Schweizerischer Association suisse pour Associazione Svizzera per lo Verband für Personelle l’échange de personnes scambio di persone Entwicklungs- dans la coopération nella cooperazione zusammenarbeit internationale internazionale

Swiss association for Asociación Suiza para el Associação Suíça para o the exchange of intercambio de personas intercâmbio de pessoas personnel in development en la cooperación na cooperação cooperation internacional internacional

FURTHER EDUCATION AND QUALITY MANAGEMENT: MUTUAL LEARNING PROCESS

THE WORLDVIEW FUNDAMENTALISM CHALLENGES FOR THE EXCHANGE OF PERSONNEL IN DEVELOPMENT COOPERATION

Core Document

05.2015 - Raji Sultan with the Working Group on fundamentalisms: Josef Estermann, BMI - Comundo Fernanda Gurzeler, The Salvation Army Josefina Hurtado, M21 Anne-Marie Holenstein, Externe

Marian Groba, Eirene Jacques Küng, DM

1. GENESIS

Globalisation has brought, and brings different worldviews together, which sometimes leads to confrontations. This has spawned a rise in awareness of Fundamentalisms in the 20th and 21st centuries. This global phenomenon has brought a challenge to the work of development cooperation agencies, particularly to those that deal with the exchange of personnel. Fundamentalist movements can be a threat to peace and hinder the exchange of ideas and the respective values, which are the core characteristics of the exchange of personnel in development cooperation.

This is a form of cooperation in which neither money, nor technology is in the foreground, but rather the fruitful encounter of people who work together to improve living conditions in the South. The exchange of personnel and professional knowledge, ideas and values are therefore at the centre of development programs, the sending organisations’ projects, per- sons on assignment, coordinators and local partners.

The quality of their work is therefore, compared to other forms of cooperation, particularly vulnerable to fundamentalism, whether the latter is religious, socio-political, ethnic, na- tional or economic. This increased risk of interference or manipulation by fundamentalism is even more marked when it comes to Faith Based Organisations.

During a dialogue between the Institutional Partnerships Division (IP) of the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) and Unité (Swiss association for the exchange of personnel in development cooperation), fundamentalism worldviews were identified as a crosscutting theme for mutual learning between member organisations, Unité and its partners.

2. PROCESS OBJECTIVES

The key issues that were identified during the dialogue between SDC and Unité, which will be developed during the process are:

a) What specific importance does fundamentalisms take on when it comes to the de- velopment cooperation in the field of personnel exchange? b) In general, what lessons are learned and how do the perspectives present them- selves?

As part of its institutional program 2013-2016, Unité will study these questions with its member organisations, in coordination with other institutions active in development coop- eration including Bread for All and Comundo (Romero Haus), which will also look at „Reli- gion and Development".

It is important to understand firstly, the different dimensions of the fundamentalism phe- nomenon. In particular, the processes of radicalisation in socio-economic, socio-policies, and socio-cultural contexts, the perception of the different development cooperation par- ticipants - including local participants, particularly vis-à-vis Unité organisations - and the risk of exploitation of the exchange of personnel assignments.

Secondly, understanding the negative impacts and assessing the extent of fundamental- isms on the development cooperation projects of Unité member organisations. This will establish a picture of the challenges faced and their significant importance.

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Thirdly, relevant cases will need to be studied, to identify and propose ways to enable member organisations to limit the negative impact of fundamentalisms on their commit- ments to the development cooperation.

3. CHALLENGES AND CONSIDERATIONS FOR THE PROCESS OF MUTUAL LEARNING

a) There is no unanimous understanding of the term There is no definition of fundamentalism that is widely recognised in the aca- demic world. Thus, its links with other terms such as, for example, radicalism, extremism, terrorism and political violence, makes it difficult for everyone to identify it. Moreover, fundamentalism is widely associated with religion today, in the collective imagination, given the news, with "jihadism". It will be im- portant to go beyond the mere semantic debate.

b) Perception plays an important role A movement can be considered fundamentalist by some people, but seen dif- ferently by others. So there is an element of subjectivity in judgments made. The same individual can be labelled as a terrorist by a group and a hero or a martyr by another.

c) It is necessary to distinguish between the ideologies or worldviews of an individual and its fundamentalist speech It is essential not to stop at the speeches of an individual who is acting within a group, but to study their attitudes and effects. Indeed, different factors can lead an individual to join a fundamentalist movement, be it social, economic, political or psychological (see below). It is, therefore, possible that an individ- ual will show fundamentalist positions, without embracing the ideology, the worldview. Depending on the context, belonging to a fundamentalist move- ment can be quite restricting and lead individuals to act contrary to their own identity. Their genuineness is therefore called into question.

d) The diversity of contexts Fundamentalisms, the effects on the exchange of personnel development co- operation assignments and projects are closely linked to the context in which they operate. However, each of these contexts possesses characteristics that must be considered in the analysis of the situation. There is not a single fun- damentalism and there will not be one method to limit its negative impact on the projects or programs of the exchange of personnel in development cooper- ation.

