from two important weaknesses. -
Illiberal Democracies: Overview
Illiberal Democracies: Overview •“Transitions to democracy” •Democracy with adjectives •Illiberal democracies in practice: –Russia and “stable” illiberalism –Kenya: Violently democratic –Romania: from ill to liberal •(In)conclusions “Transitions to democracy” • Transitions literature comes out of a reading of democratization in L.Am., ‘70s & ‘80s. • Mechanisms of transition (O’Donnell and Schmitter): – Splits appear in the authoritarian regime – Civil society and opposition develop – “Pacted” transitions Democracy with Adjectives • Problem: The transitions model is excessively teleological and just inaccurate • “Illiberal” meets “democracy” – What is democracy (again, and in brief)? – Why add “liberal”? – What in an illiberal democracy is “ill”? A Typology of Regimes Chart taken from Larry Diamond, “Thinking about Hybrid Regimes” Journal of Democracy 13: 2 (2002) How do “gray zone” regimes develop? • Thomas Carothers: Absence of pre-conditions to democracy, which is tied to… (Culturalist) • Fareed Zakaria: When baking a liberal democracy, liberalize then democratize (Institutionalist). • Michael McFaul: Domestic balance of power at the outset matters (path dependence). Where even, illiberalism may develop (Rationalist). Russia Poland Case studies: Russia • 1991-93: An even balance of power between Yeltsin and reformers feeds into political ambiguity…and illiberalism • After Sept 1993 - Yeltsin takes the advantage and uses it to shape Russia into a delegative democracy • The creation of President Putin • Putin and the “dictatorship of law” -
Belarus in Upheaval: Three Scenarios
Policy Perspectives Vol. 9/2, February 2021 Belarus in Upheaval: Three Scenarios As Alexander Lukashenko has become a toxic figure at home and abroad, three scenarios for the regime’s future are perceptible. Each has important foreign policy implications, and Russia is key in all of them. By Benno Zogg riggered by outrageous election fraud and wanton vio- mains volatile and forecasting is difficult, observers and Tlence by government forces, Belarus has seen months of policymakers will need to consider all options. protests and civic activism against the regime. Alexander Lukashenko has lost legitimacy among a majority of Belar- Between Partner and Pariah usians, and his rhetoric has gotten increasingly martial and Due to its geographic location between Russia, Ukraine, erratic. The West is appalled by the blatant violation of lib- Poland, and the Baltics, Belarus is of strategic importance eral values in a country located at a critical geopolitical fault in defense planning and as an energy transit route for the line with Russia. As such, the past months have reversed West and Russia alike. Since Lukashenko was elected years of Belarusian rapprochement with the West following president in 1994, Russia has been Belarus’ closest ally. For the 2014 annexation of Crimea. Most Western states have Russia, keeping Belarus in its sphere of influence is an enacted sanctions against members and supporters of the regime. This appears to leave Lukashenko with only one influen- tial partner: Russia. However, the Krem- lin’s support cannot be taken for granted Key Points and comes with many conditions. Three scenarios are perceptible Despite widespread protests, Lukashenko violently holds on to within the next five years and imply dif- power – with Russian support. -
HJS 'Putin Sees and Hears It All' Report.Qxd
Putin SeeS and HearS it all: How ruSSia’S intelligence agencieS Menace tHe uK BY DR ANDREW FOXALL DEMOCRACY | FREEDOM | HUMAN RIGHTS November 2018 First published in 2018 by The Henry Jackson Society. The Henry Jackson Society Millbank Tower 21-24 Millbank London SW1P 4QP Registered charity no. 1140489 Tel: +44 (0)20 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2018. All rights reserved. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its Trustees. Title: “PuTiN SEES AND HEARS iT ALL: HOW RuSSiA’S iNTELLigENcE AgENciES MENAcE THE uK” By: Dr Andrew Foxall Putin SeeS and HearS it all: How ruSSia’S intelligence agencieS Menace tHe uK BY DR ANDREW FOXALL November 2018 PuTiN SEES AND HEARS iT ALL “Dr. Foxall’s report forcefully reminds us that Russian Intelligence activity in the West is still large scale and intrusive, and that we need to devote significant resources and expertise ourselves to monitoring and blunting this threat to our national security. As during the Cold War an effective counterintelligence capability remains an essential part of our own intelligence and security community.” Sir richard dearlove KcMg oBe chief of the Secret intelligence Service (Mi6) (1999-2004) “Anyone who is relaxed or complacent about Russian intelligence activity in the United Kingdom should read this Report. Not only have we experienced the murder of Litvinenko and the attempted murder of the Skripals on British soil, Britain and the West as a whole face an unrelenting assault from Putin’s bloated intelligence and security agencies.