e) The term "fundamentalist" dehumanizes those who it defines The term "fundamentalist" has a very negative connotation. So to use it to de- scribe a movement or a person tends to exclude it and is likely to break the di- alogue. It should therefore be used with caution and should only be used to qualify trends rather than individuals or institutions

f) The theme of fundamentalism can be difficult to address in some con- texts In situations where fundamentalism is present, to approach the topic or to mention it by indicating a movement or a person can be risky. It is therefore understandable that in contexts where fundamentalisms are the strongest, the persons on assignment, coordinators or partners cannot talk about it freely. Therefore, it is necessary to take into account these factors as part of the mu- tual learning process and to find alternative methods of carrying out surveys or interviews if needs be. 3

g) The awareness level of the fundamentalism phenomenon is not the same in all Unité members Not all Unité members face the same level of fundamentalism problems and therefore have different interest levels to participating actively in this mutual learning process. It should nevertheless be recognised that some organisa- tions may face this problem as part of their activities, without realising it, espe- cially when it comes to non-religious fundamentalisms.

h) Unité member organisations have limited resources Organisations are solicited by Unité for different jobs or studies, or as part of other processes of common studies by other platforms (e.g. Bread for All and the confederations of cooperation in French-speaking Switzerland or in Tes- sin). It is therefore important to find synergies when it is possible.

i) The risk of giving a negative impression Organisations try to highlight the benefits of their worldview. By working on the topic of fundamentalism, they will have to question their own stances and thereby realise that their own worldview can be carriers of danger. Therefore organisations can be reluctant to recognise it, for fear of harming their reputa- tion.

4. FUNDAMENTALISMS

The term fundamentalism originated in the early 20th century in a collection of texts «Fun- damentals: a testimony of truth». Written by two American evangelists, traditionalists, it was meant to stop the erosion of the Protestant core beliefs in the face of the progressive currents. Supporters and sponsors of these texts were therefore called «Fundamental- ists».

The term was extended during the 20th century to define not only the currents of various religions but also non-religious, socio-political, ethnic, cultural, nationalist or economic. If the word did not have a negative1 connotation at the start of the 20th century, the word Fundamentalism today conveys a very bad image in the post September 11 context, marked by the Clash of Civilisations theory of Huntington2. This trend is reinforced today with the emergence of the Islamic State in the Middle East, which, by its communication through social networks, diffuses continuous images of barbaric acts, justified in the name of a faith.

There is no typical fundamentalism and each has its own peculiarities. In this context, there is no universally accepted definition of Fundamentalism although the word is broadly used today. That is why we deliberately chose a definition that best suits the needs of the member organisations. This includes three necessary characteristics to identify a move- ment as fundamentalist, which most writers on the subject agree on:

1 Fundamentalism: A Very Short Introduction, Malise Ruthven, Oxford University Press, 2007, p. 7. 2 Selon cette théorie, le monde serait aujourd'hui divisé en 8 civilisations qui tendent à s'allier ou se confron- ter. 4

1. Fundamentalism affirms that a source of ideas, usually text, is complete and error-free3. It thus has a monopoly of the truth and does not accept ques- tioning or conflicting interpretations.

Fundamentalist movements follow a fixed and absolute original doctrine, which does not accept questioning or other interpretations. It contains a set of rigid standards consisting of a moral order which must be complied with. The potential of dialogue on values and ideas is thus limited and there is no room for diversity or multiplicity, even within the same worldview. If fundamentalisms claim to main- tain and defend the traditions, they often use modern methods and/or ideologies4. The fundamentalists put the emphasis on purity and authenticity as well as on cul- ture and traditions of an idealised past they seek to reproduce.

2. Fundamentalism opposes itself to a threat it perceives

Movements become fundamentalists when they perceive a threat to their identity and tradition or the erosion of their ideology or worldviews. They object generally to modernisation and globalisation due to their pluralism or particularly if one or more 'other' movements marginalise them5. They compare a 'good' to a 'bad' with a clear division, until potentially becoming punitive and violent or excluding them- selves from society. The perceived threat comes not only from other groups, but also from the members of the movement. Those whose behaviour is not consid- ered compliant are often called 'moderate'. Thus, the first victims of Boko Haram in Nigeria were Muslim, although this fundamentalist movement claims to be of the same confession6. Fundamentalisms are generally patriarchal, wanting a 'depriva- tion' of sexuality, especially female7. This includes dress codes or sexual orienta- tion. They frequently oppose women's rights and greater autonomy for women8.

3. Fundamentalism interprets a vision of the world in a selective way in order to impose a political, social, economic or cultural order.

The radicalisation process leads to fundamentalism being used for political pur- poses. So fundamentalist movements are political activists who exploit the ambiva- lence of their worldview to impose a socio economic and political system given for the society. To impose it, they try to exercise power, or to influence it.

When the fundamentalists are in power, human rights instruments are not applied universally. They deprive other ethnic or religious groups from some of their funda- mental rights. A hierarchy is thus made between different segments of society and prejudices are maintained thus damaging the existing solidarity between the differ- ent groups.

Most authors associate fundamentalism to a fourth characteristic: being religious. They thus dispute the existence of non-religious fundamentalisms, particularly because most

3 Fundamentalism, Steve Bruce, Polity Press, 2008, p. 12. 4 Les fondamentalismes, Mayer Jean-François, Georg Editeur, 2001 5 Rethinking Fundamentalism in a secular age, R. Scott Appleby, dans Rethinking Secularism, Craig Calhoun, Mark Juergensmeyer, et Jonathan VanAntwerpen, Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 256. 6 Aktuelles aus Nigeria: Eindrücke zur aktuellen Situation im Rahmen der Dienstreise vom 20.5.-2.6.2013,Jo- chen Kirsch, Mission 21. 7 Fundamentalismus als patriarchalische Protestbewegung, Riesenbrodt Martin, J. C. B. Mohr, Tübingen, 1990. 8 “Understanding Religious Fundamentalisms for Activists”, Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID), 2014, p. 12. 5

religions, such as Christianity or Islam, claim that after death, God awaits the faithful9. This belief in a paradise is unique to religions and involves ways of thinking or specific actions that are not found in secular movements. It is not a question of questioning this theory, but the needs identified by Unité, go beyond just the religious movements, and include move- ments claiming ideologies or visions of a nationalist or ethnic world, for example, who also meet the three characteristics listed above. The term fundamentalism is, in practice, often used to describe non-religious doctrines. For example, the Nobel economist Joseph Stiglitz calls the International Monetary Fund policies 'market fundamentalism'10. Moreo- ver, it happens in certain environments that one is denigrated and refused dialog when one is linked to a faith or if, for example, when linked to a theologian function. We could also talk of a secularist fundamentalism in these types of cases.

On the other hand, the study of a database identifying the events of transnational terror- ism from 1968 to 2004 has identified that only 216 of 1483 groups committing such acts were “religious"11. However, it stated that over this same period, terrorist acts committed by religious groups were growing; this perhaps explains why fundamentalisms appear to- day primarily as religious12.

5. WHAT FACTORS ALLOW THE EMERGENCE OF FUNDAMENTALISMS IN A CON- TEXT?

The study of fundamentalism does not identify a unique scenario that reproduces system- atically, regardless of the context. It is often an accumulation of factors that causes funda- mentalism to emerge in a given context. On the other hand, the presence of some of these factors does not automatically mean that a fundamentalist movement will emerge. Nevertheless, certain factors can identify settings where there is a particular risk. To es- tablish a list, the working group based its findings on the work undertaken by the AWID (Association for Women’s Rights in Development) network, which unites active organisa- tions in the defence of woman’s rights. Based in particular on the survey of activists around the world and several workshops, the publication 'Understanding religious funda- mentalism' has identified economic, political and social factors for the growth of funda- mentalism. To these, we add psychological factors, presented in the academic publication "Psychological Perspectives on Religion, Violence, and History"13. The reasons that many people think pushes an individual, for instance, to become a terrorist are poverty, lack of education or madness. The study of real cases however shows a more complex reality14.

5.1. Political Factors

- Authoritarianism, militarism and lack of political alternative 15

Fundamentalist movements tend to grow in contexts where political and democratic alter- natives can hardly survive because of regime oppression. They are indeed among the most visible and best-organised groups with an often charismatic and authoritarian leader- ship. They thus gain popularity by appearing as a strong opposition force capable of

9 Fundamentalism, Think Again, R. Scott Appleby, Martin E. Marty, in Foreign Policy, January-February 2002. 10 Fundamentalism: A Very Short Introduction, Malise Ruthven, Oxford University Press, 2007, p. 21. 11 Terrorism, Identity and Legitimacy, The Four Waves theory and political violence, edited by Jean E. Rosen- feld, Routledge, Abingdon, 2011, p.19. 12 Idem, p.23. 13 The Fundamentalist Mindset. Psychological Perspectives on Religion, Violence, and History, Charles B. Strozier, David M. Terman, James W. Jones, Katherine A. Boyd, Oxford University Press, 2010. 14 Understanding Terrorism and Political Violence, The life cycle of birth, growth, transformation, and demise. Dipak K. Gupta, Routledge, Abingdon, 2008, p.12. 15 “Understanding Religious Fundamentalisms for Activists”, Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID), 2014, p. 34. 6

changing the status quo. A movement such as Hamas in the Palestinian territories may also present itself as a national liberation movement16.

- Absence or malfunction of the rule of law

When the state is unable to enforce the law on part or all of its territory, it promotes the emergence of fundamentalist movements. They can take over state functions and impose their own Legal order. This is reinforced by the lack of protection enjoyed by civil society in such circumstances.

- The use of a fundamentalist speech by the State or other political forces17

The presence of fundamentalist speeches in a State policy, especially when used for elec- toral purposes, reflects on the society as a whole. For example, in Nicaragua, the newly elected government of Daniel Ortega has banned abortion in order to receive the support of the Catholic Church for his campaign. Fundamentalist governments also have the ca- pacity to export their ideology or worldview through their foreign and military policies in particular.

- The weakening of non-fundamentalist movements18

When 'progressive' movements are weakened, alternative interpretations of an ideology or worldview given by the fundamentalists are marginalised. This was the case, for example in Latin America with the liberation theology that was systematically targeted and deci- mated by the Vatican and the military regimes.

5.2. Economic Factors

- Poverty and inequality 19

In some contexts where poverty is very strong, joining a fundamentalist movement can be a survival strategy. This is particularly the case, when inequality is very strong within the society, reinforcing a strong feeling of injustice that the fundamentalists can exploit by pre- senting themselves as the only alternative to despair.

- Service provider role 20

When the state benefits are deficient, fundamentalist movements can substitute the State and exploit that assistance for the purpose of mobilisation and recruitment. This is espe- cially the case during major crises or when there is privatisation. By providing jobs or other benefits to its followers, a fundamentalist movement can also prove to be attractive from a professional or economic point of view21.

16 Les fondamentalismes, Mayer Jean-François, Georg Editeur, 2001, p. 90. 17 “Understanding Religious Fundamentalisms for Activists”, Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID), 2014, p. 36. 18 Idem, p. 37. 19 Idem, p. 32. 20 Idem, p. 32. 21 Rethinking Fundamentalism in a secular age, R. Scott Appleby, dans Rethinking Secularism, Craig Cal- houn, Mark Juergensmeyer, et Jonathan VanAntwerpen, Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 256. 7

5.3. Social Factors

- Loss of certainties and belonging22

In a world increasingly complex and globalised, there is an increasing lack of cohesion or rupture in social relations. The place and functions of individuals in the society are more and more differentiated. Populations are then divided and separated23. In this context, the certainties and sense of belonging offered by fundamentalism can be particularly attrac- tive.

- Globalisation, migration and rising political identities24

The experienced alienation with globalisation and the vast socio-economic changes it in- duces can push people towards introversion or to their own ideology or worldview. The in- dividual finds himself lost in the new models (economic, social, familial, sexual, etc.), which he then needs to comply with. It's the same with the migration phenomena, which can reinforce the self-defining dimensions, notably in the presence of racism or in contexts of exclusions.

- The presence of a fundamentalism25

When fundamentalism is present in a context, other groups tend to be radicalised as well. Thus other fundamentalisms may also emerge. This is particularly the case in conflicts.

5.4. Psychological Factors 26

Although individualism is an ubiquitous concept in the western societies, experimental studies in psychology, cognitive science and evolutionary biology, show the importance of group behaviour on the decision processes27.

- A dualistic thought

Fundamentalists divide the world into two distinct camps: that of good and that of evil. Each individual is classified as one or the other. The certainty and the truth offered by the doctrine is particularly attractive for young people who have had a weak identity formation. Faith in an ideology or worldview is reassuring and allows them to overcome the greatest obstacles28. This can be reinforced by the feeling of being part of an 'elected' group, cho- sen to defend their ideology or world vision29.

22 “Understanding Religious Fundamentalisms for Activists”, Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID), 2014, p. 38. 23 Fundamentalism, Steve Bruce, Polity Press, 2008, p. 17. 24 “Understanding Religious Fundamentalisms for Activists”, Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID), 2014, p. 38. 25 Idem, p. 41. 26 The Fundamentalist Mindset. Psychological Perspectives on Religion, Violence, and History, Charles B. Strozier, David M. Terman, James W. Jones, Katherine A. Boyd, Oxford University Press, 2010, p. 11. 27 Terrorism, Identity and Legitimacy, The Four Waves theory and political violence, edited by Jean E. Rosen- feld, Routledge, Abingdon, 2011, p.31. 28 The Fundamentalist Mindset. Psychological Perspectives on Religion, Violence, and History, Charles B. Strozier, David M. Terman, James W. Jones, Katherine A. Boyd, Oxford University Press, 2010, p. 14. 29 Rethinking Fundamentalism in a secular age, R. Scott Appleby, dans Rethinking Secularism, Craig Cal- houn, Mark Juergensmeyer, et Jonathan VanAntwerpen, Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 256. 8

- Paranoia and anger in a group setting

Fundamentalists have an increased sense of danger and victimisation. They have a strong degree of distrust towards those who do not share their worldview. Opposing opin- ions or attacks on goals or group values are perceived as threats30. A weak self-esteem, shame or humiliation plays a major role in the emergence of a paranoid structure, itself a source of violence. Four different stages are proposed to describe paranoia, from the most moderate to more severe: the feeling that the world is against us (1), only the 'others' control work, money, power, etc. (2), a sense of victimisation accompanied by a cautious or suspicious hostility vis-à-vis the rest of the world. (3), the psychotic state of paranoia, involving the illusion or hallucination of persecution (4)31. Conspiracy theories often emerge among fundamentalists32. The fundamentalist group sees itself as morally supe- rior, but inferior in the context of temporal power33. Thus the establishment of an ideal world through the destruction of another. A typical example of this concept is that of the Nazis who wanted to eliminate the Jews34.

- An apocalyptic orientation

Fundamentalists are often convinced that the present world will end and a new era will begin, governed by their worldviews. They have a kind of utopia of a future, which in rela- tion to the past, does not make sense. Good will triumph over evil and an ideal society will be established in the end35.

- A relationship with a charismatic leadership

Fundamentalists are often entirely devoted to a charismatic leader or a 'guru'. The latter has a form of authority over the group and is distinguished primarily by their self-confi- dence or the strength of their conviction36. They have the ability to formulate the ideology and encourage the group to support or participate in violent acts37. The groups tend to be organised in a pyramidal and authoritarian manner38. The members of fundamentalist movements all strive to be considered on an equal footing within the group39.

30 The Fundamentalist Mindset. Psychological Perspectives on Religion, Violence, and History, Charles B. Strozier, David M. Terman, James W. Jones, Katherine A. Boyd, Oxford University Press, 2010, p. 12. 31 Idem, p. 48. 32 Les fondamentalismes, Mayer Jean-François, Georg Editeur, 2001, p. 63. 33 The Fundamentalist Mindset. Psychological Perspectives on Religion, Violence, and History, Charles B. Strozier, David M. Terman, James W. Jones, Katherine A. Boyd, Oxford University Press, 2010, p. 49. 34 Idem, p. 49. 35 Les fondamentalismes, Mayer Jean-François, Georg Editeur, 2001, p. 54. 36 The Fundamentalist Mindset. Psychological Perspectives on Religion, Violence, and History, Charles B. Strozier, David M. Terman, James W. Jones, Katherine A. Boyd, Oxford University Press, 2010, p. 38. 37 Idem, p. 39. 38 Rethinking Fundamentalism in a secular age, R. Scott Appleby, dans Rethinking Secularism, Craig Cal- houn, Mark Juergensmeyer, et Jonathan VanAntwerpen, Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 256. 39 Les fondamentalismes, Mayer Jean-François, Georg Editeur, 2001, p. 56. 9

- A “total” conversion experience

A “total” conversion to a new religion includes a total rejection of the previous. It is totally inclusive, creating an imaginary line between what belongs to the new religion and what is excluded to the point of being paranoid. The total conversion is usually pre- ceded by an escalation-induced stress, crisis, social influence, a personal struggle or trauma.40

6. NEGATIVE IMPACTS ON THE EXCHANGE OF PERSONNEL

6.1 Mapping The negative impacts on the various players in the exchange of personnel in development cooperation depend on the interaction between each of the players in the context. A “mapping” can be made to represent the different players in the context of an assigning cooperation through the exchange of personnel and identify the intensity influences they are subjected to.

Such a diagram is not static and is always a snap shot of time. Indeed, all the players - in- dividuals as well as institutions – are constantly experiencing the transformation process caused and influenced by others or the environment from the sending or receiving organi- sation.

Here is an example of “Mapping” below:

The orange arrows - more or less thick - represent the influence - low or high - on the players of the cooperation through the exchange of personnel. This influence can be neg- ative, positive or neutral. The sending organisation, the partner organisation, the person on assignment and coordi- nation office are themselves bound by agreements or contracts. They have a shared vi- sion of the world (whether religious or secular), motivation and jointly defined objectives.

40 The Fundamentalist Mindset. Psychological Perspectives on Religion, Violence, and History, Charles B. Strozier, David M. Terman, James W. Jones, Katherine A. Boyd, Oxford University Press, 2010, p. 41. 10

This is expressed in the guidelines of the organisations, the strategies, the choice of pro- jects and their working practices41.

The mapping identifies the players that can play a positive role and those that can play a negative role, as well as the connectors or dividers.

6.2 Possible impacts

The working group identified the following possible negative impacts on the four main players of cooperation through the exchange of personnel, notably on the basis of anec- dotes collected from their member Organisation.

A. Sending organisation

• The impact of the cooperation program for the development of the organisation may be challenged by fundamentalisms, preventing or limiting its implementation42.

• Its reputation, and/or project implementation could potentially be endangered by the “betrayal” of a person on assignment or partner.

• It can become radicalised and develop fundamentalist tendencies.

• It cannot select certain candidates for assignments because of their religious affilia- tion, race or ethnic background, or because of their sexual orientation, for example. It thus risks being accused of discrimination43.

• It may have a double standard, between its official image and its practice in the field

B. Person on assignment and coordination

• They tend to act as locals and can be radicalised, even develop fundamentalist tendencies. Their authenticity is challenged.

• A fundamentalist movement can manipulate them.

• They can be discredited or endangered because of their religious affiliation, race or ethnic background or because of their sexual orientation, for example44.

41 v. Guide pour une réflexion pratique sur le rôle des facteurs religieux et culturels dans les projets de coopé- ration au développement, Communauté de coopération Pain Pour le Prochain, Groupe de travail „religion et développement“, 2014. The influence of religious and cultural factors on development cooperation projects and programs is expressed in the following four interrelated levels: 1. at the individual level (position and personal experiences, intercultural sensitivity, ability to self-reflection, etc.) 2. at the projects and programs level (partners, target groups, objectives, measures, etc.) 3. at the organizational level (procedures, structures, personnel management, communication, etc.) 4. politically (understanding and development goals, religious and cultural climate eg. 9 / 11-, instruments used etc.) 42 In Zimbabwe, for example, some apostolic sects urge members of their communities to be healed only by spiritual consultations or by faith, or fear being punished. These beliefs form a barrier to access care and mod- ern medicines. v. Apostolic Religion, Health and Utilization of Maternal and Child Health Services in Zimba- bwe, Brian Maguranyanga, Collaborating Center for Operational Research and Evaluation, UNICEF, p. vii. 43 For example, a partner organization categorically refused to meet a young couple who had been selected for an assignment, if they did not marry first. 44 For example, a volunteer assigned to Latin America was attacked by an ethnocentric fundamentalist activist, which denied him the right to work there because he was a representative of colonialsime or Western neo- colonialism. 11

C. Partner organisation

• It may have a double standard between its official image and its practises on the field.

• It can become radicalised and develop fundamentalist tendencies45.

• Its reputation and/or project implementation could potentially be endangered by a “be- trayal” of a person on assignment or the sending organisation.

• It may be subject to threats or be banned.

• Its registration with the State could be questioned

7. POTENTIAL OF THE EXCHANGE OF PERSONNEL

Ideology or worldviews can be interpreted in different ways. Work on the role of religion in development cooperation, led by Anne-Marie Holenstein on behalf of the SDC (Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation) demonstrated the ambivalent influence of reli- gious factors, between potential and danger46. If in the case of religious fundamentalisms, religion can be used to inspire violence, for example, it can also serve as inspiration for non-violent behaviour. Each interpretation is thus vulnerable to a contra-interpretation. There is, therefore, strong potential in dialogues and exchanges that are at the heart of the exchange of personnel in development cooperation. This, whether it is in dialogue with partners sharing the same ideology/worldview47, or because trust is already established, with partners having another worldview48.

The exchange between equals can enable the reflection of their own ideology or worldview within the framework of the dialogue, and offer the same reflection to another player. On the other hand, to identify and understand the worldview of a player, and its im- pact, takes time49. The long-term assignments (minimum two years) of the cooperation through the exchange of personnel appear to have good potential. By renouncing a Swiss salary level and sharing closely living conditions of the local population, the persons on assignment are more likely to maintain a direct dialogue, direct and fair with other players in the context. In addition, the very long-term partnerships that are maintained by some Swiss organisations with Southern partners can strengthen the confidence and knowledge of the context necessary to trade on the ideas and values.

As a strategy to restrict the impact of fundamentalisms, the creation of alliances or inter- national movements can provide support to advocate change, adds legitimacy as the visi- bility of civil society increases and provides a “safety in numbers”50. By developing rela- tionships with community members, the persons on assignment of the exchange of per-

45 For example, in Africa, a volunteer assisted in the radicalization of a partner organization. Thus a climate of mistrust occurred, the volunteer was even exploited for fundraising purpose. 46 Religionen - Potential oder Gefahr?, Religion und Spiritualität in Theorie und Praxis der Entwicklungszu- sammenarbeit , Holenstein, Anne Marie, LIT Velrag, 2010. 47 Wir brauchen Fürsprecher, Interview de Michael N. Kimindu, E+Z, Nr. 4 2014, 2014/04, p. 172. 48 Competing Political Science Perspectives on the Religion in Conflict, Stein Sabina A, in Religion in Conflict Transformation, Politorbis N° 52, 2/ 2011, p. 89. 49 Religionen - Potential oder Gefahr?, Religion und Spiritualität in Theorie und Praxis der Entwicklungszu- sammenarbeit , Holenstein, Anne Marie, LIT Velrag, 2010, p. 116. 50 “Understanding Religious Fundamentalisms for Activists”, Association for Women’s Rights in Development (AWID), 2014, p. 79. 12

sonnel in development cooperation, support networks and concrete opportunities for col- laboration, says an international study51. The latter also confirms that the social capital thus generated, represents the third largest contributor of international volunteering. This potential can also be strengthened by reciprocal exchanges South-South or South-North and the outreach work done by the persons on assignment returning to the sending or- ganisation.

Finally, some of the exchanges of personnel organisations have had a great experience in working for peace in conflict situations. In such specific contexts, the person on assign- ment plays an interpellation role as an external input52.

8. REQUIREMENTS OF THE SWISS NGOs

In order to face the challenges posed by fundamentalism, the needs of the exchange of Swiss personnel cooperative organisations are mainly in:

• context analysis • preparing persons on assignment • preparation of the partner • the accompaniment of persons on assignment

9. PATHS - METHODS

The different paths or following methods have been proposed by the Working Group: • We must raise awareness of the issue of fundamentalisms, including ones own funda- mentalist tendencies • We should be encouraged to work on our own biography • We need to heighten awareness of the distance to be taken in relation to speeches • We need to train critical stances • We must accompany persons on assignment • We must use metaphors and images • We must develop networks on site • We must prepare the partner for interculturalism • We must fight against the colonialists positions • We must analyse fundamentalisms and what they can teach us in a given context

51 Measuring and Conveying the Added Value of International Volunteering, Benjamin J. Lough & Lenore Mat- thews, IVCO Forum 2013 Discussion Paper, International Forum for Volunteering in Development. 52 Des volontaires pour la paix dans les Grands Lacs, Contribution prospective de l’« Initiative de Genève pour la paix dans les Grands Lacs », Eirene, 2005. 13

10. PLAN

A plan of the learning process on “ideological fundamentalisms as a challenge for ex- change of personnel in development cooperation” has been divided into four phases: a pilot phase of reflection aiming to stimulate and frame a reflection on the issue, a map- ping phase of events aimed at identifying the real challenges encountered in the field and relevant concrete cases, a study phase of these cases and finally a mutual learn- ing process for sharing lessons learned process.

10.1 Pilot phase of reflection, 2014 2013 a) Meeting at the RomeroHaus “Religion and December Development” 2014 b) Project kick-off meeting with Anne-Marie February Holenstein and Richard Friedli c) Draft Plan d) Setting foundations and objectives for the mu- tual learning process e) Understanding of the concept of fundamental- May ism-> document distribution to member organ- isations f) Exchanges on the recognition of the phenom- June/July ena with member organisations g) Forming a working group of 5 to 7 people h) Identification of the organisations members’ requirements i) Publication of a report on the reflections con- August ducted within Unité j) Collect and analyse the anecdotes within the October working group 2015 k) Exchanges with the SDC, the Human Security January Division, PPP and Comundo (Romero Haus) l) Finalisation of the core document June

10.2 The phenomena « Mapping » phase

a) Developing an awareness module b) Elaboration of questionnaires c) Survey of persons on assignment, coordination’s, heads of receiving NGOs and heads of sending NGOs July d) Mapping the experiences of the member organisations e) Identification of relevant cases to study as part of the September quality development 2016 February

10.3 Study of relevant cases

a) Definitions of terms of reference for the studies 14

b) On the ground researches c) Writing and submission of the reports

10.4 Mutual learning

a) Gatherings of lessons learned from different case studies b) Seminar on the results of the studies and self-assessments of member organisations with Southern partners c) Writing and submission of the reports d) Integration of mutual learning in quality man- agement instruments

11. IDEOLOGICAL FUNDAMENTALISMS DOCUMENTS

11.1. Examples – cases

- Apostolic Religion, Health and Utilization of Maternal and Child Health Services in Zimbabwe, Brian Maguranyanga, Collaborating Centre for Operational Research and Evaluation, UNICEF.

This study analyses the impact of the Apostolic groups on the effectiveness of care and health policies in Zimbabwe and offers recommendations

- De la théologie de la libération à la théologie de la prospérité, Louis Favreau, http://jupi- ter.uqo.ca/ries2001/carnet/spip.php?article70, 2 avril 2012.

This online article addresses the tension between the liberation theology and the prosperity theology and its repercussion on Canadian NGOs

- Wir brauchen Fürsprecher, Interview de Michael N. Kimindu, E+Z, Nr. 4 2014, 2014/04, p. 172.

A Kenyan chaplain addresses the context of the law against homosexuality in Uganda and the situation of his local NGOs defending human rights of sexual minorities and vis-à-vis the expectations of the North

- Für Fundamentalisten vertreten die großen Verbände einen Wischiwaschi-Islam, Interview de Franz Magnis-Suseno, Welt-sichten, Heft 4/2014.

A theologian and philosopher recalls the situation of Muslim fundamentalists in Indonesia and the relationships between Christians and Muslims.

- Aktuelles aus Nigeria: Eindrücke zur aktuellen Situation im Rahmen der Dienstreise vom 20.5.- 2.6.2013,Jochen Kirsch, Mission 21.

The report from Mission 21 on the situation in the North of Nigeria deals with the impact of the actions of Boko Haram on the activities of its local church partner.

- Gesundheit und religiöse Einflüsse: Apostolics in Simbabwe, Bericht, Medicus Mundi Schweiz Meeting Point, 8. Mai 2014

This is the report of a workshop at which Urs Allenspach of SolidarMed recounted his expe- rience as a physician in Zimbabwe and the challenge posed by the beliefs and conserva- tive Apostolic.

- Out of Africa, Sektenmitglieder schlagen Polizei in die Flucht, Ruedi Lüthy in Neue Zürcher Zei- tung, 28.07.2014.

This article reviews an incident in Zimbabwe and the influence of sects, including Apostolic.

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- Researcher: Human Rights Fundamentalism Disregards the Poor, Teija Laakso, News sur le site du ministère des affaires étrangères finlandais, 30.05.2012.

A Cambridge professor suggests a fundamentalism of human rights that would not take into account the local situation.

- Fondamentalismes chrétiens et droits de la femme dans le contexte africain : cartographie du ter- rain, Jessica Horn, awid.

This case study analyses the mobilization and advocacy strategies of Pentecostal and charismatic Christians fundamentalisms in sub-Saharan Africa, vis-à-vis particularly wom- en's rights. It also suggests strategies of resistance to these fundamentalisms

- What ISIS Really Wants, Graeme Wood, AP/The Atlantic, March 2015, http://www.theatlan- tic.com/features/archive/2015/02/what-isis-really-wants/384980/ (consulté le 19.02.2015

This article reviews the origins of the Islamic State and its interpretation of Islam. It context especially the speeches accusing it of being un-Islamic and suggests ways to counter it in the theological field

- Des volontaires pour la paix dans les Grands Lacs, Contribution prospective de l’« Initiative de Genève pour la paix dans les Grands Lacs », Eirene, 2005. 11.2. Concepts – definitions

- Fundamentalism: A Very Short Introduction, Malise Ruthven, Oxford University Press, 2007.

The first chapter of this book introduces fundamentalism in a direct journalistic style ap- proach, the perception of the phenomenon of fundamentalism today and the history of the term with examples

- Fundamentalism, Steve Bruce, Polity Press, 2008.

The first chapter of this book also reviews the origin of the term (p. 9) and the characteristics of the phenomenon of fundamentalisms (p.12). The second chapter examines the relation- ship between fundamentalism and modernization.

- Rethinking Fundamentalism in a secular age, R. Scott Appleby, dans Rethinking Secularism, Craig Calhoun, Mark Juergensmeyer, et Jonathan VanAntwerpen, Oxford University Press, 2011, p. 256.

This contribution to a book looks back at the findings of a major research project on funda- mentalism "the Fundamentalism Project" (TFP), particularly on the relationship between fun- damentalism and religion.

- The convergence of fundamentalisms and new political closures – What next in the struggle for pluralism?, Praful Bidwai, dans Development Dialogue n°52, what next, vol. 2, août 2009.

In this article, an Indian journalist discusses the emergence of fundamentalisms, including non-religious.

- Fundamentalism, R. Scott Appleby, Martin E. Marty, dans Foreign Policy, janvier-février 2002.

The leaders of a large project on Fundamentalism respond very briefly to "commonplace" on fundamentalism.

- Género y cultura: marcas de los fundamentalismos, Josefi na Hurtado Neira, Magdalena Valdivieso Ide, Con-spirando, Colección Nuevos Espacios, II / 2010.

- Competing Political Science Perspectives on the Religion in Conflict, Stein Sabina A, in Religion in Conflict Transformation, Politorbis N° 52, 2/ 2011

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This article discusses three theoretical perspectives used to conceptualise the relationship between religion and conflict: primordialism (clash of civilisations because the conflict), in- strumentalism (causes are material) and constructivism (causes are a construction between identity and factors materials).

- Fundamentalismus als patriarchalische Protestbewegung, Riesenbrodt Martin, J. C. B. Mohr, Tübingen, 1990.

- Les fondamentalismes, Mayer Jean-François, Georg Editeur, 2001.

- The Fundamentalist Mindset. Psychological Perspectives on Religion, Violence, and History, Charles B. Strozier, David M. Terman, James W. Jones, Katherine A. Boyd, Oxford University Press, 2010.

- Terrorism, Identity and Legitimacy, The Four Waves theory and political violence, edited by Jean E. Rosenfeld, Routledge, Abingdon, 2011.

- Understanding Terrorism and Political Violence, The life cycle of birth, growth, transformation, and demise. Dipak K. Gupta, Routledge, Abingdon, 2008.

11.3. Instruments - methods

- Manual: 3 steps for working in fragile and Conflict-affected situations (wfcs), Esther Marthaler Si- donia Gabriel, Helvetas, 2013.

- Leitfaden für die praxisrelevante Reflexion der Rolle religiöser und kultureller Faktoren in Projekten der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, Brot für alle, DRAFT, 2014.

- Anhang zum Leitfaden für die praxisrelevante Integration von Religion und Kultur (R&K) in die Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, Brot für alle, DRAFT, 2014.

- Field guide: 3 steps for working in fragile and Conflict-affected situations (wfcs), Esther Marthaler Sidonia Gabriel, Helvetas, 2013.

- Fact Sheet Conflict Sensitivity, KOFF, 2012.

- Conflict Sensitivity Assessment: Methodology Note, KOFF, 2014.

- Guide pour une réflexion pratique sur le rôle des facteurs religieux et culturels dans les projets de coopération au développement, Pain pour le prochain, DRAFT, 2014.

- Développement et religion, Rapport final, Suites pratiques, méthodes et instruments, Anne-Marie Holenstein, DDC, 2009.

- Entwicklung und Religion. Schlussdokument. Folgerungen für die Praxis. Methoden und Instru- mente, Anne-Marie Holenstein, DEZA, 2009.

- Practitioner’s Guide: Do No Harm, GTZ-FRCS Project Team.

- Understanding Religious Fundamentalisms for Activists, Association for Women’s Rights in De- velop-ment (AWID), 2014

- Religion in Conflict Transformation, Politorbis N° 52, 2/ 2011

- Bringing Inter-communal Cooperation and Religious Voices into Humanitarian and Development Policy, Katherine Marshall, United Nations Alliance of Civilizations, Working Paper, November 2011.

- The “Do No Harm” Framework for Analysing the Impact of Assistance on Conflict: A Handbook, Do No Harm Project (Local Capacities for Peace Project), Collaborative for Development Action, April 2004.

11.4 Risks and potential of the exchange of personnel cooperation and worldviews

- Mediators, not combatants, Markus A. Weingardt, dans D+C, 10.10.2007.

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- Rôle et signification de la religion et de la Spiritualité dans la coopération au développement, Do- cument de réflexion et de travail, Anne-Marie Holenstein, DDC, 2005.

- Rolle und Bedeutung von Religion und Spiritualität in der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, Ein Refle- xions- und Arbeitspapier, Anne-Marie Holenstein, DEZA, 2005.

- Religious Violence: The Strong, the Weak, and the Pathological, R. Scott Appleby, dans Practical Matters, Spring 2012, Issue 5, pp. 1-25.

- „Religion und Entwicklung“ – Wie weiter?, Joseph Estermann, RomeroHaus, Bethlehem Mission Immensee, août 2014.

- The Myth of Religious Violence, Secular Ideology and the Roots of Modern Conflict, William T. Cavanaugh, Oxford University Press, 2009.

- Religion und Politik - eine brisante Mischung, Afrika Bulletin, Nr 157, Feb./ März 2015.

- Religion, Politics, Conflict and Humanitarian Action Faith-Based Organisations as Political, Human- itarian or Religious Actors, Proceedings of the workshop, The Graduate Institute, Geneva, May 18– 19 2005.

- Measuring and Conveying the Added Value of International Volunteering, Benjamin J. Lough & Lenore Mat-thews, IVCO Forum 2013 Discussion Paper, International Forum for Volunteering in De- velopment.

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